Who's A Rat - Largest Online Database of Informants and Agents
HomeMembers LoginLatest NewsRefer A LawyerMessage BoardOnline StoreAffiliatesAbout UsContact Us
Who's A Rat - Largest Online Database of Informants and Agents Worldwide!
Site Navigation
Visit Our Store
Refer A Lawyer
Affiliates
Link To Us
Latest News
Top Secret Documents
Make A Donation
Important Case Law
Members Login
Feedback
Message Board
Legal Information
Advertise your AD, Book or Movie

Informants and Agents?Who's a Rat Message Board

WhosaRat.com
Sign up Calendar
 
 
 


Note: This topic is locked. No new replies will be accepted.


Reply
  Author   Comment   Page 1 of 8      1   2   3   4   Next   »
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #1 
FBI brawl costs Bears duo $50,000
Lineman broke jaw of teammate
Dec. 10, 2005. The heavyweight punch-up between Bears offensive linemen Olin Kreutz and Fred Miller at an FBI shooting range in Chicago will cost them $50,000 each. After a barbecue and drinks at at the range, roughhousing between Miller and Kreutz escalated to a full-blown brawl.It ended when Miller hit Kreutz in the head with a five-pound weight, breaking his jaw and opening a cut that required 13 stitches. The FBI is still investigating the incident at the FBI facility, which is off-limits to civilians.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #2 
12/10/2005

Marshals arrest former FBI agent in Connecticut for jumping bail


CHARLESTOWN, R.I. U-S Marshals catch a former F-B-I agent in Connecticut after he violates bail in Rhode Island.

Charles Wayant, a supervising deputy with the U-S Marshals in Rhode Island, says they arrested Gary John at an apartment complex in Stratford, Connecticut, Thursday after a two-month search. John, who lived in Charlestown, is charged with violating his bail and several court orders barring him from contact with his ex-wife. He worked for the F-B-I for 29 years but has been in and out of jail since separating from his ex-wife in 2001. Wayant says the marshals pursued the 57-year-old surveillance specialist at his probation officer's request. He says John made unspecified threats that were taken very seriously.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #3 

email this    print this   
Posted on Sat, Dec. 10, 2005
Saudi Arabian Embassy, Phase 2


ACLU calls out FBI over tactic


The (Colorado Springs) Gazette

COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo. — The names and license plate numbers of about 30 protesters were put into FBI domestic-terrorism files, the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation of Colorado says.

The Denver-based ACLU obtained federal documents on a 2002 Colorado Springs protest and a 2003 anti-war rally under the Freedom of Information Act.

Mark Silverstein, the ACLU’s legal director, said the documents showed that the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force wasted resources generating files on “nonviolent protest.”

“This kind of surveillance of First Amendment activities has serious consequences,” he said. “Law-abiding Americans may be reluctant to speak out when doing so means that their names will wind up in an FBI file.”

FBI Special Agent Monique Kelso, spokeswoman for the agency in Colorado, disputed the allegation that the task force wasted resources gathering information on protesters.

“We do not open cases or monitor cases just based purely on protests,” she said. “It’s our job to protect American civil rights. We don’t surveil cases just to do that. We have credible information.”

The documents cover the June 2002 protest of the North American Wholesale Lumber Association convention and an anti-war protest in February 2003, the ACLU said.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #4 
FBI  agents illegally donate US equipment


FBI donates $1m to Beirut forensics

Web posted at: 12/10/2005 2:13:39
Source ::: Reuters
                               

BEIRUT: The United States donated more than $1m worth of forensics equipment and training to Lebanese police on Thursday during the first-ever visit to the country by a Federal Bureau of Investigation chief.                                                

“As a symbol of cooperation and investment in Lebanon’s future, the FBI is donating over $1m in equipment to the Lebanese government’s forensics labs, and will also provide technical training for criminal forensic investigations,” said a statement from the US embassy in Beirut.                                                

The announcement came as FBI head Robert Mueller met in Beirut with Interior Minister Hassan Sabeh, Justice Minister Charles Rizk and chief of Internal Security Forces Ashraf Rifi. The goal of the trip was for “Mueller to learn about Lebanese government efforts to improve their criminal investigation capabilities,” after numerous politicians and anti-Syrian figures were killed this year by unknown assailants.                                                

However, the move drew condemnation from Hezbollah. “It is not enough for FBI teams to carry out missions in Lebanon. The FBI director came in person in a move loaded with provocation,” said an anchor on the Hezbollah television channel Al Ma
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #5 

Newspaper appeal rejected for internal FBI documents

NEW HAVEN, Conn. --A federal appeals court denied a newspaper's seven-year-old request Tuesday for internal Justice Department documents regarding FBI agents who made false statements on sworn affidavits.


The Journal Inquirer of Manchester sued the FBI and Justice Department in 2002 after four years of Freedom of Information Act requests were denied.

After the lawsuit, the FBI released more than 400 pages of documents showing that four fugitive task force members were disciplined for swearing to misstatements in 1994 and 1996.

The newspaper continued its lawsuit, seeking a copy of a Justice Department memo recommending whether to charge the agents. The agents were never prosecuted and on Tuesday the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals found that the memo was for internal use and should remain secret.

"Why weren't they prosecuted? I don't necessarily disagree with the decision but I'd like to know why," reporter Alex Wood said Wednesday after reading the decision. "The public's not going to find that out."

The internal FBI investigation found that agents swore to assumptions and opinions and, in one case, attributed information to a fugitive's family when it really came thirdhand from a police department, the newspaper reported.

The FBI has said there were no intentional misrepresentations in the affidavits and said procedural problems that allowed the mistakes to happen have been fixed.

The court decision effectively settles the matter, as Wood said he doesn't expect a Supreme Court appeal.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #6 
                AP Connecticut                
       
FBI refuses to make agents available to Puerto Rican authorities probing death of nationalist leader, official says

                       
               
                               
        By RAMARIS ALBERT
                        Associated Press Writer
               
        December 7, 2005, 6:46 PM EST

SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico -- The FBI has turned over firearms and other items but hasn't allowed local authorities to question agents involved in a shootout that killed a Puerto Rican independence activist, the island's justice secretary said Wednesday.

Roberto Sanchez said his office has received eight assault rifles, several bullet-resistant vests, helmets and photographs needed for his investigation into the Sept. 23 shooting of Filiberto Ojeda Rios, who was wanted for an armored truck depot robbery in Connecticut.

       

advertisement





advertisement

Sanchez said the items provided "a better idea" of what happened when agents swarmed the fugitive's remote farmhouse to apprehend him, but noted that his office still wants to question FBI agents involved in the raid and review FBI documents related to the case.

Sanchez said his office also wants to question Ojeda's widow, Elma Beatriz Rosado, who escaped from the farmhouse unharmed.

"It's very important to have both the testimony of the FBI agents and Mrs. Rosado," Sanchez said, adding that he would only consider seeking legal action to obtain the testimonies "as a last resort."

The FBI's office in San Juan didn't immediately return calls seeking comment Wednesday.

FBI agents shot the 72-year-old Ojeda during a raid to arrest him for the 1983 robbery of $7.2 million from a Wells Fargo armored truck depot in West Hartford, Conn.

Rosado has accused the FBI of firing first on Ojeda Rios _ a charge the U.S. agency has denied.

Ojeda's death has been widely condemned in the U.S. Caribbean territory of 4 million, where some viewed him as a hero to the independence movement.

Critics have assailed the FBI's handling of the operation, especially for waiting almost 24 hours before entering the farmhouse while Ojeda lay wounded. An autopsy showed that Ojeda, who was shot once in the shoulder, might have survived if he had received immediate medical care.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #7 
The FBI’s police-state program

December 9, 2005 | Page 3

SINCE THE passage of the USA PATRIOT Act following September 11 attacks, the Bush administration has dismissed the concerns of civil liberties advocates that the law gives the government unprecedented to snoop into everything from library records to phone conversations and more.

According to the administration, the law is necessary to detect “terrorists” operating on U.S. soil. But last month, the Washington Post revealed that the FBI has been routinely seeking private information under the PATRIOT Act with little or no justification.

According to the Post, the FBI now issues more than 30,000 “national security letters” (NSLs) each year--up from a few hundred a year before the PATRIOT Act.

The letters were created in the 1970s to allow the FBI to get around consumer privacy protections in instances of so-called espionage and terrorism cases. But under the PATRIOT Act, the Bush administration has used NSLs on a massive scale for routine searches into the records of many people who aren’t accused of being terrorists or spies.

Telephones records, correspondence, financial records, even records of what people read online at a public library--all are fair game for the Feds under the PATRIOT Act. The FBI simply has to claim that the records are “sought for” or “relevant to” an investigation “to protect against international terrorism or clandestine intelligence activities.”

And the invasion of privacy doesn’t stop there. In the past, information collected as part of these investigations was supposed to be kept confidential--and files on innocent people and companies had to be destroyed once an inquiry was finished. But in 2003, Bush signed an executive order allowing “state, local and tribal” governments, as well as unspecified “appropriate private-sector entities,” access to the information collected by the Feds--which is now deposited into government data banks.

Joseph Billy Jr., the FBI's deputy assistant director for counterterrorism, recently told the Post that innocent Americans “should take comfort at least knowing that it is done under a great deal of investigative care, oversight, within the parameters of the law.” But that’s simply not true when it comes to the PATRIOT Act, according to recent reports.

In late October, records turned over as part of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed by the Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) revealed that the FBI had conducted secret surveillance on some U.S. residents for as long as 18 months at a time without proper paperwork or oversight. In other cases, agents obtained e-mails after a warrant expired, improperly seized bank records and, in at least one case, conducted an improper “unconsented physical search.”

The FBI says these cases are minor “administrative” errors. But the documents reveal a minimum of 287 potential violations over a span of three years--and the real number is likely much higher.

“We’re seeing what might be the tip of the iceberg at the FBI and across the intelligence community,” said EPIC’s general counsel Dave Sobel. “It indicates that the existing mechanisms do not appear adequate to prevent abuses or to ensure the public that abuses that are identified are treated seriously and remedied.”

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #8 

Security & Terrorism

                       

FBI report will add to whistleblower calls

WASHINGTON, Dec. 4 (UPI) -- News that the FBI retaliated against another whistleblower will likely increase pressure for more legislative protection for U.S. national security employees.

A draft report from the Justice Department's Office of the Inspector General says a bureau manager punished an undercover agent for reporting flaws in a terrorism investigation and that records were doctored to cover up the mistakes he had revealed in the case.

Investigators discovered that white correcting fluid had been used to change the dates on three documents to hide an apparent violation of federal wiretap law, the New York Times reported Sunday.

The veteran undercover agent who first alerted bureau management to problems in the case, Mike German, was punished by his boss, the report found, who stopped using him for prestigious training assignments.

German is to testify before a House hearing on whistleblower protection next month.

German's vindication -- the latest in a string of cases that have embarrassed the FBI -- comes hard on the heels of the refusal by the Supreme Court to hear an appeal on behalf of Sibel Edmonds, another former bureau employee who the inspector general determined had been fired for complaining about security lapses.

A whistleblower protection bill sponsored by House Committee on Government Reform Chairman Rep. Tom Davis, R-Va. has languished since coming under fire for exempting homeland and national security employees too broadly from its protections.

Defenders say that the bill now has a new, more narrowly drafted extension, but Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn., chairman of the Government Reform subcommittee on national security, is continuing his inquiries into the protections currently afforded whistleblowers in this area, and those that might be needed.

In addition to German, Shays' hearing next month will hear from non-profits that lobby on whistleblowers' behalf and the inspectors general from the departments of justice, energy and homeland security.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #9 
FBI's Use of National Security Letters Causes Controversy
Dec 5, 2005, 06:23 PM
Keith Lourdeau, FBI
Keith Lourdeau, FBI
Fran Quigley, ICLU
Fran Quigley, ICLU

By Doug Garrison
24-Hour News 8

Controversy is building over the FBI's increasing use of an investigative tool that's been around for a long time, but few people know about.

The FBI uses the National Security Letter in terrorism investigations to gather information about citizens who are not the subject of an investigation.

As the FBI's chief legal counsel for over a dozen years, I oversaw the preparation of hundreds of National Security Letters, or “NSL’s.” They were very helpful in focusing FBI investigations.

National Security Letters are requests to financial institutions, internet service providers, credit reporting agencies and telephone companies to provide information about individuals whose names have come up in the course of a terrorism investigation. For example, agents might examine the phone records of an individual who was called frequently by the subject of an investigation to see if there is any connection to potential terrorist activity.
 
“We try to find out what the connection is, and association is among those people,” said Keith Lourdeau, FBI special agent in charge, Indianapolis. If there’s no connection that is worrisome, Lourdeau says “it stops right there.”

Contrary to popular misconceptions, an NSL does not authorize the FBI to listen to people's telephone conversations or read the content of their emails. But they are issued in secret, and the recipients are told not to disclose the fact that they received an NSL.

“National Security Letters are done in secret. There's a gag order on the folks who are the recipients of National Security Letters. Folks who are the target of National Security Letters never get to know about them being issued and that leads to a whole lot of concern and suspicion,” said Fran Quigley, executive director of the Indiana Civil Liberties Union.

While recognizing the NSL is a legitimate law enforcement tool, Quigley says that they go too far in infringing citizens’ liberties.

“At the same time we have a counterbalancing goal, which is we all have a right to privacy. And sometimes they come into conflict, and sometimes that limits law enforcement's ability to investigate absolutely any private information that they want,” said Quigley.

Quigley says privacy advocates realize that personal information about innocent people may end up in the hands of the FBI because they have to cast a wide net to investigate potential terrorist threats, but “it's when the net gets cast very broadly, it's when this is done in secrecy, it's when it's done in high volume, and in cases that aren't necessarily too well connected to the terrorism concerns that caused the Patriot Act to be passed, that's when we have a concern.”

Lourdeau says the American people expect the FBI to be vigilant. “We don't want to leave any stone unturned. I think the American people want us to do as much as we can to determine if there is a terrorist attack going to happen or not and to prevent that attack,” said Lourdeau.

Congress is now considering whether to expand or restrict the FBI's ability to use this controversial tool.

 

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #10 
FBI Has a Magic Lantern
To light the path to suspects' computers        
                                                               
                 Join the Discussion                
        Anti Carnivore:
"Carnivore is just another invention of 'Big Brother' to control our lives."
WICCANWOLF
Click to Read/Reply

Pro Carnivore:
"The conspiracy theorists have yet another morsel to sate their paranoid appetites of future destruction. ... I feel this is yet another attack on a tool that can help stop the misuse of our free communication systems by those who are out to kill our nation's freedoms and our children. Period."
ELS358
Click to Read/Reply

                 

                                                               
                  Related Resources
                •                 Congress Clamps Down on Carnivore

                • Carnivore No Threat to Privacy Says FBI

        • House Votes to Slap Special Oversight on FBI

        • From the Files of the FBI

               
                                                               
         From Other Guides        
                • Carnivore, Altivore, Echelon

        • Carnivore Resources

Carnivore Keeps Its Secrets 

Say 'Cheese'
         
                                                                               
         Elsewhere on the Web        
        • FBI Defends Carnivore

        • FBI Details on Carnivore

        • Stop Carnivore.org
         
       
About Poll
Are systems like Magic Lantern and Carnivore necessary tools for preventing crime and terrorism or simple invasions of personal privacy?
Necessary Tools
Invasions of Privacy
Not sure
Current Results

Calling it a just "workbench project," that could not be further commented on, the FBI has confirmed the existence of its latest Internet-eavesdropping, controversy-raising snooping device exotically code-named "Magic Lantern."

Magic Lantern is software that, once installed on the suspect's computer, will record every keystroke typed. The gathered keystrokes will then be analyzed by the FBI to extract passwords. The harvested passwords will be used by the FBI to access the suspect's email messages and other encrypted documents, or to gain access to other computers contacted by the suspect via the Internet.

While the FBI has long acknowledged using its controversial Carnivore system to intercept data transmitted to and from a suspect's computer over the Internet, Magic Lantern differs substantially in design and, as civil liberty advocates will argue, its level of intrusion on personal privacy.

Carnivore is installed between the suspect's PC and the Internet, typically on hardware under the control of the suspect's Internet service provider. Magic Lantern, however, is installed directly on the suspects computer via a Trojan horse virus delivered over the Internet. Identity-stealing hackers have recently been sending similar viruses to computer users around the world via disguised email attachments hoping to gather passwords, user names, bank account and credit card numbers, and similar personal information.

When asked if use of Magic Lantern would require a court order, as does Carnivore, FBI spokesman Paul Bresson told reporters only that, "Like all technology projects or tools deployed by the FBI it would be used pursuant to the appropriate legal process."

Since Magic Lantern is essentially "just another virus," anti-virus software can be written to defeat it. According to a Reuters report of December 12, the FBI has not asked anti-virus software vendors to refrain from creating anti-Magic Lantern software. Most vendors, however, have stated they would not cooperate with the FBI unless ordered to do so by the courts.

Civil liberty groups argue that use of an Internet snooper systems like Carnivore and Magic Lantern represents an unreasonable search and seizure according to the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution. 

The FBI claims authority to intercept telephone and Internet communications under Title III of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 and parts of the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986, or "ECPA". 

According to the Department of Justice, interception of Internet data requires a much higher level of judicial approval than traditional searches.

"Unlike typical search warrants, federal magistrates are not authorized to approve such applications and orders, instead, the applications are viewed by federal district court judges. Further, interception of communications is limited to certain specified federal felony offenses." -- Testimony of FBI Assistant Director Donald M. Kerr before the House Judiciary Committee - July 24, 2000.

Congress, however, had concerns about possible misuse or overuse of Internet snooping systems in August, when lawmakers required the FBI to provide them with detailed reports on the Agency's actual use of Carnivore. [Congress Clamps Down on Carnivore]

Of course, that action came before Sept. 11, 2001. Given the importance of the war on terrorism and the fact that terrorist groups are known to formulate plans, raise funds and spread propaganda over the Internet, do not look for Congress to clip the wick of the Magic Lantern.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #11 

    At FBI, Frustration Over Limits on an Antiterror Law
    By Eric Lichtblau
    The New York Times

    Sunday 11 December 2005

"While radical militant librarians kick us around, true terrorists benefit from Office of Intelligence Policy and Review's failure to let us use the tools given to us"

    Washington - Some agents at the Federal Bureau of Investigation have been frustrated by what they see as the Justice Department's reluctance to let them demand records and to use other far-ranging investigative measures in terrorism cases, newly disclosed e-mail messages and internal documents show.

    Publicly, the debate over the law known as the USA Patriot Act has focused on concerns from civil rights advocates that the F.B.I. has gained too much power to use expanded investigative tools to go on what could amount to fishing expeditions.

    But the newly disclosed e-mail messages offer a competing view, showing that, privately, some F.B.I. agents have felt hamstrung by their inability to get approval for using new powers under the Patriot Act, which was passed weeks after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

    One internal F.B.I. message, sent in October 2003, criticized the Office of Intelligence Policy and Review at the Justice Department, which reviews and approves terrorist warrants, as regularly blocking requests from the F.B.I. to use a section of the antiterrorism law that gave the bureau broader authority to demand records from institutions like banks, Internet providers and libraries.

    "While radical militant librarians kick us around, true terrorists benefit from OIPR's failure to let us use the tools given to us," read the e-mail message, which was sent by an unidentified F.B.I. official. "This should be an OIPR priority!!!"

    The bureau turned the e-mail messages over to the Electronic Privacy Information Center as part of a lawsuit brought by the group under the Freedom of Information Act, seeking material on the F.B.I.'s use of anti-terrorism powers. The group provided the material to The New York Times.

    Congress is expected to vote early next week on a final plan for reauthorizing virtually all main parts of the law, including the F.B.I.'s broader power to demand records. President Bush, who has made renewal of the measure one of his top priorities, pushed again Saturday for Congress to act quickly.

    "Since its passage after the attacks of September the 11, 2001, the Patriot Act has proved essential to fighting the war on terror and preventing our enemies from striking America again," Mr. Bush said in his radio address on Saturday.

    While some Republicans and Democrats have attacked a brokered agreement reached Thursday because they said it does not go far enough in protecting civil liberties, the president hailed the agreement.

    "Now Congress needs to finish the job," he said. "Both the Senate and the House need to hold a prompt vote, and send me a bill renewing the Patriot Act so I can sign it into law."

    As part of the lawsuit brought by the Electronic Privacy Information Center, a federal court has ordered the F.B.I. to turn over 1,500 pages of material to the privacy information group every two weeks.

    An earlier collection of F.B.I. documents, released by the group in October, showed numerous violations of internal procedure and sometimes federal law by the bureau in its handling of surveillance and investigative matters. In some cases, for instance, agents had extended surveillance operations and investigations for months without getting required approval from supervisors.

    In the most recent batch of material, an F.B.I. memorandum sent in March 2004 said the process for getting the Justice Department to improve demands for business records would be "greatly improved" because of a change in procedure allowing the bureau to "bypass" the department's intelligence office, which normally reviews all such requests.

    But officials at the Justice Department and the F.B.I. said they were unaware of any such change in procedure and that all bureau requests for business record were still reviewed and approved by the Justice Department.

    A separate e-mail message, sent in May 2004 with the subject header "Miracles," mockingly celebrated the fact that the Justice Department had approved an F.B.I. request for records under the so-called library provision.

    "We got our first business record order signed today!" the message said. "It only took two and a half years."

    In its latest public accounting of its use of the library provision, which falls under Section 215 of the antiterrorism law, the Justice Department said in April that it had used the law 35 times since late 2003 to gain access to information on apartment leasing, driver's licenses, financial records and other data in intelligence investigations.

    But the department has said that it had never used the provision to demand records from libraries or bookstores or to get information related to medical or gun records, areas that have prompted privacy concerns and protests from civil rights advocates, conservative libertarians and other critics of the law.

    Michael Kortan, a spokesman for the F.B.I., said the frustrations expressed in the internal e-mail messages "are considered personal opinions in what employees believed to be private e-mails not intended for large, public dissemination."

    Mr. Kortan added that "the frustration evident in these messages demonstrates that no matter how difficult or time-consuming the process, F.B.I. special agents are held to a very high standard in complying with the necessary procedures currently in place to protect civil liberties and constitutional rights when using the legal tools appropriate for national security investigations."

    A senior official at the Justice Department, who was granted anonymity because many aspects of the antiterrorism law's use are classified, echoed that theme. "For all the hand-wringing over potential abuses of the Patriot Act, what these e-mails show is that it's still fairly difficult to use these tools."

    But Marcia Hofmann, who leads the electronic privacy center's government section, said the e-mail messages "raise a lot of unanswered questions" about the F.B.I.'s use of Patriot Act powers and its relations with the Justice Department. Without fuller answers, Ms. Hofmann said, a reauthorization of the law by Congress "would seem premature.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #12 
       

Woman accused of taking papers from FBI lover makes plea deal
By Associated Press
Friday, December 16, 2005 - Updated: 05:30 PM EST

[E-mail article to a friend] E-mail article                 [View text Version] View text version                 [View Most Popular] View most popular
LOS ANGELES - A former FBI informant once suspected of being a Chinese double agent has agreed to plead guilty to lying to federal agents and to a tax charge, U.S. law enforcement officials said Friday.
Katrina Leung, a wealthy socialite from San Marino, Calif., was expected to enter a plea Friday in U.S. District Court in Los Angeles. She would serve no jail time under an agreement reached with federal prosecutors, one official told The Associated Press in Washington, D.C.
The officials spoke on condition of anonymity.
Leung’s lawyers, Janet Levine and John Vandevelde, confirmed there was an agreement but declined to specify the terms.
“There is an agreement that will resolve the case, that will finally and forever dismiss all charges that question her loyalty to this country and will settle all tax matters,” the attorneys said in a statement.
They added, “She looks forward to resuming her life and putting this horrible nightmare behind her.”
In January, U.S. District Judge Florence Marie Cooper dismissed all charges against Leung, rebuking federal prosecutors for deliberate misconduct in the case. However, the government was considering appealing Cooper’s action.
Leung’s lover, FBI agent James J. Smith, pleaded guilty to making false statements last year. Prosecutors in that case say Leung took classified documents from Smith’s briefcase.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #13 
September 2, 2005
THE NATION
FBI Abandons Controversial Bullet-Matching Technique
By Charles Piller, Times Staff Writer

The FBI said Thursday that it had discontinued the use of bullet-lead matching, a forensic technique used for at least 25 years that had been heavily criticized as inaccurate and misleading.

The bureau suspended its use in 2004 after a report by the National Research Council found the technique could be "seriously misleading" and "objectionable."

The council's finding called into question FBI testimony in hundreds of cases involving murder and other serious crimes.

"It's a victory for good sense and good science over the kind of nonsense the FBI was representing in court," said William C. Thompson, a professor of law and criminology at UC Irvine.

The FBI said it would alert about 300 courts and prosecutors that since 1996 had received bullet-lead laboratory reports indicating positive results.

"These agencies may take whatever steps they deem appropriate, if any, given the facts of their particular case," said an FBI statement released Thursday.

Overall, the bureau estimated it had conducted 2,500 bullet-lead examinations for federal, state, local and foreign cases since the early 1980s.

In bullet-lead analysis, crime-scene bullets are tested for trace elements, such as antimony, silver and tin. Examiners then compared those elements to levels found in bullets in a suspect's possession.

FBI examiners had testified that crime-scene bullets could be linked to bullets found in a box owned by a suspect. The method was often used when no gun was found, making it impossible to identify a bullet by matching rifling marks left by a gun's barrel.

FBI Laboratory Director Dwight E. Adams said the agency, after conducting its own evaluation over the last 14 months, concluded that the manufacturing and distribution of bullets was too variable to make the matching reliable.

"It wasn't possible to obtain accurate, easily understandable probability estimates like it is with other methods, such as DNA," Adams said.

Nonetheless, he said, "we stand by the results of the reports we have already issued."

FBI testimony had sometimes gone beyond the lab reports, and juries had often accepted such testimony as important in criminal cases.

A Times investigation published in 2003 suggested the FBI might have exaggerated the scientific validity of bullet-lead matching.

In one case, that of Michael Behn, a New Jersey man convicted of murder in 1997, an FBI examiner testified that bullets collected from the victim's body matched those in Behn's home. In Behn's case, Adams blamed the prosecutor, who "overstated the evidence," he said.

Behn challenged the bullet-lead evidence on appeal. His conviction was overturned in March, and he was granted a new trial. His case is pending.

Thompson said the FBI should be more aggressive in making sure wrongful convictions due to faulty bullet-lead evidence were overturned.

"If the FBI is serious about correcting the problems, they should make the list of cases known to organizations such as the National Assn. of Criminal Defense Lawyers that might be able to provide assistance to incarcerated individuals," he said.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #14 

FBI's deadline to provide records tossed
On prisoner's death: A judge will consider reversing his earlier order
By Pamela Manson
The Salt Lake Tribune

A federal judge in Utah has thrown out a Wednesday deadline for the FBI to find records connected to the death of a prison inmate.
U.S. District Judge Dale Kimball granted a temporary stay while he considers the agency's request that he reverse his order requiring production of unedited copies of the documents. However, he ordered the FBI to deliver records as it finds them if there is no allegedly confidential material in the papers.
Kimball ruled May 5 that the FBI had failed to make a good-faith effort to locate records requested by the prisoner's brother, Salt Lake City lawyer Jesse Trentadue. At that time, he gave the agency until June 15 to complete another search.
Trentadue is seeking records connected to the investigation of the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, which he believes hold clues to what happened to his brother.
Kenneth Trentadue, who had served time for bank robbery, was being held on an alleged parole violation in a federal prison in Oklahoma City when guards found him dead Aug. 21, 1995, hanging from a noose made of torn bedsheets. Investigators say he committed suicide.
However, Jesse Trentadue says the FBI mistakenly suspected his brother was part of a gang that robbed banks to fund attacks on the government, and alleges authorities killed him when things got out of hand during an interrogation.
After insisting for a year that it was unable to find the records requested by Trentadue, the FBI acknowledged it had found about 340 documents that could apply to the case. However, agency officials asked Kimball to pare back his order and extend the deadline, saying they need more time to review 6 million pages of information that potentially could fall under a Freedom of Information Act request filed by Trentadue.
In addition, the section chief of the FBI's records division said that most of the located records were duplicates and only 17 documents were responsive to the FOIA request.
The judge issued the extension last week so he can consider both the FBI motion to reverse the order to produce records and a request by Trentadue to find the agency in contempt of court for allegedly misrepresenting its ability to do a computerized search for the documents.
pmanson@sltrib.com

FBI, the Torture and Murder of Kenneth Trentadue and Advanced Knowledge of the Oklahoma City Bombing
Uncovering a DOJ Coverup

By PAUL CRAIG ROBERTS

In 1995 Kenneth Trentadue was murdered by federal agents in a federal prison in Oklahoma City. A coverup immediately went into effect. Federal authorities claimed Trentadue, who was being held in a suicide-proof cell, had committed suicide by hanging himself, but the state coroner would not buy the story.

Prison authorities tried to get family consent to cremate the body. But Trentadue had been picked up on a minor parole violation, and the story of suicide by a happily married man delighted with his two-month old son raised red flags to the family.

When the Trentadue family received Kenneth's body and heavy makeup was scraped away, the evidence (available in photos on the Internet) clearly shows a person who had been tortured and beaten. His throat was slashed and he may have been garroted. There are bruises, burns and cuts from the soles of Trentadue's feet to his head, wounds that obviously were not self-inflicted.

As the state coroner noted at the time, every investigative rule was broken by the federal prison. The coroner was not allowed into the cell, and the cell was scrubbed down prior to investigation.

The federal coverup was completely transparent. A US senator made inquiries, but the US Department of Justice (sic), knowing that it would not be held accountable, stuck to its fabricated story.

That was a mistake.

Trentadue's brother, Jesse, is an attorney. He believes that federal officials, like everyone else, must be held accountable for their crimes.

He has been battling the Justice Department and the FBI for a decade.

Jesse Trentadue has amassed evidence that his brother was mistaken for Tim McVeigh's alleged accomplice in the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City. Federal agents, believing that they had Richard Lee Guthrie in their hands, went too far in attempting to force him to talk.

Jesse Trentadue learned that the FBI had informants planted with two groups on which McVeigh may have relied: a white supremacist paramilitary training compound at Elohim City and the Mid-West Bank Robbery Gang. The implication is that the FBI had advance notice of McVeigh's plans and may have been conducting a sting operation that went awry.

The FBI has documents that name the informants. Teletypes from then FBI director Louis Freeh dated January 4, 1996, and August 23, 1996, confirm that the FBI had informants imbedded with the Mid-West Bank Robbery Gang and in Elohim City. In these documents, Freeh reports to various FBI field offices that the Elohim City informant (possibly explosives expert and German national Andreas Carl Strassmeir) "allegedly has had a lengthy relationship with Timothy McVeigh" and "that McVeigh had placed a telephone call to Elohim City on 4/5/95, a day that he was believed to have been attempting to recruit a second conspirator to assist in the OKBOMB attack."

The FBI denied to federal judge Dale Kimball that any such documents existed. But someone had leaked the teletypes to Trentadue, and he put them before the judge along with an affidavit of their genuineness. Caught red-handed lying to a federal judge, the FBI was ordered to produce all documents Trentadue demanded. Judge Kimball gave the FBI until June 15, 2005, to deliver the incriminating records. Needless to say, the FBI doesn't want to deliver and is attempting every possible dodge to escape obeying the judge's order.

In his effort to uncover the DOJ's coverup of his brother's murder, Jesse Trentadue may have uncovered evidence of the FBI's failure to prevent the bombing of the Murrah Building. It is bad enough that the murder of Kenneth Trentadue is covered over with many layers of DOJ perjury and the withholding and destruction of evidence.

Evidence that the FBI was aware of McVeigh's plan to bomb the Murrah Building and failed to prevent the deed would be an additional heavy blow to the prestige of federal law enforcement.

Paul Craig Roberts has held a number of academic appointments and has contributed to numerous scholarly publications. He served as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury in the Reagan administration. His graduate economics education was at the University of Virginia, the University of California at Berkeley, and Oxford University. He is coauthor of The Tyranny of Good Intentions.He can be reached at: paulcraigroberts@yahoo.com
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #15 

EX-FBI AGENT JOHN LANDS IN JAIL - AGAIN
By Ryan McBride - The Sun Staff

WAKEFIELD - A former FBI agent from Westerly has returned to prison after a series of recent arrests for violating a court order to stay away from his ex-wife.

Gary L. John's latest troubles with law enforcement began last Thursday at the McGrath Judicial Complex in Wakefield, where police believe he spoke to his ex-wife, said state police Maj. Steven G. O'Donnell.

After the ex-wife filed a complaint with Rhode Island State Police, Charlestown police reportedly arrested John later that day at the General Stanton Inn and turned him over to state troopers.

John, 56, of 110 Post Road, was charged with counts of violating no-contact and protective orders. He pleaded not guilty to the charges in Fourth Division District Court, and was released on $10,000 personal recognizance. State police drafted another order for John to have no communication with his ex-wife, according to court records.

Authorities allege that it took John less than four days to violate the new court order, according to court records.

Charlestown Police Chief Thomas Sharkey said his department received a complaint on Sunday from the ex-wife - a Charlestown resident - who said John had called her home. Officers investigated the complaint at her home, tracing the call back to John's cell phone using the *-69 function on her telephone to detect the last caller.

Later that day, Charlestown police arrested John at a laundramat on Old Post Road for the alleged violation, Sharkey said.

"We've had frequent contact with him," the chief said, "He's never been violent ... He just continues to violate court orders."

John was arraigned on the Charlestown police charge Monday in district court, where he was unable to post $2,000 bail with surety ($200 cash). He was therefore sent to the Adult Correctional Institutions in Cranston.

Kelly Fracassa, the Westerly attorney who has represented John in the past, was unavailable for comment, his secretary said.

John, who retired from the FBI's Boston field office in 2001, has been in and out of jail during the last few years for violating no-contact orders with his ex-wife, according to court records.

John was imprisoned and released in December for allegedly calling his ex-wife and leaving a bottle of wine on her back porch in November, state prosecutors have said. The case is scheduled for a violation hearing in Washington County Superior Court on April 5, according to court records.

John served 15 months at the ACI for a criminal conviction of violating a restraining order in March 2002. His suspended sentence and probation from the conviction end in 2012.

According to court records, state police arrested John in February 2002 on a disorderly conduct charge for exposing himself in public.

rmcbride@thewesterlysun.com


0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #16 
In The News : TNA Online Last Updated: Dec 21st, 2005 - 21:48:44


FBI Punishes Whistleblower in Tampa Terror Case
by William F. Jasper
December 22, 2005
 
Email this article
 Printer friendly page

The FBI badly botched a terrorism investigation in Florida and then falsified documents to cover up the error and retaliated against an FBI whistleblower who tried to expose the wrongdoing.

Those were the findings of a draft report by the Justice Department’s Office of Inspector General (OIG), according to the New York Times, which obtained a copy of the yet-to-be-released report.

The whistleblower is Michael German, a 16-year FBI veteran and undercover operative who was pursuing ties between narcotics trafficking in Florida and the financing of terrorist networks. Mr. German sought protection as a whistleblower in September 2002, after his complaints were repeatedly ignored. He left the FBI in 2004, he alleges, because his superiors retaliated against him by excluding him from assignments he normally would have participated in. Among the findings of the OIG was that someone at the FBI had used correction fluid to alter the dates of FBI forms in an apparent effort to cover up violations of federal wiretap law.

Sen. Charles Grassley, (R-Iowa), a critic of the FBI and ardent defender of whistleblowers, said German is “in a long line of FBI whistleblowers who have had their careers derailed because the FBI couldn’t tolerate criticism. I look forward to seeing a final report on Mr. German’s case, but right now I believe it to be a sad day when someone at the FBI alters records in order to discredit a whistleblower.”

Unfortunately, retaliation against whistleblowers has been a growing trend, despite federal legislation aimed at protecting them and administration promises to support and encourage whistleblowers. During the Clinton administration, a scorching OIG report revealed alarming widespread abuses at the FBI crime laboratory and retaliation against FBI whistleblower Dr. Frederick Whitehurst. That was one of many cases. The Bush administration has been even less friendly toward courageous federal employees who expose negligence, incompetence, malfeasance, and corruption, as witnessed in the cases of Sibel Edmonds, Diane Kleiman, Bogdan Dzakovic, Brian Sullivan, and many other whistleblowers. In fact, President Bush fired courageous Homeland Security Inspector General Clark Kent Ervin for exposing embarrassing corruption inside TSA and other agencies charged with guarding our national security.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #17 
San Francisco Chronicle
                               

                               

CALIFORNIA
ACLU asks state if it is providing data to FBI
Group concerned after Iraq meeting at Stanford watched

Joe Garofoli, Chronicle Staff Writer

Thursday, December 22, 2005

                                                                       
 
                                                                                               
       
                               
                                                               
                               
                                                               

The American Civil Liberties Union asked the state Wednesday to reveal whether law enforcement agents were gathering information on California activists, in light of revelations that the federal government monitored a conference on Iraq at Stanford University and an anti-war protest at UC Santa Cruz.

The ACLU asked whether local and state law enforcement officials were providing information to the FBI about a variety of groups, including Greenpeace, United for Peace and Justice, Code Pink, UC Santa Cruz Students Against the War, and People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals.

Three California affiliates of the ACLU filed their request with Attorney General Bill Lockyer, citing the state Public Records Act.

The FBI has said it conducts investigations legally and according to Justice Department rules. Lockyer spokesman Nathan Barankin had not yet seen the request Wednesday but said the office would comply.

The ACLU seeks any intelligence compiled by the California Anti-Terrorism Information Center, a clearinghouse of information about domestic intelligence. Lockyer reorganized the center in 2003 after concerns that it was collecting intelligence on activists conducting peaceful demonstrations.

The ACLU is concerned that because federal officials have greater leeway to investigate organizations than do their California counterparts, state and local agents could be conducting surveillance for Washington that would be illegal under California law.

"The Bay Area has a rich tradition of opposing various activities of the government and having a robust debate on current issues," said Mark Schlosberg, police practices policy director of the ACLU of Northern California. "The prospect of the government monitoring that peaceful activity is disturbing."

On Tuesday, the national ACLU released FBI documents it had obtained that the group said "showed the FBI expanding the definition of 'domestic terrorism' to include citizens and groups that participate in lawful protests and civil disobedience."

Included in the thousands of pages were documents showing that FBI agents had obtained a contact list for "attendees at the Third National Organizing Conference on Iraq," a 2002 event at Stanford University at which activists and academics discussed the effect of sanctions on Iraq.

Though the report was heavily redacted, the documents said the event was "affiliated with (the) American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee," a 25-year-old civil rights organization that was one of the co-sponsors of the conference.

"Why would you have surveillance of a conference at a respected university?" said Mary Rose Oakar, a former Ohio congresswoman and president of the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, who noted that no one involved in the event had been arrested. "Do we not have academic freedom in this country?"

The FBI files released this week by the ACLU also showed that the government had been monitoring the activities of People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals.

Noting the group's penchant for street theater, PETA general counsel Jeff Kerr said, "The FBI ought to be able to tell the difference between a terrorist and a guy in a chicken suit handing out leaflets."

Last week, MSNBC obtained 400 pages of Pentagon documents revealing that the U.S. military had listed 1,500 "suspicious incidents" across the country over a 10-month period dating back to 2004, including dozens of anti-war meetings and protests.

Among the incidents was an April 6 anti-military recruiting protest at UC Santa Cruz. The military, which defended its intelligence as "properly collected" to MSNBC, listed the Santa Cruz protest as a credible security threat.

"If the Pentagon is gathering information about students and labeling nonviolent protest as a threat, then what is the average American going to feel about picking up a sign and getting out to the streets to protest the war?" said Josh Sonnefeld, a UC Santa Cruz student and anti-military recruiting organizer who attended the demonstration.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #18 
Local - WJXT News4Jax.com
WJXT News4Jax.com
FBI Van Burglarized; SWAT Rifles, Ammo Taken

Mon Feb 7,10:53 PM ET



Four sniper rifles, scopes and ammunition were stolen
from an FBI (news - web sites) SWAT van parked outside
a Baymeadows Road hotel before dawn Sunday.



The FBI said the guns belonged to a team from Atlanta
in Jacksonville to provide extra security for the
Super Bowl.

A spokesman for the FBI said authorities are concerned
these weapons are out on the street and are doing
everything possible to try and find whoever took them.

Four high-powered rifles with scopes and 80 rounds of
308 ammunition were taken from the unmarked, locked
van parked outside the Holiday Inn at Baymeadows and
Interstate 95. An agent parked the van at 3:45 a.m.
and discovered a few hours later the padlock cut and
van burglarized.

An internal investigation is under way.

The FBI asks anyone with information that could help
recover the rifles to call their Jacksonville office
at (904) 721-1211.



Freeh: FBI determined to find stolen weapons
Freeh June 4, 1997
Web posted at: 1:49 p.m. EDT (1749 GMT)

WASHINGTON (CNN) -- FBI Director Louis Freeh said
Wednesday the bureau is putting on "a full-court
press" to recover weapons and ammunition that were
lost when one of its own vans was stolen from a
Memphis, Tennessee hotel parking lot.

The burned-out shell of the SWAT truck was found early
Tuesday in Memphis, but the weapons -- including
automatic rifles and two grenade launchers -- were
missing.

"We certainly have put on a full-court press to try to
retrieve these weapons, which are very dangerous
weapons," Freeh told the Senate Judiciary committee.

The FBI also will look into whether the agents
responsible for the van violated any FBI regulations.
sef

The vehicle belonged to FBI agents from Little Rock,
Arkansas, who were among about a half-dozen federal
special weapons and tactics squads in Memphis for a
regional training exercise on terrorism.

Freeh said that trunks containing weapons must be
locked with chain locks. But, he said, "This was a
Suburban. It had no trunk, it had no alarm installed."
icon (273 K / 25 sec. AIFF or WAV sound)
van

The unmarked GMC Suburban had been parked outside a
Budgetel motel on the eastern edge of Memphis late
Monday, the FBI said.

Agents discovered it missing several hours later. The
motel was not where the agents had intended to stay,
Freeh said.

Special Agent Mike Smith said he had no reason to
believe the van wasn't locked. "I would assume it was.
I can't imagine that it wouldn't be," he said.

No arrests were made and authorities were searching
for the weapons, said John W. Hancock, in charge of
the FBI's Memphis office.

Hancock said he did not know if the thieves knew they
were stealing an FBI van or that it contained
firearms. "I'm sure (the weapons) were not in plain
view," he said.

WPTY-TV in Memphis, which obtained a list of equipment
in the Suburban, reported that seven M-16s, three
MP-5s with 30-round magazines, two M-79 grenade
launchers and one 12-gauge shotgun was among them.

M-16s are basic American military assault rifles, and
MP-5s are shorter-barreled rifles.

Also in the vehicle were 1,000 rounds of ammunition
for the M-16s, 3,000 rounds of 9 mm ammunition, 4,000
10 mm rounds and two bulletproof shields, according to
the broadcast report.

The theft comes as the FBI, embroiled in controversy
for much of the past year, is basking in praise for
its investigation of Timothy McVeigh, who was
convicted this week in the Oklahoma City bombing.

The agency had hoped the guilty verdicts might help
dispel criticism after a Justice Department report was
critical of the FBI crime laboratory and the agency's
failure to solve last summer's Olympic bombing in
Atlanta.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #19 
Judge: FBI agent not guilty of shoplifting
Posted by the Asbury Park Press on 12/30/05
BY A. SCOTT FERGUSON
STAFF WRITER

                                                RED BANK — A Municipal Court judge on Thursday found a FBI agent not guilty of shoplifting 4 1/2 feet of wire from a Home Depot store earlier this year.

Thomas M. Jobes, a 26-year FBI veteran who had been assigned to the Red Bank field office, did not intend to leave the West Long Branch Home Depot on May 20 with 40 cents worth of boundary wire, Judge William Himelman ruled after the one-day trial.

Supporters of Jobes, 52, of Rumson, hugged him just outside the courtroom after the trial. He declined to comment about the case.

"We are very happy with the verdict, and we believe that justice was done,'' Charles J. Uliano, Jobes' attorney, said.

During the trial, Jobes himself testified that he never intended to avoid paying for the wire, but that once he cut the 4 1/2 -foot piece from a spool and placed it in a shopping cart, he merely forgot to include it with the rest of his $33.40 purchase.

Attorney Douglas S. Schwartz, who represented Home Depot and prosecuted the case, contended that Jobes had been frustrated that day and decided to take what wire he needed without paying for the entire spool.

"He chose to do the wrong thing,'' Schwartz said during his summation to the judge. "He chose to break the law.''

In previous court papers, the Home Depot contended that the spool, worth $24.75, should not have been cut up into parts. Once Jobes cut one piece off, he effectively should have been charged the full price of the spool.

Under its guidelines, Home Depot prosecutes all shopliftings of more than $20. Uliano countered that the piece was not propely labeled when it was cut and that Jobes would have paid for it, no matter what the cost, if he remembered that it was in his cart.

In his conclusion, Himelman noted that Jobes appeared to be an intelligent man who would not place a 26-year career on the line for 40 cents worth of wire. The only part that disturbed Himelman was that Jobes signed a "voluntary statement'' that indicated he took the wire.

During the trial, Jobes and his attorney argued that he did not read the paperwork before he signed it. The two store detectives who testified said Jobes knew what was on the paper.

Jobes had been recently assigned to Operation Bid Rig, the FBI's ¹1 investigation into corruption in Monmouth County, which included elected officials from West Long Branch.

A FBI spokesman could not be reached for comment Thursday about Jobes' status with the federal bureau. After the trial, Schwartz declined comment about the case.

The case had been moved from West Long Branch to Red Bank to avoid a conflict of interest.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #20 
US News

`Misconduct` cited in FBI case
Jan 9, 2006,


BALTIMORE, MD, United States (UPI) -- A Justice Department report found 'credible evidence of serious misconduct' by FBI agents who investigated the death of a Baltimore federal prosecutor.

The Baltimore Sun says the report gives new insight into the mysterious death of assistant U.S. Attorney Jonathan P. Luna, discovered dead Dec. 4, 2003, in a remote Pennsylvania creek.

FBI agents assigned to the high-profile case soon turned against one of their own, asking about rumors of an affair between a female agent and Luna, The Sun found in the report.

The female agent later accused Jennifer Smith Love, the FBI`s acting special agent in charge, of improperly ordering two agents to interrogate her and approving an illegal search of her computer.

Senior FBI officials cleared Love and accused the two agents who conducted the interrogation of misconduct, the report said.

The Justice Department inspector general`s office opened its own investigation, eventually finding enough 'credible evidence' of wrongdoing to conclude that the case should have been sent through the FBI`s formal disciplinary process.

The FBI confirmed Friday that the agents, were investigated again after the inspector general report. Again, senior FBI officials said they concluded that no wrongdoing had been committed.

Copyright 2006 by United Press International
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #21 

Lawsuit accuses FBI agent of aiding in 1992 mob slaying

Case questions relationship with agency informant

NEW YORK -- No one disputes that Nicholas Grancio was killed in a gangland-style shooting.


But a lawsuit filed by Grancio's wife, Maria, and an investigation by state prosecutors have renewed questions about whether the gangster who ordered his killing in broad daylight more than a decade ago had an unlikely ally: an FBI agent.

The lawsuit, which was filed in New York on Friday, alleges that R. Lindley DeVecchio had called off a surveillance team that was tailing Grancio in 1992 at the request of his trusted Mafia informant.

That gave a group of accused attackers an opening to gun down the victim, as the two sides were in the midst of a Brooklyn mob war, the lawsuit said.

The case ''is about the corrupt and unlawful relationship between law enforcement and a ruthless killer and career criminal that went unchecked for years and led to the cold-blooded murder of a man," court documents say.

The legal action follows reports that the Brooklyn district attorney's office has reopened an investigation into the apparent gangland relationship.

The matter involves DeVecchio, now retired and living in Florida, and Gregory Scarpa Sr., a member of the Colombo crime family known as a killer and a government operative.

Named as defendants are DeVecchio and a current FBI agent, Christopher Favo. The lawsuitalleges that Favo, at DeVecchio's direction, ordered the surveillance team to retreat.

DeVecchio denied the accusations through his lawyer. A call to the FBI about Favo was not returned. Scarpa died in prison in 1994.

It is not the first time allegations that DeVecchio traded secrets with the mob have surfaced. He headed the FBI's Colombo squad while the crime family was embroiled in a bloody power struggle.

After Scarpa was recruited in the 1980s, they became so close the mobster referred to the agent as his ''girlfriend."

In 1995, federal prosecutors said they suspected that DeVecchio had given Scarpa the names of other gangsters cooperating with the FBI. He was also suspected of tipping off the mobster that the Drug Enforcement Administration planned to arrest his son.

There was also speculation that authorities had bugged his social club.

But the Justice Department declined to prosecute DeVecchio after an internal probe, and the agent retired in 1996 with a clean record, said his lawyer, Douglas Grover.

The allegations of corruption ''were ridiculous then, and they're ridiculous now," Grover said.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #22 

Vol. 2 No. 11 (November, 1992) pp. 187-188

CLOAK AND GAVEL: FBI WIRETAPS, BUGS, INFORMERS, AND THE SUPREME COURT by Alexander Charns. Champaign, Illinois: University of Illinois, 1992. 206 pp. Cloth $24.95.

Reviewed by David M. O'Brien, Department of Government and Foreign Affairs, University of Virginia.

This engaging and often disturbing book sheds new light on the illegal and unethical activities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), along with some Supreme Court justices' highly questionable associations and unethical collaboration with the bureau. Based primarily on FBI files, Alexander Charns, a practicing attorney, begins by recounting his eight year-long litigation battle to force the bureau to release under the Freedom of Information Act its files on the Supreme Court and individual justices. In addition, Charns draws on several of the justices' papers at the Library of Congress and, notably, obtained access to Justice Abe Fortas's papers, which are located at Yale University and closed to the public until the year 2000.

The obsession of FBI director J. Edgar Hoover with combating Communism and Left-wing "subversives" through infiltration, wiretapping, and bugging has been well documented elsewhere. But, the extent to which Hoover directed his campaign at the Court has not received much attention. That, of course, has been largely because the FBI's files have remained secret. And that is where Charns's persistence and research makes a genuine contribution. His story of the FBI and federal judges' collaboration remains far from complete, to be sure, due to the bureau's secret filing systems, destruction of records, and censorship of materials that have been made available. Yet, Charns reveals that Hoover made it a practice to try to curry favor with some justices, to promote or cut short the careers of others, and to otherwise influence the federal judiciary. Moreover, between 1945 and 1974 at least twelve justices were overheard in more than 100 wiretapped conversations and Charns establishes some highly inappropriate connections between Hoover and members of the Supreme Court and the federal judiciary.

Not surprisingly, as with much of the Washington community Hoover sought covert access to and influence in the Court. And as the Warren Court moved in more liberal directions when dealing with alleged Communists in the 1950s and then the rights of the accused in the 1960s, Hoover became increasingly concerned. Hoover persuaded Court employees to inform FBI agents about the Court's deliberations, for example, in the case of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. Later, he directed an investigation of Earl Warren and maintained files on Justice William 0. Douglas, among other justices, that included material obtained through unauthorized wiretaps. On the basis the latter material, according to Charns, Hoover may have dissuaded President Harry Truman from elevating Justice Douglas to chief justice in 1946. But, on this score Charns's evidence appears weak and circumstantial. And the competing influences and pressures on Truman when naming his friend Fred Vinson to the Court's center chair are greater and more complex that Charns concedes. In illuminating detail, however, Charns recounts how almost two decades later Hoover armed Representative Gerald R. Ford with his file on Douglas prior to Ford's bungled attempt to impeach the justice in the House of Representatives.

More revealing and disturbing is Charns's reconstruction of events in 1966 when Hoover managed to persuade Justice Abe Fortas, whom he once considered a "sniveling liberal," to keep FBI agents abreast of the Court's deliberations in a pending case. The case involved the bureau's unauthorized bugging of the hotel room of Washington lobbyist Fred Black, a close friend of Bobby Baker, who -- like Justice Fortas -- was one of President Lyndon Johnson's intimate associates. Although Justice Fortas recused himself from the case, this story of judicial impropriety comprises the heart of Charns's book and adds another chapter to the volumes already written about Justice Fortas's indiscretions and improper activities on and off the bench.

Page 188 follows:

Admittedly, as a relentless foe of the FBI and advocate-turned-author, Charns occasionally gets carried away. The significance of the FBI's assisting various justices in making travel arrangements, running background checks on potential law clerks and judicial fellows, or helping Chief Justice Warren Burger bring Oriental rugs back to the United States from England in 1985, for instance, appears highly debatable.

Still, Charns makes a strong case for his claim that "An FBI report on a nominee's background should be viewed with as much skepticism as reports submitted by other interest groups." (p. 130) He does so by revealing Hoover's directives in the 1950s to FBI field offices to identify potential judicial nominees who appear friendly to the bureau, and which turned up the likes of Potter Stewart and Warren E. Burger. Charns also highlights the importance of the FBI's uneven reports on judicial nominees and their selective use by the bureau, as well as the FBI's occasional memos to Department of Justice attorneys suggesting that they forum shop in order to have cases heard by judges known to be sympathetic to the bureau.

Finally, and even more disturbing than Justice Fortas's indiscretions and some other revelations, is the evidence Charns unearths concerning Chief Justice Burger's links with the FBI and federal Judge Edward Tamm (a former FBI assistant director) and their efforts to recruit former FBI agents as court administrators. Alas, Charns does not fully explore these connections or what he terms Chief Justice Burger's "hidden political agenda" (p. 124) in pushing reforms in the area of judicial administration. But, his book is the place for others to begin. And his documentation of the unethical and at times illegal activities of those within the FBI and the federal judiciary underscores his concluding recommendations that the working papers of both the bureau and the justices ought to be made public after a reasonable period of time. Unfortunately, Charns's book may well contribute to precisely the opposite result: former justices destroying or censoring papers before making their collections available as public records, just as has been the FBI's practice.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #23 

FBI Secrets: An Agent's Expose
By M. Wesley Swearingen
South End Press


FBI Secrets is an historic insider's expose, recounting the shocking details of the FBI's clandestine wars against political freedom in the United States, from political harrassment to orchestrated assassinations. M. Wesley Swearingen was an FBI Agent for 25 years and since his retirement has been instrumental in documenting FBI harrassment against political dissidents. He lives in Arizona.

" A gripping, bone-chilling narrative about the real dangers of big, repressive, out-of-control government."

-Publishers Weekly

" A ringing and entirely convincing indictment."

-Kirkus Reviews

"Read this former FBI agent's firsthand, inside account of FBI-sanctioned and orchestrated murder. Know the underhanded destruction of citizens' lives and of the illegal, wholesale violation of our U.S. Constitution."

-Bobby Seale, co-founder, Black Panther Party

"FBI Secrets rips aside the curtain hiding the FBI's bigotry, burglary, and accessory to murder, setting up what should be a Bureaugate."

-William W. Turner, former FBI Special Agent, author of Hoover's FBI: The Men and the Myth

$13.00 paper, $30.00 cloth

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #24 
Alexander Cockburn

The FBI and Edward Said
January 14, 2006

The FBI was probably tapping Edward Said's phone right up to the day he died in September of 2003. A year earlier, when he was already a very sick man, Said was scheduled to speak at an event at the Kopkind Colony summer session near Guilford, Vt. The morning of Friday, August 2, the day he was scheduled to arrive, John Scagliotti picked up the phone at the Colony's old farmhouse and found it was dead. He went to a neighbor to report the fault.

"Within half an hour," Scagliotti remembers, "there was a knock at the front door, and there was a man who said, 'I hear you have phone problems,' he said. Now I am a gay man. I know what a phone service repairman is meant to look like. In the Village, the phone man is a gay icon. Tool belt, jeans, work shirt, work boots. This man has a madras shirt, Dockers slacks, brown loafer shoes. He goes to an outside junction box, and a few minutes later, the phone is working. Off he goes."

A month later, in the course of a complaint to the phone company about an unusually high bill, Scagliotti suggests that the trouble may have stemmed from something the repairman did. After further checking, the phone company tells him they'd never sent a repairman that day.

As it happened, shortly thereafter, Said's assistant called in to say he was too sick to make the five-hour drive from New York. But had he done so, we can opine with near certainty that the Bureau would have been ready to monitor whatever calls he may have placed from rural Vermont. The reason from the near certainty is that we now know that the FBI had begun spying on Said over 30 years earlier.

David Price is professor of anthropology at St. Martins University in Washington state. As anyone glancing through his excellent book "Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists" will know, Price is an expert at getting secret government documents, by use of the Freedom of Information Act. Last year, on behalf of the newsletter CounterPunch (which I coedit), Price requested the FBI's file on Said.

The FBI released to Price 147 pages of Said's 238-page FBI file. Large sections of the file remain blacked out, with stamps indicating they remain Classified Secret until 2030, 25 years after their initial FOIA processing. Most of the file, Dr. Price tells us, documents FBI surveillance of his legal, public work with American-based Palestinian political or pro-Arab organizations, while other portions of the file document the FBI's ongoing investigations of Said as it monitored his contacts with other Palestinian-Americans.

The FBI's first record of Edward Said appears in a February 1971 domestic security investigation of another (unidentified) individual. The FBI collected photographs of Said from the State Department's passport division and various news agencies. Said's "International Security" FBI file was established when an informant gave the FBI a program from the October 1971, Boston Convention of the Arab-American University Graduates, where Said chaired a panel on "Culture and the Critical Spirit."

In the months after the Black September attacks at the 1972 Munich Olympics, there was a flurry of FBI interest in Edward Said and other American Palestinians. In early October 1972, the N.Y. FBI office investigated Said's background and citizenship information, as well as his voting, banking and credit records. Employees at Princeton and Columbia Universities gave FBI agents biographical and education information on Said, and the Harvard University Alumni Office provided the FBI with detailed information. As the Middle East scholar Steve Niva observes, "looking back, this post-Munich period may have marked an historic turning point when statements in support of the Palestinian cause became routinely equated with sympathies for terrorism."

Edward Said's widow, Mariam Said, says she is not surprised to learn of the FBI's surveillance of her husband, saying, "We always knew that any political activity concerning the Palestinian issue is monitored, and when talking on the phone we would say, 'let the tappers hear this.' We believed that our phones were tapped for a long time, but it never bothered us because we knew we were hiding nothing."

Some will say that since he was a Palestinian, a political one and also a member (before he broke with Arafat) of the Palestinian National Council, Said was a legitimate object of concern for the FBI, and the Bureau would have been remiss not to have kept an eye on him.

But labeling Said as a friend of Arafat misses the point that the FBI's surveillance of this U.S. citizen found absolutely no evidence that he broke any laws -- not even jaywalking or tape recording songs off the radio. As Price says, "FBI action needs to be based on demonstrable wrongdoing, not thought crimes or having unpopular friends. The American right perhaps understands this better than the left, and given the anti-Bush flutter I'm hearing on talk radio, they seem to understand the threat to democracy represented in unfettered surveillance expeditions."

Another way of viewing the FBI's surveillance of Said is in the context of their surveillance and harassment of other prominent activists, people like Martin Luther King Jr., who advocated democratic lawful solutions to problems of social justice. Price: "Had the federal government chosen to support rather than harass and monitor activists willing to work within extant systems like Said and King, they could have precluded the coming of more radical and violent efforts. In effect, the FBI's surveillance and harassment of Said creates the conditions for the development of more violent efforts to resolve the Palestinian problem. If you spy on and block those advocating reason, you are aiding and abetting those who will follow with violence.

Because the FBI has yet to release the whole Said file, Dr. Prince says, "We don't know what they are withholding, but I wonder if it doesn't show the sort of illegal wiretapping and surveillance that we now know that President Bush has illegally charged the NSA to conduct on an unknown number of Americans. The FBI's unusual step in re-classifying these files for another quarter century raises the very real possibility that they did this to hide just what steps they were taking to spy on Said. I'll challenge this in an in-house review, and my lawyer is gearing up for a suit in federal court to get a judge to look and see if the FBI was illegally spying on an American who was breaking no laws."

Dr. Price's full assessment of the FBI's secret file can be read in CounterPunch (for a copy, call 800-840-3683) and is available at http://www.counterpunch.org/pricesaid.html.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #25 

Posted on Sun, Jan. 15, 2006

Oklahoma City bombing: New evidence renews conspiracy debate

By JUDY L. THOMAS
The Kansas City Star

Kenneth Trentadue was no angel.

In the 1980s, he did time for robbing banks. But in a strange twist, the circumstances behind his violent death 10 years ago in prison are playing out in federal court in a case that hints at a wider conspiracy in the Oklahoma City bombing.

Recently released documents unearthed because of a lawsuit against the FBI suggest that the long-standing allegations may not be so far-fetched.

The lawsuit, brought by Trentadue’s brother, Jesse, has convinced a federal judge in Salt Lake City to order the FBI to produce hundreds of sealed documents in recent months, and even members of Congress are backing him in his fight for additional information.

The documents Jesse Trentadue is seeking revolve around the FBI’s investigation into whether a well-organized gang of white supremacist bank robbers — known as the Aryan Republican Army — played a role in the April 19, 1995, bombing that killed 168 people and injured hundreds. Neither Trentadue nor his brother was involved with the group.

The bank robbers, who advocated the takeover of the U.S. government by neo-Nazis, stole $250,000 from 22 banks in the Midwest, including one in Kansas City and one in Overland Park. Six members of the group were arrested in 1996 and 1997. Three served time and were released. Two remain incarcerated, and another died in prison.

Though the government originally charged Timothy McVeigh, Terry Nichols and “others unknown” for conspiring to bomb the Murrah Federal Building, authorities have since denied that others were involved.

The recently released documents, however, indicate that the FBI was investigating a broader conspiracy months after insisting that McVeigh and Nichols were the only suspects.

Mistaken identity?

Jesse Trentadue, a Salt Lake City attorney, thinks his brother was murdered during an interrogation because he was mistakenly thought to be involved in the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building and the robberies. The reason, he said, was that his brother bore an uncanny resemblance to one of the robbers, as well as to the elusive John Doe 2 bombing suspect.

Trentadue said that his brother and bank robber Richard Lee Guthrie had similar features and that both sported a tattoo of a dragon on their left arms. A description of John Doe 2 also noted a tattoo of a dragon or serpent. A grand jury, however, found no evidence of foul play in Trentadue’s death.

Kenneth Trentadue, 44, was found dead Aug. 21, 1995, in a maximum custody prison cell at the Federal Transfer Center in Oklahoma City, only 11 days after McVeigh’s indictment. Prison guards said he was hanging by a bed sheet, but his body had been battered and the cell was splattered with blood.

Photos taken after Trentadue’s death and examined by The Kansas City Star show a cut on his throat and head and numerous bruises on his body. The medical examiner later said that if indeed it was a hanging, it was the bloodiest and most violent one he had ever handled.

“His throat was cut; he was beaten head to toe,” Jesse Trentadue said.

The death surprisingly was ruled a suicide, but a federal judge later ordered the government to pay $1.1 million to the Trentadue family for emotional distress suffered over the handling of the case.

In 2004, Jesse Trentadue filed two Freedom of Information Act requests, asking the FBI to produce documents he thought contained information that held clues to his brother’s death. Last May, the FBI acknowledged in court that it had located about 340 documents that may satisfy Trentadue’s request. The agency turned over about two dozen records, but they had been heavily redacted.

Those documents revealed that authorities had investigated Elohim City — a white separatist compound in northeastern Oklahoma that McVeigh called just days before the blast — and its possible ties to the bank robbers and the bombing.

“McVeigh may have been trying to recruit other individuals to assist him,” states a Jan. 26, 1996, FBI Teletype memorandum.

Another Teletype, dated August 1996, stated that Guthrie told the FBI that another person had participated in some of the bank robberies and shared some of the loot.

The name of the person has been redacted, but Trentadue and others contend it was McVeigh. After the bombing, McVeigh’s sister, Jennifer McVeigh, told FBI agents in a sworn affidavit that in December 1994, her brother gave her three $100 bills that he said came from a bank robbery he helped plan.

In November, Trentadue filed more documents in court, including a sealed transcript of a hearing in an unrelated case. At the hearing, a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agent said that prior to the bombing, an undercover informant at Elohim City told authorities of a threat to blow up federal buildings. The informant’s testimony, however, was not allowed at McVeigh’s trial.

The FBI is resisting the release of more documents because it said information about its intelligence-gathering efforts would be disclosed and confidential informants would be put in danger. The agency has asked U.S. District Judge Dale Kimball to halt the disclosures.

Trentadue and others said the documents could lead to additional arrests in the bombing and embarrass the agencies involved in investigating the worst domestic terrorism attack on U.S. soil.

The FBI continues to deny that there was a larger plot and maintains Trentadue’s allegations are unsubstantiated. The agency has declined further comment on the case.

Some congressmen, however, have come to Trentadue’s aid. Last summer, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, a California Republican, asked FBI director Robert Mueller to turn over all the documents that Trentadue wanted.

“It has been a decade since Kenneth Trentadue died … in the most troublesome and suspicious circumstances,” Rohrabacher wrote. “Further attempts by your agency to obstruct this case will only undermine the FBI’s credibility in the eyes of the public.”

A court ruling on the release of more FBI documents is expected soon.

‘Good ol’ boy’

Trentadue described his brother as “a good ol’ boy” but admitted “he was no saint. He robbed banks.”

Yet he had been trying to turn his life around. “He just happened to have the misfortune of looking exactly like (bank robber) Richard Lee Guthrie,” Trentadue said.

The day after Kenneth Trentadue died, the chief investigator for the Oklahoma state medical examiner filed a complaint with the FBI and said prison authorities’ assertion that Trentadue had committed suicide was not consistent with the medical examiner’s report.

A medical examiner’s report shows he contacted Justice Department representatives, telling them that although he could not determine the exact cause of death, he thought Kenneth Trentadue had been tortured.

Questions about his brother’s death escalated, Jesse Trentadue said, when he received an anonymous call around December 1995 telling him his brother had been killed because he fit the profile of bank robber Guthrie.

However, Trentadue never was able to contact Guthrie. In 1996, nine days after pleading guilty to 19 bank robberies and agreeing to cooperate in the investigation, he also was found hanging in his cell while in federal custody in Kentucky. The death was ruled a suicide.

Meanwhile, questions lingered about Kenneth Trentadue’s death in prison. During a 1997 Judiciary Committee hearing, U.S. Sen. Orrin Hatch told Attorney General Janet Reno that it “is apparent to me that not only are the facts suspicious, it looks like someone in the Bureau of Prisons or (someone) having relations with the Bureau of Prisons murdered the man.”

The Justice Department months later issued a news release revealing that a grand jury had concluded its investigation into Kenneth Trentadue’s death and that no indictments would be returned.

But that didn’t satisfy some authorities. In March 1998, Oklahoma Assistant Attorney General Patrick Crawley complained to Justice Department attorneys:

“The real tragedy in this case appears to be the perversion of law through chicanery and the misuse of public trust under the guise of some aberrant form of federalism,” Crawley said. “In the succession of either illegal, negligent or just plain stupid acts, your clients succeeded in derailing the medical examiner’s examination and, thereby, may have obstructed justice in this case … ”

Later in 1998, the medical examiner suddenly changed the cause of death from unknown to suicide. In a news release, he said his findings were based on new information developed by Oklahoma City police that Trentadue had been alone for the previous 17 hours.

The following year, the inspector general released a report stating that Trentadue had committed suicide and that there was no evidence of a cover-up surrounding his death. However, the report noted that the Bureau of Prisons and FBI mishandled the investigation and that four federal employees had made false statements under oath.

So far, no one has been prosecuted.

Court battle continues

Jesse Trentadue wouldn’t have fought so hard for the FBI documents if he hadn’t become so suspicious about his brother’s death.

Just before McVeigh was executed in 2001, Trentadue said he received more disturbing news: A phone message from an acquaintance of McVeigh, telling him that his brother was murdered because the government mistakenly believed he was Guthrie.

Determined to find out more about the bombing investigation, Trentadue three years later filed the Freedom of Information requests with the FBI for teletypes and other documents. When the FBI said it could not find the teletypes, Trentadue produced redacted copies that he said he had obtained from other sources.

Then he asked Kimball, the federal judge, to order the FBI to turn over those documents and any others related to Elohim City, the bombing, the bank robberies, McVeigh and others, including former Kansas City Ku Klux Klan leader Dennis Mahon. Mahon had visited Elohim City prior to the bombing, and several of the bank robbers had either lived at or had close ties to the compound.

Kimball said the FBI had not made a good-faith effort to find the requested records, and he ordered the agency to provide uncensored copies of the documents. Since then, the two sides have been fighting over the documents in court.

Elohim City’s leader, Robert Millar, acknowledged in an interview with The Star in 1996 that several of the bank robbers had stayed there off and on. But Millar, who is now deceased, denied any involvement in the Oklahoma City explosion.

“If the bombing or anything like that was planned here, it was certainly not to my knowledge,” he said.

Mahon recently told the newspaper that he also knew the bank robbers, who had once rented a storage unit in Shawnee and a “safe house” in Pittsburg, Kan.

Asked whether he thought McVeigh robbed any banks with them, Mahon said: “Yes. I believe it 100 percent.”

Timeline

January 1994-December 1995: The Aryan Republican Army robs 22 banks. During that period, several of the robbers live at or visit Elohim City, a white separatist compound in Oklahoma.

April 5, 1995: Timothy McVeigh places a call to Elohim City. An FBI Teletype memo later said that was “a day that he was believed to have been attempting to recruit a second conspirator to assist in the OKBOMB attack.”

April 19, 1995: A truck bomb explodes outside the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 and injuring hundreds.

April 20, 1995: Authorities release sketches of two suspects. The next day, they arrest McVeigh, who resembles the sketch of John Doe 1.

June 14, 1995: Authorities announce that John Doe 2 was a soldier from Fort Riley, Kan., who had rented a truck the day after McVeigh.

Aug. 10, 1995: A federal grand jury indicts McVeigh, Terry Nichols and “others unknown” for conspiring to bomb the federal building.

Aug. 21, 1995: Kenneth Trentadue is found dead in his prison cell. Prison officials said he hanged himself; medical examiner said he was abused and tortured. His brother, Jesse, said an anonymous caller told him later his brother was killed during an interrogation about bank robberies.

1996-1997: Six Aryan Republican Army bank robbers are rounded up and eventually sent to prison. One said that two fellow bank robbers were involved in the Oklahoma City bombing, but he later recanted.

July 12, 1996: Bank robber Richard Lee Guthrie, who pleaded guilty to 19 of the bank robberies, is found hanging in his prison cell.

June 2001: McVeigh is executed by lethal injection. An acquaintance of McVeigh’s tells Jesse Trentadue that Kenneth Trentadue was killed because he was mistaken for Guthrie.

August 2004: Jesse Trentadue sues FBI for not producing documents relating to its investigation of connections between the Oklahoma City bombing and bank robberies.

July 2005: After federal judge orders agency to do another search, FBI turns over two dozen heavily redacted internal reports to

Trentadue. The documents indicate the agency was looking into ties between the bank robberies and the bombing months after it said that McVeigh and Terry Nichols were the only ones involved.

September 2005: A federal judge in Oklahoma orders government to pay Trentadue family $1.1 million for the emotional distress caused by prison officials’ handling of Kenneth Trentadue’s death.

November 2005: The FBI asks Judge Kimball to reverse his order to produce more records. The judge is expected to rule soon.


To reach Judy L. Thomas, call (816) 234-4334 or send e-mail to jthomas@kcstar.com.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #26 
New Evidence Exposes Vince Foster Murder


Victim Not Shot With .38 Caliber Revolver


By WESLEY PHELAN


Vince Foster, Deputy White House Counsel early in Bill Clinton's first term, was found dead in Fort Marcy Park on July 20, 1993. Three investigations into Foster's death, including one by Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr, have ruled the death a suicide. Patrick Knowlton, referred to as "C2" in Starr's Report, entered Fort Marcy Park approximately 70 minutes before Foster's body was discovered. Evidence shows that Foster was already dead at that time. Knowlton saw two vehicles in the parking lot, neither of which matched the description of Vince Foster's 1989 silver- gray Honda.

In the spring of 1994, FBI agent Lawrence Monroe interviewed Knowlton for the Office of regulatory Independent Counsel Robert Fiske. Knowlton learned in October of 1995 that his statements to Monroe were falsified in the FBI interview report. Shortly thereafter Knowlton received a secret grand jury subpoena from Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr, who was conducting the third investigation into Foster's death. That same day several men began to harass Knowlton in the streets of Washington, D.C.

John Clarke, attorney for Knowlton, filed suit in U.S. District Court in Washington D.C., claiming the harassment was a violation of Knowlton's civil rights [1]. The suit alleges the harassment was part of a larger conspiracy to cover up the facts surrounding Vince Foster's death.

On Wednesday of last week Clarke filed an amended complaint in the suit, adding several new defendants [2]. The most striking paragraph in the complaint states:

Facts

26. On July 20th, 1993, between the time of 3:00 p.m. and 4:00 p.m., Vincent Foster died of a small-caliber gunshot wound to his head, at the hand of another. The bullet entered his head from the upper portion of the right side of his neck, under the jaw line, passed upward through the body of the tongue, pierced his brain and struck the skull approximately three inches below the top of the head, fracturing it. The bullet remained in his head. Blood drained from the entrance wound in the neck onto his right collar and shoulder and was absorbed down onto his right shirtsleeve. Blood also accumulated in his mouth.

This statement of facts, which runs counter to the results of three official government investigations, is a very bold gambit by Clarke. Under Rule 11 of Federal Civil Procedure, for an attorney to make irresponsible assertions of fact before a court opens him to severe sanctions by the judge. In the following interview, conducted on October 21, John Clarke discusses with The Washington Weekly the compelling new evidence supporting his statement of facts.

QUESTION: You filed an amended complaint today on behalf of Patrick Knowlton, correct?

CLARKE: Yes, we have named some additional defendants in the case. We also have more of the facts in the case.

QUESTION: Why was there a need to file an amended complaint?

CLARKE: Amending the complaint is the usual course of events in lawsuits. As a party learns more things the lawsuit gets changed. That is particularly true in a conspiracy case. Conspiracies by their very nature are secret. Our job is to try to unravel the conspiracy and that means bringing new facts to light. We have done that, so it became necessary for us to amend our complaint.

QUESTION: Who were the original defendants in the case?

CLARKE: The original defendants were the people who harassed Patrick, including two individuals whom we named. There were two FBI agents named, one of whom falsified reports, and the other whom we believe was involved and knew in advance of the intimidation that Patrick suffered.

QUESTION: Who falsified documents?

CLARKE: Larry Monroe, one of the FBI agents who was assigned to Robert Fiske's office. He interviewed Patrick in the Foster death investigation, and falsified Patrick's statements in his report. Later on the truth surfaced in the London Sunday Telegraph. Foster died on July 20, 1993. Nine months later Monroe interviewed Patrick twice. Eighteen months after that the 302's were public. Ambrose Evans-Pritchard was following the case, but Patrick had never heard of Ambrose. Ambrose contacted Patrick and showed him the 302's, that Patrick said lied about what he had told the FBI. So Ambrose wrote an article that appeared in the October 22 edition of the London Sunday Telegraph. That appeared on U.S. newsstands on October 24th, a Tuesday. That same day the Office of Independent Counsel prepared a subpoena for Patrick to testify before the Whitewater grand jury the following Wednesday. They typed it up on a Tuesday for testimony a week from the following day. But they didn't serve it right away. They waited until Thursday, October 27th to serve it. And that was the beginning of the intimidation Patrick suffered

We believe this intimidation was a civil rights violation, to intimidate a federal witness in order to dissuade him from testifying fully, fairly, and truthfully. We filed suit based on that. We also believe this civil rights violation was part of a conspiracy. Under the law of civil conspiracy all members of the conspiracy are liable and answerable for anything done in furtherance of the conspiracy. If the civil rights violation was in furtherance of a conspiracy, even if the defendants did not know who Patrick Knowlton was, they are all liable for what happened to Patrick. That is what we call the theory of the case and it's what we areproceeding on. What we did today was file an amended complaint to name additional defendants who were members of the conspiracy. Even though these people did not know who Patrick Knowlton was, and even though they did not personally harass him, they were a part of this joint venture and that's why they are liable.

Two things very relevant in the prosecution of Patrick's case are: (1) if there was a cover-up surrounding the death of Vincent Foster; and (2) who covered it up. About 10,000 pages of documents have been released regarding the Foster death. We just recently completed our review of these documents and got our summary down on paper. It's not in its final form. But we are now in a position to find out who did what, and what happened in the Vince Foster case. We have unraveled a lot of it and that's why we added defendants in our amended complaint.

The first defendant we added is U.S. Park Police sergeant now retired, Robert Edwards. He was the third Park Police officer to respond to the body site. As he was walking up to the body site the first Park Police officer was leaving. Edwards ordered him to leave the park and return to his duties. Edwards proceeded to the body site where Park Police officer Franz Ferstl was photographing the body. Ferstl was the 'beat officer'; it was his beat. He took about 7 photographs before Edwards got there. Edwards then took Ferstl's photographs and sent Ferstl to the parking lot. Then two other Park Police officers walked up to the body site, Lt. Patrick Gavin and Christine Hodakievic. They stayed for a few minutes and left.

That left Edwards alone at the body site for about 10- 15 minutes, with the only photographs that had been taken. Edwards then tampered with the crime scene by moving the head to the right. This allowed blood that had accumulated in the mouth to drain down onto the right shoulder. He then repositioned the head straight up, leaving a contact stain on the right side of the chin. The contact stain occurred when the chin hit the wet shoulder.

Edwards did that because he wanted to make it appear that the blood -- which was already on the right shoulder, right side of the shirt, and right side of the neck and collar -- had come from the mouth. He wanted to provide an excuse for that blood being there. You don't commit suicide by shooting yourself in the neck, so they wanted to cover up the neck wound. So the excuse for the blood on the right side, the OIC tells us, is blood had accumulated in the mouth and an early observer turned the head to the right, whereupon the blood drained out. Then this early observer turned the head back up, leaving the contact stain on the chin. That's right. He wanted to leave a sign of having moved the head, because that's the excuse for the blood. His excuse for having moved the head to the right was to open up an airway, although no one tried to resuscitate Mr. Foster.

We know Edwards moved the head because all of the observers before Edwards said the blood was dry, and the witnesses after Edwards said the blood was wet. The OIC never said who the early observer was, but it was pretty obvious that they couldn't find anybody who said they did it or saw it being done. So to the OIC this is an unknown person; they didn't know who this person was, although it had to have been Edwards.

This is important because officially there was no wound on the side of the neck. Foster supposedly shot himself in the mouth. But he did not have an entrance wound in his mouth. The entrance wound was on his neck. The blood had drained from the neck. In order to conceal the entrance wound in the neck, you have to conceal where the blood came from. So Edwards turned the head to right to let the blood drain out, to provide an explanation for the blood that was already there. This is also what caused the two lateral drain tracks that came from his nose and mouth going toward his ear. People say those tracks show he was moved to the park. That's not really true. We believe that occurred from Edwards' actions after the body was already at the park.

QUESTION: Do you think Edwards was in the know about a need for cover-up when he moved the head?

CLARKE: You would think so, wouldn't you?

QUESTION: His job was to do something to help cover this up? Is that what you think?

CLARKE: Yes, that's what I think. I don't think he all of a sudden, sua sponte, did that on his own, with nobody telling him to.

Anyway, the official version is that there was a mouth entrance wound and an exit wound in the back of the head. But actually, there was no entrance wound in the mouth, and there was no exit wound at the top of the back of the head. There was only one visible wound from the outside, and that was to the neck.

QUESTION: How do you know that there was no entrance wound in the mouth?

CLARKE: Let's do the entrance and exit wounds at the same time. Twenty-five witnesses saw the body before the autopsy. There is a record of not one of them having seen an entrance wound.

QUESTION: Well, they would not have opened the mouth, would they?

CLARKE: That's true, although two of those persons were MD's whose job it was to inspect the body. But there is no record of any of those 25 witnesses having seen either the mouth entrance wound or the exit wound at the top of the head. The only reference is to officer Ferstl, who allegedly saw an exit wound. Five Park Police officers all prepared reports and in none of those reports was there a reference to an entrance wound, an exit wound, or blood.

QUESTION: I thought Dr. Haut stated he saw matted blood at the back of the head.

CLARKE: He did say matted blood at the top of the head.

QUESTION: I thought he said the back of the head.

CLARKE: Right, the top of the back of the head, where you would expect this alleged exit wound to be. He did see blood there. But the best evidence we have is the Park Police officer who gloved up and felt there. That was Officer John Rolla. He said a big hole would be one he could put his finger through. He said, "His head was not blown out. I probed his head and there was no big hole there, there was no big blowout. There weren't brains running all over the place. There was blood in there, there was a mushy spot. I initially thought that the bullet might still be in his head." He uses the word hole, but that's not what he described as what he felt. He said if you could put your finger in it, that's a big hole. He says he couldn't put his finger through any hole.

QUESTION: But he did mention a hole being present, didn't he?

CLARKE: No, although he used the word hole in general terms, he what he says found at the back of the head was a mushy spot. A mushy spot is not a hole. There was blood back there. What we think happened is the bullet, after it entered under the right jaw line, went straight up and fractured the top of the back of the head. It remained in the head. John Rolla does not describe an exit wound, and Richard Arthur said there was no exit wound.

QUESTION: Who is Richard Arthur?

CLARKE: He was in the group of the 4th to 7th people at the scene. First on the scene was the U.S. Park Police officer, then one EMT and a paramedic, then minutes later came Richard Arthur accompanied by 3 others. Richard Arthur was the only paramedic in that group of four. He was the second paramedic at the body site.

Arthur said that there was no exit wound. He was asked if he could describe the exit wound. He said, "Was there one? I didn't know there was one." That's the other record we have pertaining to an exit wound. The only person we have not covered for whom there is a record of being there is Dr. Haut. Haut said that there was a neck wound. He wrote in his report "gunshot wound mouth-neck."

QUESTION: That's on the second page of his report, isn't it?

CLARKE: Yes.

QUESTION: The first page of the report has a spot where a word, presumably 'neck,' is evidently whited out, and another word inserted -- 'head' is inserted instead. Is that correct?

CLARKE: That report has Dr. Haut's signature on it. It is dated July 20, 1993. It is verified. It has an "I hereby certify and affirm under the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia," and it goes on and on. He says in effect "I swear that I undertook an investigation of the circumstances surrounding the death and this is what I found." Under "circumstances surrounding death," it says, "U.S. Park Police found a gunshot victim, mouth to neck." That's not an error. If you are the medical examiner you're not going to say there's a neck wound unless there is. Haut's statement is the only record of an exterior wound that anyone of 25 witnesses saw.

Richard Arthur was interviewed five times and the best record we have of what it was he saw was in his deposition, with no opportunity by the FBI to spin or edit his account. He is asked the following question in the deposition, and I'm quoting: "Let me ask you this: if I told you there was no gunshot wound in the neck, would that change your view as to whether it was a suicide or not?" And he responded, "No . . . what I saw is what I saw . . . I saw a small - what appeared to be a small gunshot wound here near the jawline. Fine, whether the coroner's report says that or not, fine. I know what I saw."

QUESTION: Let me make sure I understand. The only reference to a head wound, other than a "mushy spot," would be on the first page of Haut's report. Is that correct?

CLARKE: Yes, on the first page. The first page says "Cause of death" in a small area. In there it says "gunshot wound" on one line. Then "gunshot wound" with a dash and then right under it some little black marks with no word there, and then to the right of that it says "head." So it looks like it originally said "gunshot wound mouth" then under it, centered properly, was the word "neck." In order to falsify it they whited-out the word "neck" and moved the paper a bit to the side, and then typed "head." The reason they moved it over was because otherwise they would have to type over the whited-out word, which would have been apparent on the photocopies. If you type over white-out you can tell.

QUESTION: What did the autopsy report say about the head wound?

CLARKE: We have just covered all the witnesses up till you get to the autopsy. The body was found on Tuesday around 6:00 p.m. The autopsy was originally scheduled to occur Thursday at 7:00 a.m. Dr. Beyer claimed that he rescheduled the autopsy as soon as he heard about the case, from 7:00 a.m. on Thursday to 10:00 a.m. on Wednesday. He rescheduled it for just 16 hours after the discovery of the body. He said it was his idea, he didn't talk to anyone about it, no one suggested it, he just decided to do it.

QUESTION: Where are the records of what he said?

CLARKE: That comes from his Senate testimony. Both of the Park Police investigators on the case, Rolla and Cheryl Braun, had called the Office of the Medical Examiner for Northern Virginia, Dr. Beyer's office, Wednesday morning as they were getting off work. Rolla testified that he waited instead of leaving work at 6:00 a.m. He said he waited until about 6:30 before calling the Medical Examiner's Office. The reason he waited was he wanted to call to make sure they weren't going to do the autopsy that day. They told him over the phone, "Don't worry, it won't be done till the following day." So he went home . . .

QUESTION: Why did he not want it done on Wednesday?

CLARKE: There is a requirement that law enforcement officers attend an autopsy. So he was calling to make sure he would be available to be there, because he had just worked all night. So he went home. Braun's story is pretty much the same. Then they both got a call about 8:30 or 9:00 saying, "We're going to have the autopsy at 10:00. Do you want to go?" And they said "No." Four other Park Police officers attended the autopsy instead. Normally Dr. Beyer would perform the autopsy or Dr. Fields would. But in this case, an unknown person assisted Dr. Beyer in the autopsy.

QUESTION: Have you found out who that person was?

CLARKE: No, he's named as a "John Doe pathologist" in our suit.

QUESTION: Isn't that strange?

CLARKE: It gets more strange. Four Park Police officers, Robert Rule and three other personnel, go to the autopsy to witness it. There is Dr. Beyer with his unknown, unusual assistant, whose identity is never revealed in 10,000 pages of records. According to his deposition Robert Rule asked Dr. Beyer who the assistant was, and Beyer refused to tell him. He would not identify the guy who was helping him with the autopsy to the police who were there!

The autopsy was scheduled for 10:00, but Dr. Beyer began much earlier than that, before the police arrived. He stripped the body, x-rayed it, and then of all things to do he took out the tongue and portions of the soft palate. The reason he did that, we allege, is to hide the fact that the bullet pierced the tongue from below, and the absence of an entrance wound in the soft palate.

QUESTION: Is he then named as one of the new defendants in the case?

CLARKE: Yes, Dr. James Beyer.

QUESTION: How about the mystery person?

CLARKE: Yes, we call him "John Doe Pathologist."

QUESTION: When you name somebody like that in a suit who is not previously identified in the records, will that person's identity have to be disclosed? Will they be required by the court now to come forward with this person's identity?

CLARKE: Not until discovery. We have to do discovery.

QUESTION: You will get it through discovery?

CLARKE: Oh, yes.

QUESTION: You think you will?

CLARKE: Sure.

QUESTION: What if they say 'National Security'?

CLARKE: (Laughs). They won't be saying that. This is the Medical Examiner for Northern Virginia, who covered up . . . 'national security'? They might say that but I don't think they will get away with it. We'll find out a lot. But the astounding stuff is what we already know. Let me continue on with the autopsy.

There is also testimony that Dr. Beyer did not photograph the entrance wound -- that portion of the soft palate that allegedly had the entrance wound. Why would he not photograph that? In addition, he reported that on the soft palate there were very large amounts of what he called "gunpowder debris." He said it was "grossly present," meaning it could be seen with the naked eye. He described it as "large quantities of powder debris." He sent his 5 slides containing 13 sections of the soft palate to the Virginia Department of Forensic Sciences. They issued a report saying there was no ball-shaped gunpowder identified on any of those tissue samples.

QUESTION: When did you learn of the existence of this report?

CLARKE: Somebody told me about it nearly a year ago. This is a very interesting thing. The finding of powder debris on the soft palate by Dr. Beyer is the absolute cornerstone of the entire official conclusion of suicide in the park.

QUESTION: That Vince Foster stuck a gun in his mouth and pulled the trigger?

CLARKE: Right. That is the cornerstone of the official conclusion. Now, this Virginia Department of Forensic Science report said that no ball-shaped gunpowder -- and ball-shaped gunpowder is the type of powder allegedly found by Beyer -- was found. The FBI laboratory issued a report on May 9 or 10 of 1994, which said no ball-shaped gunpowder was identified on the tissue samples when the Office of the Northern Virginia Medical Examiner examined them. And they didn't really have an explanation. In June, about a month later, they issued another lab report saying the tissue samples had been prepared in such a way as not to be conducive to retaining unconsumed gunpowder particles. In other words, it had been put in something -- formaldehyde or something - - which made it disappear.

That's a lie. That didn't happen. Depending on the type of ball smokeless powder, the solvents, in order to destroy it, would have to be either ether or nitroglycerin. People just don't use that to preserve tissue samples. So Beyer was lying. And remember, that's the cornerstone of the entire conclusion.

When we look at everything we've just talked about, the only word we have about this entrance and exit wound is from Dr. Beyer. You would think out of 25 witnesses before the autopsy -- an autopsy which is screwy from the start -- there would be some record of the entrance or exit wound other than the neck wound, if it existed. It did not exist until you get to the autopsy, and Dr. Beyer falsified his autopsy.

QUESTION: Ambrose Evans-Pritchard claimed he was shown a photograph of the neck wound, correct?

CLARKE: Correct. Ambrose told me that; I've asked him.

QUESTION: Have you been able to track down this photo?

CLARKE: No.

QUESTION: Where do you think the photo might be?

CLARKE: I don't know.

QUESTION: Do you know who the last person would have been to have it?

CLARKE: I have a couple of suspects. He was shown the photograph, so you have to ask yourself who showed it to him.

QUESTION: Haut?

CLARKE: No, no. I think it was XXXXX [redacted by request].

QUESTION: Who else have you added to your list of defendants?

CLARKE: After "John Doe Pathologist," next is Robert F. Bryant. At the time of Mr. Foster's death, Bryant was Special Agent in Charge of the FBI's Washington Metropolitan Field Office. He has since been promoted to Deputy Director, FBI. On Friday, July 23, 1993, three days after the death, he sent a Teletype to then Acting Director of the FBI, Floyd Clark. Clark was the Acting Director because Sessions had been fired a week before. Accuracy in Media got this Teletype, which is heavily redacted, through a Freedom of Information lawsuit. What it shows is that Bryant was sending it to confirm telephone conversations that took place on the 21st, the day after the death. He says something like, "This is to confirm our conversation wherein the preliminary results of the autopsy are that there was a .38 caliber gunshot wound with no exit wound."

QUESTION: He said no exit wound?

CLARKE: He confirmed the conversation with Floyd Clark in which he said there was no exit wound. On August 10th, about 17 days after he sent the Teletype, he appeared at a joint Park Police/FBI press conference to announce the FBI's finding of suicide in the park. He told everyone there a very thorough investigation showed it was a suicide in the park. His having done that constitutes his participation in the conspiracy. He is telling the American people, the press, that it was suicide in the park. Seventeen days earlier he confirmed his guilty knowledge of no exit wound. And this is the Special Agent in charge of the Washington D. C. Metropolitan Field Office.

QUESTION: What did Dr. Beyer's report say about an exit wound?

CLARKE: He said it was 1 x 1.5 inch, which is about the size of a half-dollar. Remember, it wasn't there earlier; John Rolla could have put his finger through something the size of a half-dollar. But that's what Beyer said. He said he put a probe through the head, and there is a record of one of the Park Police officers having seen the probe going in through the mouth and coming out through the back of the head.

QUESTION: Did the Park Police officer sign a statement that he saw that?

CLARKE: No, but I believe that he did see that. But that Park Police officer didn't get there until after Beyer had done God knows what to the body. He's reported as having removed the tongue and portions of the soft palate before the officers got there. I think he inserted the probe before the officers got there. They walked in and saw the probe, then he took it out.

QUESTION: So you think he may have drilled a hole in the back of the head to be able to put the probe through?

CLARKE: I think the bullet went up through Mr. Foster's tongue into the top of his head, and fractured his head. So Rolla said "I felt a mushy spot, I thought the head was fractured, and I thought the bullet was still in the head." He's right on all three counts is what I think.

QUESTION: OK, Bryant is also named because in his memo to . . .

CLARKE: There is a record of his active participation in the cover-up.

QUESTION: Who else besides Bryant are you naming?

CLARKE: There's Scott Jeffrey Bickett. Scott bashed Patrick's car in with a tire iron the night before his second FBI interview. One of the appendices at the back of Evans-Pritchard's "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton" is a computer printout of Scott Jeffrey Bickett, showing that he was employed by the Department of Defense. [3] He holds what is called an "active SCI" security clearance. SCI stands for "Sensitive Compartmented Information." That's a top U.S. government security clearance. So this malicious attack on Patrick's car, which Bickett later confessed to . . .

QUESTION: He did? To whom did he confess?

CLARKE: Coincidentally, to the U.S. Park Police who were handling the case. They said they couldn't trace the license plate number. Luckily, there was a limousine driver not too far away who witnessed the whole thing, who wrote it down.

QUESTION: Did he tell them why he bashed the car?

CLARKE: No. So, the Park Police showed up and the limo driver gave the license number to both the Park Police and to Patrick. A week went by and they said they couldn't find the guy. So a private investigator was hired on October 18, 1995, and he found Bickett in one day. The Park Police then interviewed Bickett and he confessed. This incident was pretty damned coincidental. It was the night before Patrick's second interview. Patrick had two interviews. The first one was April 15, 1994, when FBI agent Larry Monroe was leaning on him trying to get him to admit the car he saw in the Fort Marcy Park parking lot was Vince Foster's car. Patrick had another interview about 3 weeks later. The incident where his car was bashed in was the night before the second interview. He actually had a confrontation with this guy, Scott Bickett.

Either they were trying to give Patrick a hint, or they were trying to shake him up. His car was a 1974 refurbished Peugeot. It was just beautiful. It was Patrick's only possession. They bashed the shit out of it right in front of the Vietnam Memorial. Patrick and his girlfriend were showing another couple the memorial.

QUESTION: When did you learn of Bickett?

CLARKE: When Evans-Pritchard's book came out.

QUESTION: Why did you not name Bickett as a defendant to begin with?

CLARKE: Because we filed suit a year before that book came out. The next new defendant I call "John Doe FBI Laboratory Technician." I'll tell you briefly some of the things they hid. Remember, Beyer supposedly found ball shaped smokeless powder on the body. Well, Remington manufactured the cartridges found in the official death gun. They were .38 HVL, which stands for high velocity ammunition. Remington has never used ball smokeless powder in the manufacture of that ammunition.

QUESTION: So the supposed finding of the ball shaped powder on the soft palate by Beyer is impossible in any event?

CLARKE: I think Foster had ball powder on him, but none of it was in the mouth.

QUESTION: Does the presence of this particular type of powder give you any indication what the murder weapon actually was?

CLARKE: Yes. It's used by Winchester .22's, a small caliber gun.

QUESTION: Whoa!!

CLARKE: Yes, it's consistent with reloads also.

QUESTION: Professional hit men are known to reload their ammunition.

CLARKE: That category is included.

QUESTION: Although it seems unlikely to me that anyone would want to reload .22 cartridges, unless they wanted very special properties. But a professional might.

CLARKE: Right, for up close work. The FBI lab also hid the length of the powder burns on Mr. Foster's hands. They did not describe the length of those powder burns.

QUESTION: Is the official story that he had one hand over the cylinder of the gun as he pulled the trigger?

CLARKE: Right. And you would get a blast from the front cylinder gap.

QUESTION: Well, on a revolver there are gaps between the cylinder and the frame at both the front and the back of the cylinder, where some blast might escape.

CLARKE: You could get a little bit from the back, but these powder burns on his hands were definitely from the front cylinder gap, and they are huge. As the blast escapes from the cylinder gap, it is blocked at the top and the bottom by the frame of the gun. So it comes out in a triangular shape on both sides from the front cylinder gap, which is at the back of the barrel. As the blast flees from the gun, it expands, so the triangle gets larger the farther it is from the point of the blast.

If your hand is over the cylinder when you pull the trigger, you won't get gunshot residue on the part of your hand that is above the gun, or the part that is below the gun. The top and bottom of the gun frame will protect those parts of your hand. Now, if you wrap your hand around the gun at the front of the cylinder, according to our measurements, you will have two 2-inch burns on your hand, one on each side of the cylinder.

QUESTION: Exactly right.

CLARKE: Let's suppose you got somebody else to pull the trigger. You take both hands and wrap them around the gun, but not touching the gun. With your hands out like that, instead of 2 inches long the burns are going to be 6 to 7 inches long. The gunshot residue deposit is shortened by closeness of your hand to the gun and lengthened by its distance. Now, we calculate that Mr. Foster had a 3-inch burn on the left-hand side, so he was not touching the gun there.

QUESTION: OK.

CLARKE: On the right hand side he had over a 5-inch burn.

QUESTION: So his hands were not touching the gun?

CLARKE: On neither side. He was not holding that gun.

QUESTION: What's he doing with his hands around but not touching a gun that goes off?

CLARKE: Think about it. He's in a defensive posture. The gun went off when his hand was two inches from it on the right hand side and on the left side maybe a half an inch. He was grabbing for the gun when it went off!

QUESTION: How do you know how long the burns were on each hand?

CLARKE: We can approximate the size of his hand. He was 6 feet 4, and he could palm a basketball palm down in each hand. Anybody who can do that has a 6-inch index finger.

QUESTION: How do you know the length of the burns?

CLARKE: We have sources in the record that tell us the burn began at the last phalange, which is about an inch long. It extended down into the web area of his hand. From the beginning of the last phalange to the web area would have been 5 inches. If the burn extended into the web area, that means it was more than 5 inches. One of the reports -- Simonello's -- says it is also to the thumb. Simonello removed the weapon from Mr. Foster's right hand. He said there was gunpowder on the thumb. That means the hand could not have been in contact with the weapon when it went off.

QUESTION: Was his stain also the ball shaped powder?

CLARKE: We don't know because it is residue.

QUESTION: Is it possible that someone put the .38 in his hand and shot the gun to make it look like he shot it?

CLARKE: No.

QUESTION: But the .38 had been fired, had it not? It had a spent casing in it didn't it?

CLARKE: One spent casing and one unspent casing.

QUESTION: Did they do a test of the gun to see if it had been fired recently?

CLARKE: I don't know. I do know that they didn't test it until after they closed the investigation. Did you know that?

QUESTION: No. Good grief.

CLARKE: In fact the letter requesting testing was not written until the 11th, but the case was officially closed on the 5th. A week later they decided to send it out for testing. That was the official FBI/Park Police investigation, which was 16 days long.

QUESTION: Why have you added "John Doe FBI lab Technician" to your suit?

CLARKE: Because of the FBI report. He says the gunpowder residues are consistent with Foster having fired the weapon. We made a model of the weapon. You cannot pull the trigger with your hands in the position relative the gun that Foster's must have been. His right hand was 2 inches away from it, and the left hand about one half inch". The only way he could have been holding it would be with his hands around it and away from it. You can't pull the trigger like that. Even if he could reach the trigger, he couldn't have pulled it -- it was too far away.

QUESTION: Was he supposed to have pulled the trigger with his thumb?

CLARKE: Yes.

QUESTION: So you name the FBI lab technician because he falsified the documents, in your opinion?

CLARKE: Yes.

QUESTION: What you are talking about here -- you've said it yourself more than once -- is a conspiracy that involves many, many people.

CLARKE: Many people, but less than some might imagine.

QUESTION: It's hard for the average person to contemplate that all of these disparate people would be involved to falsify the record. Why would they do that?

CLARKE: They were evidently covering up an apparent homicide. I don't know why they did it, why he was killed, or who killed him.

QUESTION: What's the next step in your suit?

CLARKE: The judge still has not ruled on the defendants' motion to dismiss. The two FBI agents and one other named defendant who was served in the case earlier filed a motion to dismiss. We argued that in January. The judge has not ruled on it. It's a good thing, too, because we have been going through thousands of pages of records pulling all of this stuff out.

QUESTION: I won't ask you if you trust the judge.

CLARKE: You can say that I trust him because I do.

QUESTION: What is his name?

CLARKE: John Garrett Penn.

QUESTION: Which court is the case in?

CLARKE: U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

QUESTION: Has he been there for a while?

CLARKE: He's been there for a long time. I tried a case before him in 1989.

QUESTION: I suppose the next step is he will make a ruling about whether to dismiss. And if he does not dismiss, he will then look at your amended complaint. Is that right?

CLARKE: He really has to look at the amended complaint before ruling. Part of the argument of the motion to dismiss is our supposed failure to particularize the allegation of conspiracy. Our amended complaint is a lot more particular. So he would not want to dismiss the suit without looking at this.

QUESTION: You think at this point with the evidence you have presented you have overcome that objection?

CLARKE: Yes, I thought I overcame it back then, but even more so now.

QUESTION: How is Patrick Knowlton doing?

CLARKE: He's doing very well.

QUESTION: Is he getting on with his life?

CLARKE: We are both involved in this up to our armpits, so this is his life for the time being.

QUESTION: I know you are getting along partly on donations, so give us the address to contribute to this cause.

CLARKE: The Knowlton Legal Fund, 1730 K Street NW, Suite 304, Washington, D.C. 20006. Donations are not tax deductible.


Notes 1. For more information on the Knowlton lawsuit, see an earlier Washington Weekly interview with John Clarke at: http://www.federal.com/feb16-98/Foster. 2. The amended complaint in the lawsuit is available at: http://www.aim.org/special/knowlton.htm 3. Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton," p. 416. Wesley Phelan may be reached at wphlen@mtco.com
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #27 
Terror threat sparks Newton librarian/FBI standoff
By Dan Atkinson/ Newton TAB
Wednesday, January 25, 2006 - Updated: 12:55 PM EST

Newton officials are calling their refusal to allow FBI agents access to library computers without a warrant during a terrorist threat last week “their finest hour.”
Law enforcement officials say it’s a “nightmare.”
Police rushed to the Newton Free Library after tracing a terrorist threat e-mailed to Brandeis University to a computer at the library.
But requests to examine computers Jan. 18 were rebuffed by Newton library Director Kathy Glick-Weil and Mayor David Cohen on the grounds that they did not have a warrant.


Cohen, defending the library’s actions, called the legal standoff one of Newton’s “finest hours.”
“We showed you can enforce the law — without jeopardizing the privacy of innocent citizens,” the mayor said.
It took U.S. attorneys several hours to finally secure a warrant, Glick-Weil said, and they took the computer from the library at about 11:30 that night, after the library had closed.
Brandeis received the alleged e-mail threat at about 11 a.m., according to Waltham Lt. Brian Navin. While police reportedly didn’t find anything threatening after evacuating 12 buildings at Brandeis and a nearby elementary school, by about 2 p.m., the e-mail was traced to a computer at the Newton Free Library.
Newton police, followed shortly by FBI and state police officers, rushed to the library to lock the building down, Glick-Weil said.
“There was a lot of excitement going on,” she said.
An FBI spokesman, as well as Lt. Bruce Apotheker of the Newton police, both said their offices would not comment on the investigation.
But a law enforcement official close to the investigation said in an e-mail the confrontation was a “nightmare.”
Nancy Murray, director of education for the Boston branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, said she was surprised the FBI asked for information without a warrant.
“They couldn’t possibly expect to get (the computer) without a warrant,” she said. “Good for the library for knowing more about warrants than the police.”
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #28 
                       
Antiwar Group Infiltrated by the FBI


January 27, 2006


Infiltrated by feds, antiwar group turns on photographer 

The first time federal agents infiltrated the Broward Antiwar Coalition was in July 2003, two months before a planned protest against President George W. Bush, according to one member of the South Florida activist group.

The second time was in September 2003, two months before the infamous Free Trade Area of the Americas meeting in downtown Miami, which resulted in several lawsuits against the Miami Police Department for using excessive force against protesters.

And the third time was less than a year ago, just days before the Organization of American States meeting in downtown Fort Lauderdale, said Ray Del Papa, one of the original members of the activist group.

Each time, it was a different person who had joined their group or befriended one of its members, asking prying questions and knowing just a little too much personal information about the activists. Each time, the individual seemed to contradict statements they had made about themselves and their background. And each time, that person would disappear within a few months, never to be heard from again.

So last month, when NBC revealed that the federal government had been spying on antiwar groups around the country, including several in South Florida, it confirmed what Broward Antiwar Coalition members had suspected for more than two years: that Big Brother had been watching all along.

And it left them with a simmering rage -- and paranoia from being spied upon -- that exploded on the streets of Miami earlier this month when one of its members allegedly attacked a photojournalist, landing the activist in jail. The incident revealed the untold price of domestic surveillance: that people who feel they are being spied upon are liable to turn on each other.

Kate Healey, 44, was charged with one count of misdemeanor battery. She declined to be interviewed for this article.

Photographer attacked on suspicion of surveillance

The incident began during a demonstration against Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito Jan. 9 in downtown Miami. Members of the Broward Antiwar Coalition were among several groups protesting against Alito. As usual, a number of counter-protesters, including a group of pro-lifers, had shown up to voice their opposition to the activist groups.

Photojournalist Danny Hammontree said he was taking pictures of a screaming argument between an anti-Alito protester and a pro-life woman waving a Bible, when the anti-Alito woman turned to him and demanded: "Who the fuck are you?"

Hammontree told her he was a freelancer who specializes in shooting protests. The woman, later identified as Healey, told him he was not allowed to take her photo because it was against the law, he said.

"I said, 'I have as much right to photograph you as you have to be here protesting,'" he said.

"Then she attacked me."

Hammontree said that Healey stormed up to him as he was holding the camera up to his face and shoved the lens hard into his eye.

"Then she started punching me in the chest and body," he said. "It didn't really hurt me. It was really more of a threat against my equipment than against me."

Watching the whole incident unravel was a member of Miami's Civilian Investigative Panel, a watchdog group that was established to monitor the Miami Police Department, after a series of questionable police shootings on civilians that eventually landed several cops in jail.

"A lady from the CIP came and pulled her off me," Hammontree said.

Dean Lautermilch, another South Florida photojournalist who specializes in protests, said Healey initially confronted him before turning her anger towards Hammontree.

"She was screaming at one of the Christians and during a pause, I tapped her on the shoulder and said hello," he said. "Then she started screaming at me, 'Don't you understand, we got infiltrated by the FBI. We don't know who to trust anymore.'

"Danny then took a photo and she turned on him."

After taking statements from witnesses, police asked Hammontree if he wanted to press charges against Healey, which he did.

"I did it out of principle because I want them to know that in the future, I'm not going to tolerate them attacking me," he said. "Especially with all my equipment. I work for myself so I don't have a company to replace my camera gear."

Suspicion festers among group members

Meanwhile, Del Papa, who was furious at watching one of his fellow group members arrested, accused Hammontree and Lautermilch of being spies for the FBI.

"He was getting all crazy, the cop had to hold him back," Hammontree said. "He was saying, 'I know you guys are with the FBI' or some crazy shit like that. So I took his photo."

Del Papa said he is suspicious of Lautermilch because of an incident last year when the photojournalist refused to photograph another Broward Antiwar Coalition member getting arrested during a protest against the Central America Free Trade Agreement in July 2004.

"He tries to tell me he is exercising his right to take photographs, but when it comes to taking a picture of one of our guys getting arrested, he refuses," Del Papa said. "And he likes to take a lot of portrait shots, real close up photos of our faces. If you're photographing a protest, why do you need portraits?"

Lautermilch said Ft. Lauderdale Police intimidated him and Hammontree from taking the photo of the arrest that day.

"It was clear from their body language that if I took that photo, they would have come after me," he said. "We felt terrible and we apologized several times, but I'm not going to lose $5,000 of Nikon equipment over the incident that happened in the tunnel."

Christian Minaya, 25, said he was initially arrested for "prowling", even though he was on a public sidewalk. That charge was later reduced to trespassing. Minaya said he does not suspect the photographers of being informants.

"I've seen the cops confiscate cameras so that is probably why they wouldn't take the photo," he said.

Both photographers laughed at the idea that they are FBI informants.

"I've never even gone to any of their meetings," Lautermilch said, adding that he takes portrait shots because that is his photography style. "I always try to make them look good."

Hammontree said that he is likely to have his own FBI file because he grew up in a hippy commune.

"The whole irony is that I'm on their side," Hammontree said. "I am antiwar and anti-Bush. But I'm against anyone who is going to attack me for taking their photo."

While Hammontree and Lautermilch were photographing protesters during the anti-Alito rally, members of the Broward Antiwar Coalition were also photographing people whom they believed to be undercover cops.

"There were like four undercover police officers there," said Paul Lefrak, one of the founding members of the Broward Antiwar Coalition.

"We go up and photograph them. They're always these lone, buff guys, standing in the crowd, looking around. They try to avoid getting photographed. We tell them we just want their photograph."

Lefrak said he did not witness the incident between Healey and the photojournalists, but he pleaded with Hammontree to drop the charges. Lefrak is fully aware the group has been infiltrated in the past, but would not go as far as to associate either of the two photographers with the FBI.

"I would only make an accusation of someone being a cop or an informant if I had strong evidence," he said. "But I'm not going to say I will vouch for (Lautermilch). It's a question mark."

Group was infiltrated three times

In the past, the infiltrators were usually more obvious.

For example, the first time the group was infiltrated was in 2003, when Del Papa was befriended by a new employee at his job in a hobby store.

"He would come in and work on Saturdays. He was an active duty officer stationed in Miami. And he knew a lot of stuff about me. What my interests were, people I associated with outside of politics.

"On his first day, he drops the name of a close friend of mine who lives in Baltimore. That was a red flag."

And as they got to know each other, the man kept prying into events that Del Papa attended with the Broward Antiwar Coalition.

"He told me he was a sympathizer to the cause and that his wife is a socialist," Del Papa said.

Del Papa, who is a professional model builder, said the man claimed to be a model aficionado.

"But as we started working together, I realized the man didn't know a whole lot about the hobby," Del Papa said. "I never trusted him. I always kept him at a distance."

Two months later, after the man stopped showing up to work, never to be heard from again, another man started showing up at the group's meetings. On Nov. 11, during the Free Trade Area of the Americas meeting in Miami, the man showed up with a woman they had never seen before.

"They were dressed in Black Bloc attire, but he was wearing Nikes," Del Papa said. "Nobody in the Black Bloc wears Nikes. And he said he was from Pittsburgh, but when I asked him about Pittsburgh, his knowledge was very limited.'

Not surprisingly, the man and the women disappeared after the FTAA protest.

Just last year, in the days leading to the protest against American States meeting in downtown Fort Lauderdale, Del Papa spoke on phone to another member about the need for a medic at the protest. Less than 24 hours later, a woman showed up out of the blue at a group meeting, claiming to be a medic.

On the day of the protest, the woman organized a group of young people to plant themselves in front of the police. The youths sat down less than 15 feet from a group of police officers, who were fully dressed in riot gear.

"It was 4 p.m. and we were supposed to disperse at 5 p.m. because that was when the permit was going to expire," he said. "We weren't sure if the kids were going to disperse and we didn't want to give the cops an excuse to do what they did in Miami."

They managed to get the young people to stand up before the 5 p.m. deadline without incident. The woman never returned.

Lefrak said the Broward Antiwar Coalition is a plaintiff in a lawsuit filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights against the federal government over the spying.

"To me, it just shows that anytime the government resorts to oppression against popular movements, it shows they fear the mass movement," Lefrak said. "That is something that can encourage us. And we're not afraid of it. We will continue to do our part."

 

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #29 

http://news.scotsman.com/index.cfm?id=348822006

 

FBI involvement in coverup of Lockerbie explosion

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #30 

Anne Braden, 81; Longtime Social Activist Fought for Racial Tolerance in the South

       
By Claire Noland, Times Staff Writer
        March 9, 2006        

Anne Braden, a longtime social activist who was indicted on charges of sedition after helping a black couple integrate a 1950s white neighborhood in Louisville, Ky., died Monday. She was 81.

Braden had been diagnosed with pneumonia and dehydration when she was admitted Saturday to Jewish Hospital in Louisville, said her biographer, Catherine Fosl.
The cause of death was not announced.

"It was a big, big life that she lived, and she was a teeny little woman who was so soft-spoken you could hardly hear her," Fosl said.

As newspaper reporters in the 1940s and '50s, Braden and her husband, Carl, joined the struggle for social change in the South.

The white couple found themselves in the headlines in 1954 when they agreed to buy a house and transfer the title to a black World War II veteran, Andrew Wade, and his wife, Charlotte. The Wades had tried unsuccessfully to purchase a home in the suburbs.

After the Wades moved into the neighborhood, the house immediately became a target; rocks were thrown through windows, a cross was burned on a neighbor's frontyard, shots were fired and the house was damaged in a dynamite blast.

During a grand jury investigation of the bombing, the Bradens were questioned about their political affiliations and were ultimately indicted for sedition, accused of disloyalty to the state of Kentucky.

Carl was sentenced to 15 years in prison and was jailed for seven months before the conviction was overturned; Anne's case never went to trial.

Anne wrote about the bombing and the subsequent legal action in her 1958 book "The Wall Between," which was a finalist for the National Book Award.

The Bradens viewed their experience in Kentucky as nothing less than a threat to their civil liberties.

"What came together here was a combination of the anti-Red and the anti-black hysteria, and when you put that together it was overwhelming," she told author Griffin Fariello for his 1995 collection of oral histories, "Red Scare: Memories of the American Inquisition."

Local authorities raided the Bradens' home and confiscated much of the couple's book collection and introduced it as evidence at the 1954 trial.

"We had a lot of Marxist books and a lot of other books too," Braden told Fariello.

"They didn't really know the difference. They took anything with a Russian name, all my Tolstoy books, and Turgenev and Dostoevsky. But we had Marx and Lenin too. They had all these books in the courtroom, it was a trial of books in a way. It was a very hysterical situation. Very little about the Wade house, except that this was part of a plot to stir up trouble between the races and take all the land away from the white people," Braden said.

The Bradens continued their involvement in the burgeoning civil rights movement, organizing the Southern Conference Educational Fund and mobilizing white support with their reporting from the South.

They became close to the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and other prominent members of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

King agreed to Anne's request in 1961 to sign a petition requesting clemency for Carl, who was held in contempt of Congress for refusing to answer questions of the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1958.

Members of the Progressive Party in the 1950s, the Bradens never openly aligned themselves with the Communist Party, but neither did they disassociate themselves from it.

"When the day comes that a person can be a member of the Communist Party and say so and continue to work and function in this society, I'll answer that question, but until that day comes I will not," Anne said in 1961.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #31 
Last year Boston FBI agent John Connolly was indicted for murder while serving a 10 year sentence for running a Murder Incorporated with the Boston Mafia and other FBI agents in the Boston office. Their collaboration murdered over 21 children,women and men.
This year New York FBI agent DeVecchio was indicted for murder
in New York City where he ran a Murder Incorporated with the New York Mafia and FBI agents in the New York office. The body count is expected to exceed the Boston FBI office.
In 1999 Attorney William Pepper represented the Martin Luther King family in a civil lawsuit in Memphis where the family sued a member of the Memphis Mafia named Jowers who admitted to being part of the assassination of Dr King. The jury returned a verdict in favor of the King
family and held a press conference saying current and former FBI agents
were principal architects in the Martin Luther King assassination. William Pepper wrote a book about the trial called AN ACT OF STATE.
I won't overload you with material about the FBI-Mafia JFK assassination.
I will save it for another time.
here are 3 articles

       
March 9, 2006 Edition > Section: New York


Former Mob-Busting FBI Agent To Be Charged With Murder in Mafia Hits
Gang Land
               

By JERRY CAPECI
March 9, 2006
In a case with stunning implications for both law enforcement and some convicted gangsters, prosecutors have decided to seek murder charges against a former mob-busting FBI agent for involvement in at least three Brooklyn Mafia hits between 1984 and 1992, Gang Land has learned.

The Brooklyn district attorney's office has concluded a six-month probe of the scandalous allegations against R. Lindley DeVecchio and will soon ask a grand jury to vote on murder charges against the retired agent, sources said. The move could come as early as today.


January 12, 2006
By Jerry Capeci
Ex-FBI Agent Probed In Mob Hits

A Gang Land Exclusive

Greg ScarpaAuthorities are investigating allegations that a former mob-busting FBI agent helped Colombo capo Gregory Scarpa carry out four separate Brooklyn murders during the years the gangster served as a top echelon informer for the agent, Gang Land has learned.

Two of the slayings – one committed by Scarpa, (right) the other by an associate – took place after FBI agent R. Lindley DeVecchio allegedly told the gangster that two Brooklyn hoodlums were stool pigeons just like him, sources said.

DeVecchio allegedly told Scarpa that mobster Joseph (Joe Brewster) DeDomenico had “found God” and was prepared to tell the truth if subpoenaed, and that Patrick Porco, a young drug-dealing buddy of Scarpa’s son Joseph, was talking to police, sources said.

DeDomenico, 44, was shot to death on Sept. 17, 1987. Porco, 18, was killed over the Memorial Day weekend in 1990.

The Brooklyn District Attorney’s office also has evidence that DeVecchio, who has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing as an FBI agent, aided Scarpa in the murders of two rival hoodlums he shot to death during the bloody 1991-92 mob family war, sources said.

Those victims, mob associate Larry Lampesi and capo Nicholas (Nicky Black) Grancio, were members of a rival Colombo faction headed by Victor (Little Vic)

Little Vic OrenaOrena (left) who were shot to death by Scarpa’s crew in 1992. Sources say DeVecchio facilitated Grancio’s murder by calling off a police surveillance team to allow Scarpa to kill him, and assisted Scarpa in Lampesi’s murder by letting him know where to find his target.

“The evidence is credible but it remains to be seen whether a murder case can be made,” said a law enforcement source, noting that the statute of limitations has long since passed on all other possible charges.

“Lin discussed the murders with Greg before they happened, and after they happened, and knew they were going to happen – that is the allegation,” said a source who is familiar with the probe by the DA’s office.

Just how far DeVecchio went in aiding his prized informant has been kicked around by federal prosecutors and mob defense lawyers for more than a decade. He was investigated by the Justice Department’s Office of Professional Integrity in 1996, but no charges were ever brought.

Accounts by Scarpa’s family detailing DeVecchio’s close, allegedly corrupt, working relationship with Scarpa reached Gang Land a decade ago. Those charges could never be confirmed and DeVecchio has strongly denied any wrongdoing.

The central figure in the new investigation, sources say, is Scarpa’s longtime lover, Linda Schiro, who hooked up with the then-36-year-old gregarious mobster in 1964 several months before her 19th birthday and raised two children


with him. Their son Joseph died at 24, shot to death in a drug-related gang murder in 1995. Scarpa, who contracted the AIDS virus in a blood transfusion, died in prison a year earlier at age 66. Schiro, now 60, met DeVecchio numerous times during visits to the gangster’s home, according to court documents.

While Schiro is the linchpin of the investigation, the allegations were delivered to the DA’s office by Angela Clemente, a private investigator who obtained much of her information from a woman with whom Schiro had planned to write a book several years ago, sources said.

Sources said Clemente, who has investigated DeVecchio and other alleged government abuses for years, filed a report with the DA’s office last year after a federal judge refused to toss Little Vic Orena’s murder and racketeering conviction based on lesser allegations against the 65-year-old retired G-man.

Sources say the report is based largely on information Clemente obtained from Sandy Harmon, who had planned to pen the Schiro-Scarpa book, and that it contains allegations which have been knocked down by detectives and investigators for Brooklyn DA Charles Hynes. (right)

One discredited charge is that Joseph Scarpa killed Porco, a life-long friend whose bullet-riddled body was found on May 27, 1990 in the Sheepshead Bay section of Brooklyn, on orders from his father.

“Greg wanted him to, pushed him to do it, but the kid couldn’t do it,” said one source.

Prosecutors have confirmed the essence of the report, however, and plan to

FBI Agent R. Lindley DeVecchiocajole or coerce Schiro to testify before a grand jury in the hope of lodging murder charges against DeVecchio and others, sources said.

Schiro, who implicated DeVecchio (left) in two minor transgressions during an internal FBI probe – she said he accepted a plate of lasagna and a Cabbage Patch doll as gifts from her and Greg – declined to comment when contacted by Gang Land.

“These allegations are preposterous,” said DeVecchio’s attorney, Douglas Grover. “There’s no way that such a well respected, talented agent who enjoyed a great career with the FBI was ever going to get involved in something like this. There is no doubt that Scarpa was a murderous thug, but there is nothing to suggest that Lin participated in or condoned any of Scarpa’s conduct while he was a major FBI informant.”

Ex-FBI agent indicted in 1982 killing
Jailed agent had link to fugitive Boston mob boss

From Susan Candiotti
CNN

Wednesday, May 4, 2005 Posted: 5:38 PM EDT (2138 GMT)
       

MIAMI, Florida (CNN) -- An ex-FBI agent serving 10 years for tipping off a reputed crime boss was indicted on charges of first-degree murder and conspiracy Wednesday, CNN has learned.

The charges against former FBI agent John Connolly stem from the killing on August 1, 1982, of accountant John Callahan, who was said to be linked to the Irish underworld's James "Whitey" Bulger and his Winter Hill gang in Boston, Massachusetts.

Bulger is on the FBI's list of 10 Most Wanted Fugitives with a $1 million reward for information leading to his arrest.

His brother, William Bulger, former president of the Massachusetts State Senate, stepped down as president of the University of Massachusetts in 2003 after months of pressure by Gov. Mitt Romney. He had accused Bulger of being evasive during congressional testimony about his fugitive brother's whereabouts.

Connolly is serving a 10-year sentence at a federal prison in North Carolina for convictions in 2002 on racketeering and obstruction of justice charges. He was found guilty of tipping off James Bulger and now-convicted hit man Stephen "The Rifleman" Flemmi about an impending racketeering indictment.

Flemmi later testified that the FBI knew about and approved his crimes while he was the agency's informant.

Flemmi has since confessed to killing Callahan and 10 others in Boston and Oklahoma.

Callahan was an accountant for a Miami jai alai fronton. Another confessed hit man, John Martorano, has told authorities he was hired to kill the fronton's owner, Tulsa businessman Roger Wheeler.

Law enforcement sources said Connolly, then an FBI agent, provided the "set up" information to members of James Bulger's mob that Callahan was someone who had to be "taken out" because he was acting as an FBI informant.

A parking lot attendant at Miami International Airport discovered Callahan's decaying body stuffed in the trunk of his silver Cadillac. According to The Miami Herald, the killer left a dime on Callahan's chest, a mob warning against "dropping a dime" -- or making a phone call -- to authorities.

According to sources, Connolly is set to be released from prison in 2010. But one law enforcement source told CNN, "Not after this indictment."
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #32 
Foot drag on capo's FBI mole?

Daily News Exclusive

Federal prosecutors strongly suspected that murderous Mafia capo Greg Scarpa Sr. had a friend in the FBI, but little was done about it for six years, according to Justice Department documents obtained by the Daily News.

One of the prosecutors told the head of the FBI's New York office that the agency "intentionally obstructed" an investigation into Scarpa's son's drug dealing, according to the documents.

Other prosecutors said they were surprised the elder Scarpa evaded arrest, and believed that the FBI was protecting him despite evidence that he had killed several rivals.

A Justice Department investigation was finally launched in 1994 - six years after a prosecutor first alleged the FBI was in league with Scarpa, and two years after six Mafia turncoats said the mobster had a law enforcement mole.

A Justice Department spokesman did not respond to a phone call asking about the lengthy delay in starting the probe, conducted by FBI agents assigned to the bureau's Office of Professional Responsibility.

That investigation confirmed the suspicions of the prosecutors that the alleged mole was FBI agent Lindley DeVecchio, head of a squad investigating Scarpa's Colombo crime family.

Scarpa was DeVecchio's secret informant for 13 years, with apparent free license to run an empire of murder, drug dealing, credit card fraud, loansharking and other crimes.

It may have been a two-way street: DeVecchio was allegedly Scarpa's informant, providing advance warnings on indictments, arrests, investigations and intelligence on his Mafia rivals. DeVecchio, according to the report, was also Scarpa's protector.

In one incident, DeVecchio personally escorted Scarpa to an unprecedented in-chambers meeting with Brooklyn Federal Judge Leo Glasser.

Scarpa had been arrested by the U.S. Secret Service for selling fraudulent credit cards. DeVecchio told Glasser that Scarpa was a valuable informant. Scarpa received a sentence of five years' probation from Glasser.

Scarpa died in 1994, and when the investigation by the Office of Professional Responsibility concluded two years later, DeVecchio was not charged with any crime.

Prosecutors were angry at the result, sources said, and further dismayed that after DeVecchio retired, he was rehired by the FBI as a consultant.

But now, a grand jury convened by the Brooklyn district attorney's office is investigating the original allegations and more - that DeVecchio helped Scarpa Sr. hunt down and kill rivals in a mob war.

Retired and living in Florida, DeVecchio, through his lawyer, has denied the allegations, calling them "nonsense."

In a 25-page sworn statement given to Office of Professional Responsibility interviewers, DeVecchio said he recruited Scarpa as an informant in 1980, never knew Scarpa was a killer and had committed other crimes until 1993, and would never compromise his job or the FBI.

"I treated Scarpa Sr. as a member of organized crime, and not as a colleague agent," DeVecchio said. He declined to take a lie-detector test, as requested by investigators, and the matter was closed.

The Office of Professional Responsibility report was given to several criminal defense attorneys who maintain that prosecutions of their mob clients were tainted because they were based on information from Scarpa and DeVecchio.

The report contains interviews with eight FBI agents, including DeVecchio, four prosecutors from the Brooklyn U.S. attorney's office, three Brooklyn federal court judges and the six Mafia informants from Scarpa's crew.

The informants said Scarpa received streams of information on wiretaps and surveillance, advance notice on arrests and indictments, and intelligence on rival mobsters targeted for murder.

In Office of Professional Responsibility interviews that began Jan. 18, 1994, at FBI headquarters in Washington, prosecutor Valerie Caproni revealed that she had stated on the record in 1988 that she believed the FBI was protecting Scarpa and his son.

"Despite repeated requests, the FBI organized crime squad [DeVecchio was a member] provided no assistance in this investigation," she said in the report.

Scarpa was eventually imprisoned for four murders. On his deathbed, he told Office of Professional Responsibility investigators that DeVecchio was not his mole.

Originally published on March 5, 2006

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #33 
Attorney claims MLK murder conspiracy

        

By MELISSA LAMBERT
Contributing writer
Monday, February 7, 2000
last updated April 6, 2001 12:00 PM

Ray Kohlman, a Massachusetts attorney who has spent the past 19 years investigating the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., told students he believed a massive government conspiracy has concealed the true identity of King's assassin.

Kohlman, who conducted his investigation for the King family and for James Earl Ray, the convicted murderer, spoke before an audience of 14 students in the Elliott Program Center on Friday, in an event sponsored by Columbae House.

According to Kohlman, a Memphis police officer named Earl Clark actually committed the crim,e and Ray was framed by the federal government Kohlman said he has evidence that Clark was hired by a friend named Loyd Jowers to kill King. Jowers, in turn, Kohlman said, was paid $100,000 by "Fat Frank" Liberto, a Mafia boss who may have been in league with the FBI and U.S. army.

Kohlman said King's April 1967 speech, in which he denounced the Vietnam War, led the government to worry that his words would lead to an anti-war uprising in the already volatile South.

"The FBI did not pull the trigger [in King's assassination]," Kohlman said. "But they were definitely implicated in his death."

Part of Kohlman's claim was substantiated in civil court two months ago when a jury unanimously found that Jowers had been implicated in King's assassination. Although Kohlman said Jowers is the key to the whole assassination, he believes the conspiracy goes far deeper.

On April 3, 1968, King went to Memphis, Tenn. to mediate a strike of local garbage workers. On that night, the Lorraine Motel, where King was staying, received a mysterious phone call saying that King needed to move to a room overlooking the pool.

"The room he had before was under the balcony," said Kohlman, a location from which it would have been impossible for an assassin to get a clear shot.

The next evening, King was gunned down as he stood on the balcony of his room. Prosecutors said Ray, an escaped felon who was in the area at the time of the assassination, fired the fatal shot from a building across the street from the motel.

Kohlman said Ray was coerced to accept a guilty plea. He was sentenced to 99 years in prison but continued to seek a new trial until his death last February.

According to Kohlman, the Feds' case was shaky from the beginning. The prosecution's chief witness, Charlie Stevens, claimed he saw Ray coming out of the bathroom from which the shot was supposedly fired, soon after the assassination took place. But Kohlman said he learned from Stevens' wife that at the time Stevens was "too drunk to know his own name."

Kohlman proposes instead that Clark fired the fatal round. Not only was Clark a good friend of Jowers, Kohlman said, his alibi didn't work and he was "anti-black," because his brother had been killed by a black man.

Several witnesses said that seconds after the shot was fired, they saw a man jump off a retaining wall across from the motel and get into a police car.

Kohlman said that on April 4, the U.S. Army stationed three teams of snipers on buildings surrounding the Lorraine Motel.

He believes the teams had orders to kill King if a riot broke out. But Kohlman said the army wasn't going to take the chance that a riot might not happen - they actually engineered one themselves. They even attempted - but failed - to incite a riot by kicking "a black group of rabble rousers" called 'The Invaders' out of their hotel.

Although he has not been able to solidly connect the Army's assassination plans with Clark, Kohlman proposes that the snipers' presence may have been a backup plan in case the first assassination attempt fell through.

Kohlman said he has evidence that the military or the CIA probably hired a Portuguese immigrant named Raul to provide them with a perpetrator - Ray - whom they could blame for King's murder.

Raul was never questioned by the government and recently retired from his work in the import-export business.

Yet when Raul's wife was interviewed last year, she said, "You know, this is a good country - America. The government comes around every now and then and checks to see that nobody has been fooling around with our phone. And they check to make sure that all the cars on the street are supposed to be there."

"Sometimes I say to myself - Is this real?," Kohlman asked. "It is."
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #34 
Ex-FBI handler charged with aiding rubouts

Daily News Exclusive

A retired FBI agent has been charged with helping a mob informant carry out at least three bloody hits, the Daily News has learned.

The blockbuster indictment delivered by a secret Brooklyn grand jury caps an exhaustive six-month probe into allegations that Lindley DeVecchio, a federal agent for 33 years, helped his longtime Colombo crime family informer, Gregory Scarpa Sr., wipe out at least three enemies, a well-informed source said.

Prosecutors do not believe DeVecchio was directly involved in the slayings - including that of Mary Bari, a beautiful brunette - but they presented evidence the agent gave Scarpa information that led him to kill, sources said.

DeVecchio is expected to be arraigned on at least three counts of second-degree murder in Brooklyn Supreme Court next week. He could face up to 25 years to life in prison on each count if convicted.

DeVecchio declined to return a phone call to his Florida home and his attorney Mark Federo said he was unaware of any indictment.

"The allegations that he is involved in the murder of Mary Bari or gangsters or anyone of that sort is absolutely ridiculous," Federo said. "We will vigorously defend against those allegations and will do so in court."

DeVecchio, an FBI supervisor for 11 years, has long weathered accusations of an improper relationship with Scarpa. But he was cleared of wrongdoing after a two-year federal probe in 1996 and by a federal judge in 2004.

Scarpa, a violent sociopath who died in prison in 1994 at 66, rose through the ranks of the Colombo family and was a paid FBI informant for more than 30 years. For 13 of those years, beginning in 1980, DeVecchio was his handler.

The Brooklyn grand jury heard evidence that DeVecchio told Scarpa in 1984 that Mary Bari - a dark-haired beauty who hung out with a Colombo family mobster - was a paid informant for the FBI. Scarpa shot her dead on Sept. 24, 1984, in a Brooklyn club as his son, Gregory Jr., held her down, according to court records quoted by the Web site Gangland News.

A second victim, Joseph (Joe Brewster) DeDomenico, was killed in 1987 after DeVecchio told Scarpa the mobster might become a turncoat, sources said. In 1992, during the 1991-93 Colombo family war, DeVecchio also is accused of helping Scarpa find and kill Larry Lampesi, a mob rival, sources said.

The office of Brooklyn District Attorney Charles Hynes, which led the probe, declined to comment yesterday. The FBI did not return calls.

Originally published on March 25, 2006

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #35 

Retired F.B.I. Agent Is Accused of Helping in Mafia Murders

Published: March 26, 2006
                       

A grand jury in Brooklyn has accused a retired F.B.I. agent of helping a Mafia killer and bureau informant murder or help murder at least three people, a law enforcement official with knowledge of the indictment confirmed yesterday.

Skip to next paragraph

Our blog takes a look at the race for mayor in New Jersey's largest city, and the colorful characters and moments that drive the campaign.
Video: Newark Primer

The murder indictment in Supreme Court names R. Lindley DeVecchio, a career investigator and onetime head of the bureau's Colombo and Bonanno families squads. He led a government surveillance team during a bloody mob civil war in the 1980's. That war left at least 10 men dead and 14 wounded.

Mr. DeVecchio, 65, reached yesterday by telephone at his home in Sarasota, Fla., denied any wrongdoing and referred all further questions to his lawyer, Douglas Grover, who said the district attorney's case against his client was "complete nonsense."

"I'm going to bang the table" in court on Monday "and get a copy of the indictment," he said. Mr. Grover, a former federal prosecutor with the Organized Crime Task Force, added: "It's common for an indictment to be filed and sealed and kept secret until prosecutors make a decision as to how they want to deal with the arraignment. But it's uncommon to leak it to the press."

Starting in 1982, Mr. DeVecchio began grooming Gregory Scarpa Sr., a captain and an assassin for the Colombo crime family, as a mole for the F.B.I.

According to the still-sealed indictment, the law enforcement official said, Mr. DeVecchio, while an F.B.I. agent, provided information to Mr. Scarpa, who in 1984 killed Mary Bari, who had dated a mobster and become a bureau informant.

The indictment also charges that Mr. DeVecchio provided information that helped Mr. Scarpa assist in the 1987 killing of Joseph DeDomenico, a mobster also known as Joe Brewster, as well as in the 1992 death of Larry Lampesi, a mob associate.

Mr. DeVecchio had also been investigated in the death of a fourth person, Nicholas Grancio, a Colombo family captain. It is not clear if that case is addressed in the indictment.

In 1992, a hit team organized by Mr. Scarpa pulled alongside Mr. Grancio's car and killed him with a shotgun blast. Investigators wondered whether Mr. DeVecchio had withdrawn F.B.I. agents from the scene, making the murder possible.

In 1993, Mr. Scarpa pleaded guilty to murder and racketeering charges. He died of AIDS a year later in a prison hospital at age 66 after contracting the virus that causes it from a blood transfusion.

The indictment of Mr. DeVecchio was reported yesterday in The New York Daily News and The New York Post. Details of his possible indictment were also reported this month by Jerry Capeci, a longtime reporter on organized crime, on his Web site, GangLandNews.com.

Mr. DeVecchio's lawyer, Mr. Grover, said that Mr. Scarpa was interviewed in prison by the F.B.I. and was asked specifically whether Mr. DeVecchio was his source. "Scarpa said no," Mr. Grover said.

Mr. Grover described Mr. DeVecchio as a friend who had become a client and who had testified or worked in many organized-crime cases while Mr. Grover was a federal prosecutor.

Contrary to some press depictions of his client as a hermit, Mr. Grover said, "Lynn is not a recluse. He lives in a house in Florida. He has a significant other. He is retired from the F.B.I. but still works for a living, and he travels to New York on occasion. And I have seen him socially."

0
jeccarye

Registered:
Posts: 1
Reply with quote  #36 

heard I could find a list of names of snitches in my area on this website. is this true? where do I go? I live in TN


__________________
jecca(TN)
0
pfstein

Registered:
Posts: 71
Reply with quote  #37 

Go to home page leave search box blank ,click drop down menu select "Informants" ,click search all states will appear in a-z order

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #38 
                                G-MAN BLOOD MONEY                                
               
                                By MURRAY WEISS                                
                                                                                                                                                                               
                                         UNDER FIRE: FBI agend Lindley DeVecchio is expected to be formally charged as early as today with giving Colombo mob boss Greg Scarpa inside information that Scarpa used to rub out rats in his family. The Brooklyn DA's Office alleges DeVecchio played a role in four mob executions over the course of a decade. Photo: Josh Williams                                                                                 UNDER FIRE: FBI agend Lindley DeVecchio is expected to be formally charged as early as today with giving Colombo mob boss Greg Scarpa inside information that Scarpa used to rub out rats in his family. The Brooklyn DA's Office alleges DeVecchio played a role in four mob executions over the course of a decade.
Photo: Josh Williams                                        
                                                                                                                                                                                                       


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
 Email Archives
 Print Reprint
Feeds Newsletters
                                       


                               
                                                March 30, 2006 --                                 FBI AGENT CASHED IN AS MAFIA SLAY MOLE: DA

ROGUE FBI top gun Lindley DeVecchio allegedly raked in hundreds of thousands of dollars in bribes from a murderous Mafia chieftain in exchange for selling him federal secrets and helping participate in at least four gangland assassinations, The Post has learned.

Exposing one of the worst corruption scandals in U.S. history, investigators from the office of Brooklyn DA Charles Hynes have unearthed a mountain of shocking new evidence - including witnesses from both sides of the law - unmasking DeVecchio's unholy alliance with fearsome Colombo crime family acting boss Gregory Scarpa Sr., who was known inside the Mafia as "The Grim Reaper."

DeVecchio turned himself in to prosecutors in Brooklyn last night. An indictment against him is expected to be unsealed as early as today.

DeVecchio's lawyer, Douglas Grover, would not comment on the case.

Click to learn more...

"We'll save it for the courtroom," he said.

For more than a decade, DeVecchio - a supervisory special agent in charge of the Colombo family squad - allegedly served as a mole, enabling Scarpa's brutal empire to eliminate government informants in their ranks, competitors trying to poach their territory and anyone who was a possible threat to his faction during the infamous Colombo wars.

In one vicious execution, DeVecchio allegedly called Scarpa "in a panic" and ordered him to kill Patrick Porco, 18, after learning from his agents in the FBI's Colombo squad that Porco had been hauled into the 62nd Precinct station house for questioning on a murder.

"You have to kill him," DeVecchio allegedly told his mob crony.

The evidence against DeVecchio in three other murders is just as startling:

* After beautiful Mary Bari was lured to her execution - partly because DeVecchio said she was a rat - he allegedly voiced his amazement that the body of Colombo big Alphonse "Allie Boy" Persico's former girlfriend was dumped on a street so close to Scarpa's Bensonhurst home.

"You got some pair of balls," DeVecchio told Scarpa, sources said, describing an account from a new witness who testified before the grand jury.

The ravishing Bari showed up for a job interview at a Scarpa-connected club wearing a halter top and high heels, and Scarpa greeted her initially with a playful hug around her head and then started squeezing her down to the floor where she was shot three times, including once behind the ear - a Scarpa trademark - to ensure she was dead.

"They dumped her on the street like the garbage," one investigator said.

* DeVecchio allegedly used his FBI squad to track the movements of a Scarpa rival, Lorenzo Lampasi, and provided Scarpa with the FBI's insight of him in order for Scarpa's hit team to best catch him by surprise.

And they did - easily stepping up to Lampasi, just as DeVecchio had predicted, after Lampasi exited his car on May 1992 to lock a gate behind him outside his Brooklyn home.

* It was DeVecchio who allegedly instructed Scarpa to whack another of his disloyal underlings, Joseph DeDomenico, after learning from his FBI organized-crime investigators that DeDomenico was pulling off burglaries behind Scarpa's back.

The FBI supervisor allegedly believed DeDomenico had to go - after all, he was not "kicking up" any profits to Scarpa. DeDomenico was killed inside his Buick Regal on Sept. 17, 1987.

Law-enforcement officials familiar with DeVecchio investigation and the separate case involving two retired NYPD detectives dubbed the "Mafia cops" - also largely unmasked by Hynes' investigators - say DeVecchio is a "more horrendous instance of corruption."

"DeVecchio was a boss, a supervisor," one source said. "He was not just some detective, or two. You don't see cases with federal law-enforcement officials in position with the ability to cover up because they are the head of a squad or unit. He was getting the intelligence - and using it to kill people."

And his motives: greed and adulation from his bosses.

DeVecchio was allegedly paid hundreds of thousands of dollars from the Colombo crime family - often in cash stuffed in envelopes - and was so brazen, he even pocketed money the feds had earmarked for Scarpa as payment for being an informant.

That money totaled more than $60,000, witnesses have told the DA.

DeVecchio's shocking indictment culminates nearly four decades of criminal activity involving the mercenary Scarpa.

Scarpa himself became a secret informant in the 1960s, working for the FBI and acting as a double agent inside in the Colombo crime family, ensuring he had an "insurance policy" against prosecution.

At the time, Scarpa - known as a ruthless hood who enjoyed killing - was also a flashy dresser who often carried a $5,000 wad of cash, with homes on Sutton Place, Las Vegas and in Brooklyn and Staten Island.

A rising star in the Colombo family, Scarpa would years later align himself with the faction run by mob boss Carmine Persico when a war broke out with a faction headed by Vic Orena, who refused to give up the family's reins to Persico's son, "Allie Boy."

By the 1970s, Scarpa was a top capo operating a Bensonhurst crew and was arrested numerous times on weapons charges, assault, fencing hijacked liquor, bookmaking and loan-sharking, but barely spent time in jail.

Around 1980, DeVecchio took over the Colombo FBI squad and "reactivated" Scarpa as a mole. He used him virtually up until the time Scarpa went to jail and died of AIDS, and DeVecchio's alleged wrongdoing surfaced.

By then, his Colombo crime family was roiled in an internal war that left a dozen bodies across the city.

In 1994, Scarpa died at age 66 - just as his secret life as an FBI mole surfaced.

His son, Gregory Jr., tried to blow the whistle on DeVecchio, and ultimately prompted a congressional inquiry by William Delahunt, a Massachusetts Democrat on the Judiciary Committee.

Delahunt enlisted the help of forensic investigator Angela Clemente to assist in the probing the sordid tale, which got the attention of writers such as Peter Lance.

In February 2005, the congressman decided to hand off his thick files on Scarpa to Hynes, whose office was making news chasing crooked judges, political boss Clarence Norman and the alleged mob cops.

The DA initially probed the long-running allegation that DeVecchio had pulled a FBI surveillance team off Colombo capo Nicholas Grancio so that Scarpa could whack him.

Allegations that DeVecchio helped set up Grancio had swirled for years and he had been investigated by the FBI's internal inspections unit, which cleared DeVecchio because the agents left Grancio by coincidence to attend a meeting.

But investigators discovered the real events of that fateful day - Scarpa had a police scanner with a secret FBI frequency and heard when the FBI agents departed.

That evidence started the chain of events that led to DeVecchio's indictment in the four other murders.

murray.weiss@nypost.com

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #39 
MAFIA' G-MAN'S JOB POWER TRIP                                                
                                By MURRAY WEISS Criminal Justice Editor and ALEX GINSBERG                                
                                                                                                                                                                               
                                         ON THE SPOT: Lindley DeVecchio, here at his arraignment in Brooklyn yesterday, claims the DA's case is "false evidence." Photo: Josh Williams                                                                                 ON THE SPOT: Lindley DeVecchio, here at his arraignment in Brooklyn yesterday, claims the DA's case is "false evidence."
Photo: Josh Williams                                        
                                                                                                                                                                                                       


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
 Email Archives
 Print Reprint
Feeds Newsletters
                                       


                               
                                                March 31, 2006 --                 PROBERS BARE 'MOB MOLE' MOTIVE

HE DIDN'T just do it for the money. FBI hotshot Lindley DeVecchio was indicted yesterday on charges he traded secrets with a murderous Mafia chieftain for more than a decade - a relationship he built primarily so he could burnish his own rising star within the Justice Department, investigators revealed.

That was the portrait Brooklyn prosecutors painted when un veiling sensational charges that DeVecchio, 65, was a double agent for the mob.

He is accused of participat ing in four gangland murders and selling inside information to protect their brutal empire. Sources say that every week, DeVecchio visited the Brook lyn home of Gregory Scarpa Sr., the Colombo family's ruth less acting boss who was also a celebrated FBI informant.

DeVecchio allegedly was given an envelope stuffed with cash - sometimes with his own agents sitting in the house in another room.

He is suspected of receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars - and keeping another $66,598 in FBI informant funds that was earmarked to pay Scarpa.

"He received a weekly stipend," Michael Vecchione, the head of Brooklyn District Attorney Joe Hynes' investigations bureau, said at DeVecchio's arraignment yesterday in Brooklyn Supreme Court.

"But there was also his desire to feather his own nest within the FBI to rise to greater prominence."

DeVecchio "was dealing with one of the premier informants in the history of the FBI," one source said, referring to Scarpa's incredible role working with the bureau to solve two 1960s civil-rights murder mysteries, including the 1964 murder of three civil-rights activists in Mississippi.

Hynes, at a press conference claiming that DeVecchio would receive a treasure trove of mob secrets if Scarpa filled the Colombos' No. 2 spot, said, "There was the expectation on the part of DeVecchio that maybe, someday, Scarpa might become [the permanent] underboss." And along the way, DeVecchio became so enamored of the mob that he went from a mild-mannered "country bumpkin" to a flashy, double-breasted-suit-wearing G-man who adopted the swagger and patter of the hoods he was supposed to police, Hynes said.

DeVecchio, who retired in 1996 and lives in Sarasota, Fla., appeared tanned but tired as he stood before Judge Gustin Reichbach, in the same black slacks and light buttoned shirt and black shoes he wore the night before when he flew to the Big Apple and surrendered to authorities.

The courtroom seats were packed with DeVecchio's supporters and former FBI colleagues, who could be heard voicing their annoyance as prosecutors laid out the allegations that he succumbed to the venal temptations of hoodlums such as Scarpa.

DeVecchio's lawyer, Douglas Grover, blasted the DA's "new evidence as old evidence - and it is false evidence."

He was referring to a previous FBI internal probe a decade ago, when corruption allegations first surfaced against DeVecchio.

He entered a "not guilty" plea to the charges, which Reichbach described as "shocking."

The judge denied the prosecutors' request that DeVecchio be remanded to prison, and instead granted an extraordinary bail package of $100,000.

The bail will be guaranteed by five former FBI colleagues of DeVecchio's, who will ultimately be responsible for $1 million if he flees.

The judge also ordered DeVecchio to wear a monitoring device before releasing him.

DeVecchio was then trailed by reporters who chased him into a nearby parking garage seeking comment, which he did not provide.

Hynes said DeVecchio was directly involved in four killings:

* The brutal 1984 slaying of Mary Bari - ex-girlfriend of Colombo power Alphonse "Allie Boy" Persico - who they feared was ratting them out.

* The 1990 execution of Patrick Porco, 18, who was suspected of carrying out another homicide along with Scarpa's stepson.

* The 1992 hit on Lorenzo Lampasi, a Scarpa rival.

* The 1987 slaying of Joseph DeDomenico, who DeVecchio said was keeping money from Scarpa.

Sources said that one Friday night, DeDomenico, who was also known as Joe Brewster, led a gang of robbers who specialized in breaking into banks. The robbers were able to remain inside for the weekend.

They positioned one member as a lookout and used another merely to run out for food to sustain the rest of the mob.

The gang wielded sophisticated tools and blowtorches to free from their wall moorings an entire unit of safe-deposit boxes.

Once the bank of boxes toppled on the floor, effectively exposing the rear of every receptacle, they easily scooped out the riches of cash, jewels and other valuables from inside.

They found the World Series ring belonging to Yankees Hall of Fame pitcher Whitey Ford - and Scarpa had it returned to legendary hurler, the sources said.

The DA's seven-month probe produced 30 witnesses on both sides of the law, including FBI agents suspicious of DeVecchio who testified before the grand jury.

"The probe uncovered a troubling past of confidential leaks payoff and death, and has also led to the solving of several cold-case homicides," Hynes said.

The DA questioned how DeVecchio was able to get FBI funds to pay Scarpa without going through traditional channels that required the signatures of federal higher-ups.

He said his probe was continuing.

In addition to the charges leveled against DeVecchio, authorities believe he tipped off Scarpa back in 1987 that his mobster son, Gregory Jr., was about to be indicted by the feds on narcotics charges.

The inside info enabled the younger Scarpa to flee before the case was unsealed.

Scarpa Jr. remained on the lam for more than a year - apparently thanks to constant tips from DeVecchio - before finally being grabbed with his wife and child in a New Jersey motel by agents from the Drug Enforcement Administration, and not the FBI.

During the elder Scarpa's reign, he always appeared to be protected from law enforcement, serving only 30 days in jail for 10 arrests, including playing a key role in the theft of $4 million in stocks and bonds.

He was finally convicted of racketeering in 1994 - two years before he died of AIDS he contracted during emergency surgery for a bleeding ulcer.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #40 
Their probe of G-man pays off big


Meet the private investigators who did what the federal government couldn't - bring a case against an allegedly corrupt FBI agent.

After a Justice Department probe cleared G-man Lindley DeVecchio of wrongdoing a decade ago, calls started pouring in to private eye Angela Clemente.

Known for her work in congressional investigations, Clemente said she was urged by law enforcement officials, informants and witnesses disappointed in the Justice inquiry to take a closer look at DeVecchio and his prized Mafia informant, Colombo family capo Greg Scarpa Sr.

Unpaid for her efforts, but unable to put the case down, Clemente conducted an exhaustive six-year probe with Stephen Dresch, a Yale-trained economics professor turned forensic analyst.

Their efforts paid off last week.

DeVecchio, 65, was indicted on four counts of murder for allegedly taking payoffs to supply Scarpa with inside information that led to a quartet of underworld slayings in Brooklyn. Scarpa, who had earned himself the nickname "the Grim Reaper," died in prison in 1994 of AIDS contracted from a blood transfusion.

When she brought in Dresch, Clemente, 40, a single mother of three, said she was certain the probe would take only six months. "I never dreamed it would take six years," she said.

Dresch had retired as a professor at Michigan Tech University after exposing financial crimes among college administrators. He said he approached Clemente in 2001 for advice on his probes of alleged FBI corruption in Oklahoma City.

"She said, 'You haven't seen anything yet. Wait until you look at Brooklyn,' " he told the Daily News.

Clemente then handed over "voluminous files."

Dresch, 62, and terminally ill, said he has spent his last years trying to bust DeVecchio and ruthless federal attorneys, who he contends would hide anything to preserve their convictions in the 1991-93 Colombo family mob war - and their careers.

The U.S. attorney general's office declined to comment.

Dresch spent months in federal prisons interviewing informants and mobsters, including Scarpa's son, Greg Scarpa Jr.

"The guards used to joke they were going to keep track of how much time I spent behind bars so it would be credited against the sentence I would receive," Dresch quipped.

He reinterviewed people familiar with the DeVecchio-Scarpa link and reviewed transcripts, FBI documents, and the Justice Department probe, which ended with the agent's 1996 retirement.

In January 2005, he asked Rep. William Delahunt (D-Mass.) for a congressional probe into DeVecchio.

"He was a former prosecutor," Dresch said. "He said, "Homicide is a state offense and there is no statute of limitations. Have you considered going to a local prosecutor?" Delahunt suggested Brooklyn District Attorney Charles Hynes.

"He thought he was a man of integrity," Dresch said. "He said, 'Why don't you see if Hynes will open this as a homicide investigation?'"

Hynes did, and won DeVecchio's indictment on four counts of second-degree murder.

Originally published on April 2, 2006
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #41 

MOBSTER AN FBI TELL-ALL

Tuesday, April 04, 2006 - FreeMarketNews.com

At least one mob wiseguy linked to the late John Gotti and his Gambino crime wave was also an FBI snitch, according to a story in the Miami Herald.

Anthony Moscatiello has now been outed as an FBI spy, causing a certain amount of concern for federal authorities. Moscatiello is a star witness and defendant in the current case concerning the mob-style hit on Konstantinos "Gus" Boulis, founder of SunCruz Casinos, a fleet of gambling ships.

The revelation of his 15-year career as an FBI informant prompted a closed-door meeting between the Broward State Attorney's Office and defense attorneys in the judge's chambers on Friday. -

Casino Jack & The Murder of Gus Boulis:
"A Threat to Current Operations"

MAR 30 2006--Venice,FL.
by Daniel Hopsicker


 

Over nine months ago a story in the The MadCowMorningNews revealed that disgraced Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff’s biggest legal worries concerned neither the fraudulent takeover of the SunCruz gambling ships, nor the Indian casino lollapalooza in which "Casino Jack" skimmed tens of millions of dollars off the take from casinos on Indian reservations across the U.S.

Abramoff’s big fear, we reported in a story in June of 2005 headlined “Terrorists Torpedoes and Republican Muscle,” centered on his potential “exposure” in the gangland-style assassination of Boulis, a murder which figures prominently in his rise to power.

This week, with a vengeance, that prediction began to come true, when defense attorneys for reputed Gambino associates accused of the hit on Gus Boulis announced plans to subpoena both Abramoff and his former business partner Adam Kidan.

They want to question the two men, court documents showed, about their purchase of SunCruz, alleged to be "at the heart" of the murder case.

Abramoff and Kidan's testimony is critical, the lawyers alleged, in showing the bitter feelings and power struggle that followed their purchase of SunCruz from Boulis in September 2000. 

In plain English, they want to ask Jack Abramoff and Adam Kidan what they know personally about the subject of “murder for hire.”

A man whose cash was key in two American Presidential elections being questioned about "Murder for hire."

Imagine the possibilities.

 

We (hardly) ever stoop to saying 'We told you so."

On a day which saw Zacharias Moussaoui's death penalty trial go to the jury in Washington D.C., Jack Abramoff getting sentenced in Florida, and George W Bush joining college kids on spring break in Cancun, the only bright spot all day on Wednesday was provided by a total eclipse of the Sun. 

Taking a tip from an old playbook—recall Al Capone ensconced at his South Florida mansion when the St. Valentines’ Day Massacre rocked Chicago— Bush slipped out of D.C. just as his erstwhile buddy Abramoff was facing the music (such as it was) in a Miami Federal courthouse.

For Bush it was clearly a smart move. But it also held eerie echoes of the circumstances surrounding the murder of Sun Cruz Casino gambling line czar Gus Boulis, which conveniently occurred while his chief antagonists Abramoff and Kidan were safely out of the country, and presumably innocent, by virtue of geographic distance.

It was fuzzy logic, as if the Age of Specialization had never happened to humanity, and we still lived in a world where everyone grew their own food and Mob Boss’s did their own hits.

But be that as it may—and thank God for small favors—there was Jack Abramoff, looking sheepish and properly humbled, standing before a U.S. District Court Judge being sentenced to federal prison.

So that’s where we’ll begin… 


"When did newspapers stop reporting what happens every day?"

While going to court for sentencing is probably nobody's idea of fun, Wednesday actually turned out to be an exceptionally good day for disgraced Republican lobbyist Abramoff and co-defendant Adam Kidan.

It was 'high fives' all around, as U.S. District Judge Paul Huck accepted the plea of Abramoff's lawyers and gave him the shortest possible prison time.

How odd that news clips weren't reflecting this fact. They made it sound, in fact, as if he'd gotten his just desserts:

“U.S. District Judge Paul C. Huck sentenced Jack Abramoff and a former business partner to five years and 10 months in prison and ordered them to pay restitution of more than $21 million.”

It sounded almost draconian. But what news accounts left unmentioned was that for the same crimes someone without Casino Jack's, um, impeccable credentials would be looking at a slightly more severe scenario:

Twenty years of being somebody’s bitch in a world where cigarettes double as legal tender.

But what passes for reality in America today, lucky for Jack, consists of little more than a flimsy façade. For example, Abramoff got away with laundering millions of dollars through IRS-approved charitable foundations which didn’t even pretend to being real, with the following "mission statement":

American International Center is a Delaware-based corporation with the global minded purpose of enhancing the methods of empowerment in possession of and within the United States.”


A man with a plan... a "global minded" plan

No wonder 263 people wrote Judge Huck to ask for clemency for Abramoff.

Perhaps this is why we haven’t seen stories reporting what really happened in the ongoing saga of Jack Abramoff during sentencing in Miami.

A real story would have had to start like this...

“After being sentenced to prison, Jack Abramoff and his co-defendant, henchman Adam Kidan, left a Federal courtroom in Miami on Wednesday walking on air…

Here's a newsflash for the AP, NY Times, and Washington Post: Abramoff and Kidan got a sweetheart deal that any convict would take in a heartbeat.

The message sent by Abramoff’s sentencing is anything but “Crime doesn’t pay.”

Of course, anyone capable of stealing $43 million and negotiating a sentence of just six years in a country club federal prison camp is guaranteed to become a legend in American jurisprudence.

For having negotiated the Deal of the Century he is about to go down in history...Credit where credit is due:

Jack Abramoff is a con’s con.

 

More mascara under the bridge

But wait. There’s more.

Abramoff and Kidan have also been promised further reductions in their already meager jail time, for ‘cooperating’ with authorities.

What “cooperating with authorities” means, in practice, primarily consists of “ratting out” some government pre-selected associates-turned-targets, leaning heavily towards inconsequential Congresspersons unfortunate enough to be less influential than their peers.

Big deal. A few schmucks are peeing their Sansabelts. If public outcry grows too loud, it appears there may even be a contingency plan: offering up Katherine Harris. Even die-hard Republicans aren't too troubled by that prospect.

So Jack’s cup truly runneth over. Being connected in America today truly does mean never having to say your sorry.

But before all this prompts you to hurl your new set of Ginzu knives at your TV in disgust, be advised of two slightly hopeful signs also at work:

1. Nothing is at it seems. And…

2. What we are seeing, so far, is just the tip of the iceberg.

What that means is that, under the right circumstances, this could really get interesting.


"Look out kid. They keep it all hid."

When Sun Cruz casino czar Gus Boulis was gunned down in a plot described by one reporter as featuring “three mugs, and a moll,” it set in motion a train of events which is today culminating in a situation which asks some momentous questions about the health (or even existence) of an American Republic.

What do Mob hit men in Florida have in common with high-powered Republican lobbyists? Could this be the biggest scandal in American history? Will it be allowed to break? Or will it, like Iran Contra and almost every other recent American scandal, by quietly but effectively covered up?

How will the powerful shadowy forces operating in the background—you know the ones— respond should there be inadvertent public disclosure of any of the truly earthshaking revelations out there waiting to be stumbled upon?

Won’t they be doing their darned-est to make sure nothing that unsettling occurs?

The roots of the Abramoff Scandal go so deep into the national Republican Party, and spread so wide, that we believe they will prove virtually impossible to ignore...even in an American press corps whose chief shared characteristic is the ability to stand stock still with their hair on fire while at the same time assuring their readers they can’t smell smoke.

Tomorrow, we’ll pull back the curtain, just a little, and get a quick glance at things as they are in the world, before they’re rewritten by soulless drudges at papers like the Los Angeles Times. A warning: Some parts of the story, we quickly discovered, were almost too cynical for words.

Remember Ronald Reagan's kitchen cabinet advisor, Alfred Bloomingdale? Betsy's hubby? He played a small but significant role in the Abramoff story, we will learn. And he was also and at the same time the central figure in a little-remembered sex scandal with a woman named Vicki Morgan, said to have involved all kinds of top Republican officials, caught on camera with their little pink things showing.

Anyone without both a strong stomach and an unerring sense of the absurd should be forewarned. The image of then-Attorney General Ed Meese reportedly playing kinky S & M games in the nude captured on videotape is perhaps one reason its been forgotten.

The murder of the chief witness is certainly another.

While pursuing leads in the story of how Jack Abramoff became Jack Abramoff we even learned details--heartbreaking details, really-- about Kiki Camerena, the DEA agent tortured and murdered in Mexico.

While he's only tangentially involved (through his attorney) in the Abramoff saga, what we learned about him while pursuing the Abramoff story may change the way you think about the people running America.

And we'll learn that poking into the juncture of Gus Boulis and Jack Abramoff is sensitive enough for a reporter to hear some well-meaning concerns expressed about his physical health.

But... Abramoff's already been disgraced. So why is heretofore knowledge about his role in the murder of Gus Boulis considered a "threat to current operations?"

Stay tuned.

 



0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #42 

MOUSSAOUI TRIAL TESTIMONY CONFIRMS FBI COVERUP IN VENICE

APRIL 06 2006--Venice,FL.
by Daniel Hopsicker


 

Confounding those who thought it impossible, the FBI’s already-tattered credibility was shredded still further last week with revelations of deliberately concealed evidence in the 9.11 investigation, as well as malfeasance in the probe of the execution-style slaying in Florida of SunCruz Casino Czar Gus Boulis, increasingly the focus of the investigation into disgraced Republican lobbyist-cum-bagman Jack Abramoff.

In a major development  in the 9.11 investigation which passed almost-unnoticed, jurors in the death penalty trial of Zacharias Moussaoui heard testimony from aviation officials about a previously-undisclosed incident...

In February of 2001, almost two months after the FBI says Mohamed Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi left Huffman Aviation in Venice Florida for the bright lights of Miami, the two men were still flying a single-engine plane registered to Venice Florida flight school Huffman Aviation.

Surprise surprise.

The story offers further confirmation of allegations in “Welcome to TERRORLAND" that the FBI systematically covered up evidence showing Atta using Huffman Aviation in Venice as his base of operations for the entire year before the 9.11 attack.

If the FBI’s chronology of events is a tissue of half-truths, distortions and outright lies, it is a very serious matter; the Bureau’s investigation was exclusively relied on by both the Congressional Intelligence Committee 9.11 probe and the 9.11 Commission, neither of which fielded independent investigators.

Moreover, the incident also contradicts sworn testimony before the House Judiciary Committee by Huffman Aviation’s Rudi Dekkers, who stated emphatically that Mohamed Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi left Huffman for the last time just after Christmas in 2000.


The cover-up lasts until we say different

The Clearwater incident began, jurors were told, after a police aide and night watchman noticed Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi practicing takeoffs and landings at night, which is highly unusual, as the the tiny Clearwater airstrip is closed after dark.

A Clearwater aviation official testified the airport prohibited take-offs and landings after sunset. Planes landing after 9 p.m. were even supposed to be grounded until the next morning.

The disdain with which the two terrorist pilots treated American aviation regulations is already well-known, because of the now-famous incident in which Atta and Marwan walked away from a stalled plane and abandoned it in the middle of an active runway at Miami International Airport.

Dan Pursell, a former chief flight instructor at Huffman Aviation, testified that a Clearwater police aide at the tiny Clearwater Airpark called Huffman Aviation and left a voice message complaining that Atta and Marwan were breaking airport rules by taking off and landing after dark.

Pursell told the St. Petersburg Times, which first broke the story, that when they returned to Venice the next morning, he and another flight instructor at Huffman spoke with Atta and al-Shehhi about the Clearwater incident.


How really brief  "really brief" can be

"Hey, we got a phone call, you've been identified in Clearwater," Pursell remembers telling Atta and al-Shehhi. "This is like, the last straw. If that happens again, we're going to have to look at this a little harder."

He called the exchange "really brief."

When we phoned Pursell to question him about why he hadn't brought to light sooner an incident he must have known had significance to the FBI's timeline, we found him to be a man of few words.

"I told the FBI all about it at the time," he told us. "They knew."

We asked the obvious question. "So why did they continue to lie about how much time Atta spent in Venice?"

Pursell said nothing. So "really brief" described our exchange as well.

Could government attorney Carla J. Martin’s improper tampering with witnesses, which briefly derailed the Moussaoui trial, have been designed to prevent just such disturbing new disclosures?

The answer, of course, as with so much else, is: "We may never know."
 

A sordid feat breaks a record in a state with a sordid past

In sworn testimony Rudi Dekkers insisted his relationship with the terrorist ringleader ended in December, nine months before the attack.

“On July 1st, 2000,” Dekkers told a Congressional Committee, “Mohamed Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi arrived at Huffman Aviation in Venice, Florida to inquire about taking flying lessons. On July 3rd, 2000, Atta and Al-Shehhi came back to Huffman Aviation to sign up for lessons.”

“On December 24th, 2000, Atta and Al-Shehhi rented a Warrior from Huffman Aviation for a flight... one to two days later Atta and Al-Shehhi returned to Huffman Aviation to make final payments on their outstanding bills. Because they were not taking any more flying lessons, they were asked to leave the facility due to their bad attitudes and not being liked by staff and clients alike. Huffman never heard about or from them again until September 11th, 2001.”

Dekkers' testimony, which has clearly now been rendered "inoperative," also appears to open him to accusations of perjury. Or at least should...

One of the three alleged Mob hit men on trial for the murder of Florida Casino Czar Gus Boulis, which has increasingly become the focus of the probe into disgraced Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff, was an FBI informant at the time he is alleged to have been masterminding the murder plot.

The international heroin trafficking aspect of the 9.11 investigation has also gone unreported, except by the MadCowMorningNews, which has extensively covered the inconvenient discovery of 43 pounds of heroin aboard the Lear jet of the owner of Huffman Aviation during the same month Mohamed Atta and Marwan Al Shehhi arrived to attend his flight school.

As Mohamed Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi began flying lessons at Huffman Aviation, in July of 2000, the school’s owner suffered a major embarrassment when his Lear jet was seized by DEA agents who found 43 pounds of heroin aboard.

Authorities called it the biggest seizure of heroin ever in central Florida, which, given the state’s sordid past, is no mean feat.


One stop shopping for all your last-minute criminal needs

One of the alleged hit men going on trial in Florida for the murder of gambling czar Gus Boulis, killed gangland-style after getting muscled out of SunCruz Casinos by Republican bagman Jack Abramoff, has been an informant for the FBI for more than a decade, including at the time when Boulis was killed.

The Miami Herald, which broke the story, said that at the same time New York mobster Anthony Moscatiello was allegedly plotting the slaying of gambling tycoon Boulis, he was spying on fellow gangsters and snitching to the FBI.

“Big Tony” Moscatiello, whose duties included ‘cooking’ the books for Mafia don John Gotti’s Howard Beach crew, was caught up in a major heroin prosecution which included then-acting Mob Boss Gene Gotti, John Gotti’s brother, as well as assorted other members of the Gambino Family.

He became a confidential informant for the Bureau after federal trafficking charges against him were mysteriously dropped in 1989.

The day after police announced arrests in SunCruz Casino founder Konstantinos "Gus" Boulis' murder, Adam Kidan, Jack Abramoff’s titular “President” of SunCruz, paid Big Tony a jailhouse visit at Rikers Island in New York City.


Um...a catering business at Rikers' Island? A donut shop in Sing Sing?

Adam Kidan is the only person outside “Big Tony” Moscatiello's family and attorneys allowed in to visit the alleged mob associate in his first weeks behind bars. What do you think they found to talk about?

In any other organization, this kind of developing pattern of illegality might prompt calls for a RICO investigation. Not of the Gambinos... of the FBI.

'Big Tony' Moscatiello, former advisor to crime boss John Gotti and star defendant in the gangland-style hit on Konstantinos 'Gus' Boulis...was an informant for the FBI at the time the crime was committed.

Assuming he's found guilty, we wonder: did he have to ask his FBI handler for permission to do the hit?

Or... was it an assignment?

Stay tuned.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #43 

 
Weekend Edition
June 5 / 6, 2004

The Life Wreckers

A Sorry FBI

By ELAINE CASSEL

Following the guilt-by-association model of law enforcement that has become the norm since September 11, I was not surprised to hear that a lawyer in Portland, Oregon, Brandon Mayfield, was falsely alleged to be involved with the terrorist train bombing in Madrid, Spain. Nor was I surprised that papers like The Washington Post and The New York Times reported on Mayfield's detention on a "material witness" warrant (used when the government wants to imprison you, but cannot charge you with a crime because it has no credible evidence) beneath flashy headlines suggesting that, of course, he was a terrorist.

A terrorist because he was a Muslim, married to a Muslim, living in Portland, Oregon where "terrorists" had been prosecuted. A terrorist --and this fact removed all doubt--because he had represented one of those "terrorists" in a custody battle to keep his child.

So, when fingerprints found on a bag at the scene of the crime vaguely had a few points of resemblance to those of Mayfield (found in an FBI database of 44 million prints because he served, honorably, in the Army), the FBI was quick to put the pieces of Mayfield's Muslim connections with the prints and decide that they had their man. Yes sir, here was one of the actual perpetrators of the attack! He even carried a bag of explosives.

Never mind that there was no record of his having been abroad (and you know that the feds know whenever you and I have boarded a plane to travel overseas--if you don't know that, you have not been paying attention). He must have gone to Madrid under an assumed name, they reasoned. And we know that the FBI cannot unravel anything that complex as identifying people who use aliases (a local detective I work with in my law practice can do that kind of analysis, but not the FBI--they don't have computers, remember?).

The FBI finally backed down and released Mayfield, apologizing to him for the mix-up. The prints belonged to an Algerian man the Spanish identified. He is now under arrest. We are so sorry for the mistake, says the FBI.

Just how sorry the FBI is, however, is set out in a New York Times story appearing on June 5.

The FBI is sorry that the Spanish were so insistent on getting the right suspect, not just a convenient suspect that fits the FBI profile of terrorist. The FBI is sorry that the Spanish police "outed" them and their sorry tactics. The FBI is sorry that their mistake may call into question their heretofore unassailable assertions that their fingerprint analysis is 100 percent accurate. The FBI is sorry that they ruined an innocent man's life.

The FBI is sorry that you know how sorry they are.

Think about Brandon Mayfield as you read about FBI Director Robert Mueller's pleas to Congress to allow him to set up a secret domestic surveillance branch of the FBI. To spy on you, ransack your house and office, and maybe, if they are lucky, find your fingerprints at the scene of a "terrorist" strike.

And remember that if the Spanish had not blown the FBI's cover, Mayfield would probably be facing multiple life sentences--or the death penalty for a crime he did not commit.

Elaine Cassel practices law in Virginia and the District of Columbia, teachers law and psychology, and follows the Bush regime's dismantling of the Constitution at Civil Liberties Watch. Her book, The War on Civil Liberties: How Bush and Ashcroft Have Dismantled the Bill of Rights, will be published by Lawrence Hill this summer. She can be reached at: ecassel1@cox.net

0
tigre

Registered:
Posts: 1
Reply with quote  #44 

Posted on Sun, Jan. 15, 2006

Oklahoma City bombing: New evidence renews conspiracy debate

By JUDY L. THOMAS
The Kansas City Star

Kenneth Trentadue was no angel.

In the 1980s, he did time for robbing banks. But in a strange twist, the circumstances behind his violent death 10 years ago in prison are playing out in federal court in a case that hints at a wider conspiracy in the Oklahoma City bombing.

Recently released documents unearthed because of a lawsuit against the FBI suggest that the long-standing allegations may not be so far-fetched.

The lawsuit, brought by Trentadue’s brother, Jesse, has convinced a federal judge in Salt Lake City to order the FBI to produce hundreds of sealed documents in recent months, and even members of Congress are backing him in his fight for additional information.

The documents Jesse Trentadue is seeking revolve around the FBI’s investigation into whether a well-organized gang of white supremacist bank robbers — known as the Aryan Republican Army — played a role in the April 19, 1995, bombing that killed 168 people and injured hundreds. Neither Trentadue nor his brother was involved with the group.

The bank robbers, who advocated the takeover of the U.S. government by neo-Nazis, stole $250,000 from 22 banks in the Midwest, including one in Kansas City and one in Overland Park. Six members of the group were arrested in 1996 and 1997. Three served time and were released. Two remain incarcerated, and another died in prison.

Though the government originally charged Timothy McVeigh, Terry Nichols and “others unknown” for conspiring to bomb the Murrah Federal Building, authorities have since denied that others were involved.

The recently released documents, however, indicate that the FBI was investigating a broader conspiracy months after insisting that McVeigh and Nichols were the only suspects.

Mistaken identity?

Jesse Trentadue, a Salt Lake City attorney, thinks his brother was murdered during an interrogation because he was mistakenly thought to be involved in the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building and the robberies. The reason, he said, was that his brother bore an uncanny resemblance to one of the robbers, as well as to the elusive John Doe 2 bombing suspect.

Trentadue said that his brother and bank robber Richard Lee Guthrie had similar features and that both sported a tattoo of a dragon on their left arms. A description of John Doe 2 also noted a tattoo of a dragon or serpent. A grand jury, however, found no evidence of foul play in Trentadue’s death.

Kenneth Trentadue, 44, was found dead Aug. 21, 1995, in a maximum custody prison cell at the Federal Transfer Center in Oklahoma City, only 11 days after McVeigh’s indictment. Prison guards said he was hanging by a bed sheet, but his body had been battered and the cell was splattered with blood.

Photos taken after Trentadue’s death and examined by The Kansas City Star show a cut on his throat and head and numerous bruises on his body. The medical examiner later said that if indeed it was a hanging, it was the bloodiest and most violent one he had ever handled.

“His throat was cut; he was beaten head to toe,” Jesse Trentadue said.

The death surprisingly was ruled a suicide, but a federal judge later ordered the government to pay $1.1 million to the Trentadue family for emotional distress suffered over the handling of the case.

In 2004, Jesse Trentadue filed two Freedom of Information Act requests, asking the FBI to produce documents he thought contained information that held clues to his brother’s death. Last May, the FBI acknowledged in court that it had located about 340 documents that may satisfy Trentadue’s request. The agency turned over about two dozen records, but they had been heavily redacted.

Those documents revealed that authorities had investigated Elohim City — a white separatist compound in northeastern Oklahoma that McVeigh called just days before the blast — and its possible ties to the bank robbers and the bombing.

“McVeigh may have been trying to recruit other individuals to assist him,” states a Jan. 26, 1996, FBI Teletype memorandum.

Another Teletype, dated August 1996, stated that Guthrie told the FBI that another person had participated in some of the bank robberies and shared some of the loot.

The name of the person has been redacted, but Trentadue and others contend it was McVeigh. After the bombing, McVeigh’s sister, Jennifer McVeigh, told FBI agents in a sworn affidavit that in December 1994, her brother gave her three $100 bills that he said came from a bank robbery he helped plan.

In November, Trentadue filed more documents in court, including a sealed transcript of a hearing in an unrelated case. At the hearing, a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agent said that prior to the bombing, an undercover informant at Elohim City told authorities of a threat to blow up federal buildings. The informant’s testimony, however, was not allowed at McVeigh’s trial.

The FBI is resisting the release of more documents because it said information about its intelligence-gathering efforts would be disclosed and confidential informants would be put in danger. The agency has asked U.S. District Judge Dale Kimball to halt the disclosures.

Trentadue and others said the documents could lead to additional arrests in the bombing and embarrass the agencies involved in investigating the worst domestic terrorism attack on U.S. soil.

The FBI continues to deny that there was a larger plot and maintains Trentadue’s allegations are unsubstantiated. The agency has declined further comment on the case.

Some congressmen, however, have come to Trentadue’s aid. Last summer, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, a California Republican, asked FBI director Robert Mueller to turn over all the documents that Trentadue wanted.

“It has been a decade since Kenneth Trentadue died … in the most troublesome and suspicious circumstances,” Rohrabacher wrote. “Further attempts by your agency to obstruct this case will only undermine the FBI’s credibility in the eyes of the public.”

A court ruling on the release of more FBI documents is expected soon.

‘Good ol’ boy’

Trentadue described his brother as “a good ol’ boy” but admitted “he was no saint. He robbed banks.”

Yet he had been trying to turn his life around. “He just happened to have the misfortune of looking exactly like (bank robber) Richard Lee Guthrie,” Trentadue said.

The day after Kenneth Trentadue died, the chief investigator for the Oklahoma state medical examiner filed a complaint with the FBI and said prison authorities’ assertion that Trentadue had committed suicide was not consistent with the medical examiner’s report.

A medical examiner’s report shows he contacted Justice Department representatives, telling them that although he could not determine the exact cause of death, he thought Kenneth Trentadue had been tortured.

Questions about his brother’s death escalated, Jesse Trentadue said, when he received an anonymous call around December 1995 telling him his brother had been killed because he fit the profile of bank robber Guthrie.

However, Trentadue never was able to contact Guthrie. In 1996, nine days after pleading guilty to 19 bank robberies and agreeing to cooperate in the investigation, he also was found hanging in his cell while in federal custody in Kentucky. The death was ruled a suicide.

Meanwhile, questions lingered about Kenneth Trentadue’s death in prison. During a 1997 Judiciary Committee hearing, U.S. Sen. Orrin Hatch told Attorney General Janet Reno that it “is apparent to me that not only are the facts suspicious, it looks like someone in the Bureau of Prisons or (someone) having relations with the Bureau of Prisons murdered the man.”

The Justice Department months later issued a news release revealing that a grand jury had concluded its investigation into Kenneth Trentadue’s death and that no indictments would be returned.

But that didn’t satisfy some authorities. In March 1998, Oklahoma Assistant Attorney General Patrick Crawley complained to Justice Department attorneys:

“The real tragedy in this case appears to be the perversion of law through chicanery and the misuse of public trust under the guise of some aberrant form of federalism,” Crawley said. “In the succession of either illegal, negligent or just plain stupid acts, your clients succeeded in derailing the medical examiner’s examination and, thereby, may have obstructed justice in this case … ”

Later in 1998, the medical examiner suddenly changed the cause of death from unknown to suicide. In a news release, he said his findings were based on new information developed by Oklahoma City police that Trentadue had been alone for the previous 17 hours.

The following year, the inspector general released a report stating that Trentadue had committed suicide and that there was no evidence of a cover-up surrounding his death. However, the report noted that the Bureau of Prisons and FBI mishandled the investigation and that four federal employees had made false statements under oath.

So far, no one has been prosecuted.

Court battle continues

Jesse Trentadue wouldn’t have fought so hard for the FBI documents if he hadn’t become so suspicious about his brother’s death.

Just before McVeigh was executed in 2001, Trentadue said he received more disturbing news: A phone message from an acquaintance of McVeigh, telling him that his brother was murdered because the government mistakenly believed he was Guthrie.

Determined to find out more about the bombing investigation, Trentadue three years later filed the Freedom of Information requests with the FBI for teletypes and other documents. When the FBI said it could not find the teletypes, Trentadue produced redacted copies that he said he had obtained from other sources.

Then he asked Kimball, the federal judge, to order the FBI to turn over those documents and any others related to Elohim City, the bombing, the bank robberies, McVeigh and others, including former Kansas City Ku Klux Klan leader Dennis Mahon. Mahon had visited Elohim City prior to the bombing, and several of the bank robbers had either lived at or had close ties to the compound.

Kimball said the FBI had not made a good-faith effort to find the requested records, and he ordered the agency to provide uncensored copies of the documents. Since then, the two sides have been fighting over the documents in court.

Elohim City’s leader, Robert Millar, acknowledged in an interview with The Star in 1996 that several of the bank robbers had stayed there off and on. But Millar, who is now deceased, denied any involvement in the Oklahoma City explosion.

“If the bombing or anything like that was planned here, it was certainly not to my knowledge,” he said.

Mahon recently told the newspaper that he also knew the bank robbers, who had once rented a storage unit in Shawnee and a “safe house” in Pittsburg, Kan.

Asked whether he thought McVeigh robbed any banks with them, Mahon said: “Yes. I believe it 100 percent.”

Timeline

January 1994-December 1995: The Aryan Republican Army robs 22 banks. During that period, several of the robbers live at or visit Elohim City, a white separatist compound in Oklahoma.

April 5, 1995: Timothy McVeigh places a call to Elohim City. An FBI Teletype memo later said that was “a day that he was believed to have been attempting to recruit a second conspirator to assist in the OKBOMB attack.”

April 19, 1995: A truck bomb explodes outside the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 and injuring hundreds.

April 20, 1995: Authorities release sketches of two suspects. The next day, they arrest McVeigh, who resembles the sketch of John Doe 1.

June 14, 1995: Authorities announce that John Doe 2 was a soldier from Fort Riley, Kan., who had rented a truck the day after McVeigh.

Aug. 10, 1995: A federal grand jury indicts McVeigh, Terry Nichols and “others unknown” for conspiring to bomb the federal building.

Aug. 21, 1995: Kenneth Trentadue is found dead in his prison cell. Prison officials said he hanged himself; medical examiner said he was abused and tortured. His brother, Jesse, said an anonymous caller told him later his brother was killed during an interrogation about bank robberies.

1996-1997: Six Aryan Republican Army bank robbers are rounded up and eventually sent to prison. One said that two fellow bank robbers were involved in the Oklahoma City bombing, but he later recanted.

July 12, 1996: Bank robber Richard Lee Guthrie, who pleaded guilty to 19 of the bank robberies, is found hanging in his prison cell.

June 2001: McVeigh is executed by lethal injection. An acquaintance of McVeigh’s tells Jesse Trentadue that Kenneth Trentadue was killed because he was mistaken for Guthrie.

August 2004: Jesse Trentadue sues FBI for not producing documents relating to its investigation of connections between the Oklahoma City bombing and bank robberies.

July 2005: After federal judge orders agency to do another search, FBI turns over two dozen heavily redacted internal reports to

Trentadue. The documents indicate the agency was looking into ties between the bank robberies and the bombing months after it said that McVeigh and Terry Nichols were the only ones involved.

September 2005: A federal judge in Oklahoma orders government to pay Trentadue family $1.1 million for the emotional distress caused by prison officials’ handling of Kenneth Trentadue’s death.

November 2005: The FBI asks Judge Kimball to reverse his order to produce more records. The judge is expected to rule soon.


To reach Judy L. Thomas, call (816) 234-4334 or send e-mail to jthomas@kcstar.com.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #45 
email this
print this

Wife of ‘Deep Throat’ committed suicide

In his new book, Felt gives details about family secret

By LYNNE DUKE
The Washington Post

WASHINGTON — W. Mark Felt, who for nearly 33 years denied that he was Deep Throat, also held a tragic secret from his family.

It was suicide, not a heart attack, that felled his wife after years of strain from Felt’s FBI career and ensuing legal troubles.

In his new book, A G-Man’s Life: The FBI, ‘Deep Throat’ and the Struggle for Honor in Washington, Felt reveals for the first time that Audrey Robinson Felt, his wife of 46 years, shot herself in 1984 with his .38 service revolver after a long emotional and physical decline.

Co-authored with John O’Connor, the lawyer whose Vanity Fair article last year revealed Felt as Deep Throat, the book also reveals Felt’s discomfort with the famous name given to him by Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, the Washington Post reporters who broke the Watergate story and brought down President Richard Nixon.

And the book tells of Felt’s deep anger at what he thought was Woodward’s violation of their source-reporter relationship. Felt did not want to be described in any way in print, but Woodward both described him and called him “Deep Throat” in 1974 in All the President’s Men.

“Mark has never seen himself as a chatterbox who gave up secrets,” O’Connor writes in a lengthy introduction.

“If this book does nothing else, let it destroy that caricature. Deep Throat was a journalistic joke; the name never described Mark Felt. After Woodward revealed that he had a senior source in the executive branch, thereby breaking his agreement with Mark Felt, and after the journalist identified his confidant as ‘Deep Throat,’ the retired FBI man was furious — slamming down the phone when Woodward called for his reaction” to the 1974 book.

In The Secret Man, Woodward’s 2005 book on Felt’s outing as Deep Throat, Woodward also describes Felt’s anger at All the President’s Men. Felt had wanted their agreement to be “inviolate,” Woodward wrote. But Woodward wrote that he thought he had “some leeway” because Felt had not previously objected to Woodward’s other published references to the secret source.

Although the Felt book appears well after Woodward’s, it provides the unique perspective of “Watergate in the words of the person most responsible along with Woodward for exposing these massive crimes,” O’Connor said in an interview.

Felt was the FBI agent in charge of the Kansas City office from 1958 to 1962, before he was promoted to Washington.

Felt, now 92, suffers dementia. He was hospitalized with a fever even as his book was about to go on sale.

He had been reluctant to publish a book on his secret identity. But his daughter, Joan Felt, persuaded him by saying that a book could potentially make enough money to pay off some of his grandsons’ school bills.

The book is based on his 1979 memoir, The FBI Pyramid From the Inside, as well as a manuscript he prepared in the 1980s with his son, W. Mark Felt Jr. — before he publicly revealed himself as Deep Throat. It also is based on FBI memos, recollections and interviews conducted by his family.

Click here to find out more!
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #46 
Local  XML
email this
print this
reprint or license this

Surfside Beach administrator, former FBI agent indicted

Associated Press

Retired FBI agent Clyde William Merryman was indicted Wednesday on charges of concealing a sexual relationship he was having with a woman his office was investigating.

Merryman retired in 2003 after more than 30 years with the FBI and is now town administrator of Surfside Beach.

Merryman faces seven criminal counts including mail fraud, obstruction of justice and falsifying records.

According to the indictment, Merryman opened a federal investigation in 2002 into Myrtle Beach spas suspected of hiring Korean women, who were in the country illegally, to work as prostitutes.

Merryman is accused of having and concealing a sexual relationship with Hye Yung Kang, identified in the indictment as one of the "top managers" of the Myrtle Beach spas.

The indictment also accuses Merryman of exaggerating the woman's unique value to the investigation and downplaying her criminal involvement.

Neither Merryman nor Surfside Beach Mayor Ron Hyman, Jr., immediately returned calls from the Associated Press. Prosecutors did not know whether Merryman had an attorney.

Merryman will have an initial court appearance May 5 at the U.S. Courthouse in Florence.

The charges against Merryman and the potential penalties are:

_Three counts of mail fraud-theft of honest services, 20 years in prison

_One count of concealment of material fact from a U.S. agency, five years in prison

_Two counts of falsification of records in a federal investigation, 20 years in prison

_One count of obstruction of justice, 10 years in prison.

Click here to find out more!
M O R E   N E W S   F R O M   topix.net
 • Surfside Beach, TX
 • Discuss Surfside Beach, TX
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #47 
Apr. 14, 2006
Copyright © Las Vegas Review-Journal

PRODUCT LIABILITY: Drunk driver sues truck maker

FBI agent files lawsuit after pickup caught fire in January 2005

By BRIAN HAYNES
REVIEW-JOURNAL

An FBI agent who pleaded guilty to drunken driving has sued the maker of his pickup because it caught fire after he passed out behind the wheel.

Robert Clymer, who was involved in a high-profile investigation of the Crazy Horse Too strip club, had a blood-alcohol content of 0.306 percent, nearly four times the current legal limit, and was unconscious when Las Vegas firefighters pulled him from his burning truck on Jan. 29, 2005.
Advertisement

The 2004 Chevrolet Silverado had jumped a curb outside a gated community in northwest Las Vegas and began to smoke and caught fire after the engine had been running for a long time, according to a Las Vegas police report.

Police found an empty 25-ounce bottle of Captain Morgan rum on the passenger seat and a SIG Sauer 9 mm pistol in the truck's cab.

Clymer, 41, was cited for misdemeanor drunken driving and sent to University Medical Center because of complications from smoke inhalation and intoxication, the report said.

He later pleaded guilty to the charge in Las Vegas Municipal Court and was given a suspended 30-day jail term and 48 hours of community service.

During sentencing in November, Clymer's lawyer said his client wanted to take responsibility for his actions.

"Public officials make mistakes," attorney Gary Booker said. "With public officials, we expect them to own up to their mistakes and correct them. That is exactly what happened in this case."

Two weeks later, Clymer filed a product liability lawsuit against General Motors and Bill Heard Chevrolet, who had sold him the truck. He was seeking more than $33,000 in medical bills and nearly $11,000 in lost wages.

The lawsuit says Clymer stopped on the side of the road to make a telephone call. He left the engine running and the car in park.

Clymer then "somehow lost consciousness" and the truck "somehow produced a heavy smoke that filled the passenger cab," the suit said.

Lawyers for Clymer, GM and Bill Heard Chevrolet did not return phone calls seeking comment. Clymer did not return a phone message left at his office.

The lawsuit was filed about six weeks after Clymer and his wife, FBI secretary Tracy Clymer, filed for bankruptcy. In their bankruptcy papers, the couple said they owed creditors more than $580,700, including nearly $122,000 in credit card debt.

Robert Clymer, a 20-year veteran of the FBI, makes about $102,000 a year. He moved out of the family home on Father's Day 2005, and his wife filed for divorce in January.

On the night of his drunken driving arrest, Robert Clymer was involved in an incident at the Suncoast, police said.

Security guards at the hotel called police about 3:20 a.m. to report a man in the parking lot with a gun.

The man left before officers arrived, but he left behind a 15-round magazine from his gun. Officers matched the magazine to Robert Clymer's gun.

A weapons charge was dismissed in a plea agreement on the drunken driving charge.
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #48 

Ex-Agent Spurns New York City Police Job After Aides Criticize F.B.I.

Published: April 30, 2006
                       

A former F.B.I. agent and expert on Al Qaeda abruptly changed his mind about his plan to work for the New York Police Department's Intelligence Division late last year, law enforcement officials said yesterday.

The former agent, Daniel J. Coleman, reversed his decision after a meeting in December with several officials, including a Police Department deputy commissioner, David Cohen, the officials said. At the meeting, the F.B.I. and more particularly, one of its officials, was criticized in ways that Mr. Coleman found offensive, said one of the law enforcement officials, who were granted anonymity because none felt comfortable discussing the matter publicly.

The change in Mr. Coleman's plans was first reported yesterday in The New York Post. Paul J. Browne, the police department's chief spokesman, called the report "erroneous," but declined to elaborate.

Officials at both agencies, however, said that Mr. Coleman, who had worked on high-profile cases targeting Al Qaeda while in the F.B.I.'s New York office, was set to begin work at the Police Department before the December meeting.

Reached at his home last night, Mr. Coleman declined to comment.

The contretemps underscored the tensions that can sometimes arise between personalities at the F.B.I. and the New York police, though the two agencies in large measure work together successfully on a number of task forces investigating crimes from bank robbery and drug trafficking to terrorism.

Still, for years, police officials often complained that the F.B.I. did not share basic information, a concern that took on new weight after the Sept. 11 attacks.

Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly, who navigated the federal bureaucracy in his years as a Treasury undersecretary and customs commissioner, reorganized the department after the attacks in an effort to prevent or prepare for another terrorist strike.

But some of those measures, including posting detectives overseas and dispatching some outside New York City's jurisdiction , were initially seen by some at the F.B.I. as an intrusion into the bureau's duties.

The Police Department began talking with Mr. Coleman after he retired in 2004, officials said.

But the department ultimately offered him a position under Mr. Cohen, whom he had met in 1996 and who took over the force's Intelligence Division after 35 years at the Central Intelligence Agency. Mr. Coleman agreed, the officials said. He filled out the paperwork and a start date in January was chosen for the job, which paid about $86,000.

Before that, however, he attended the December meeting with Mr. Cohen and others, the officials said.

At the meeting, the officials talked about ongoing and planned activities, including some outside New York City and outside the jurisdiction of the F.B.I.'s New York office, said one official.

At some point, Mr. Coleman suggested they talk to officials at the New York Joint Terrorist Task Force, which is made up of federal agents and local police, the official said. But Mr. Cohen then singled out a particular F.B.I. official, a former boss of Mr. Coleman's, for criticism and the meeting became unpleasant, the official said.

It was then that Mr. Coleman decided that the Police Department job was not for him, the official said.

"New York is a place of strong personalities, whether you are with the F.B.I. or the N.Y.P.D.," said John J. Miller, an F.B.I. assistant director.

"That said, the important thing to keep in mind is that the relationship between the two organizations is an old one and a strong one, "and that communications between the two departments and their leaders is going very well," he added.

Recently, police and F.B.I. officials have sought to put what they say is their markedly improved relationship on display. On Wednesday, the director of the F.B.I., Robert S. Mueller III, came to New York to give a speech saying terror attacks are as likely to originate locally — from individuals or groups who raise money from street crime — as they are from overseas. Bureau officials, in announcing the event, highlighted that Mr. Kelly would attend and that after Mr. Mueller's remarks, both men and the head of the F.B.I.'s New York office, Assistant Director Mark J. Mershon, would talk to reporters.

Mr. Mueller later briefed about 150 senior police commanders.

The department's recent attempts to hire former F.B.I. officials did not end with Mr. Coleman, who was credited with gaining cooperation from an important witness in the bombings of the United States Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, in 1998, who later testified in the case.

Two former F.B.I. officials, Sidney J. Caspersen and Ed Curran, have worked in the Intelligence Division for Mr. Cohen for about a month, Mr. Caspersen as assistant commissioner for intelligence programs and Mr. Curran as director of liaison operations overseeing relations on international, national and local levels.

Last year, while Mr. Caspersen was director of New Jersey's Office of Counter-Terrorism, he was at the center of a controversy over the way his agents had filed their reports to a statewide database. At issue was whether the names of people were entered because of affiliations with Muslim groups.

Earlier this month, a state police official accused one of his superiors of manipulating intelligence to create the impression that Mr. Caspersen's agency had been racially profiling Arabs, according a report in The Record, of Bergen County, N.J.

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #49 
How does a motorcycle collide with the rear end of a bus? Was this agent intoxicated?



FBI agent on motorcycle dies in accident with NY city bus


                       
               
               
Breaking News Alerts
                               
               
Be the first to know when news happens on Long Island.
Click here to subscribe.
               
               

Blogs and Podcasts
                               
                               
               

                May 2, 2006, 5:04 PM EDT

NEW YORK -- An off-duty FBI agent died on Tuesday from injuries suffered when his motorcycle rear-ended a city bus, authorities said.

Matthew Inman, 31, was traveling east on 86th Street on Manhattan's Upper East Side shortly before midnight Monday when his motorcycle collided with the rear of the bus, police said.

       
        He was hospitalized in critical condition and died shortly after 4 a.m., said FBI spokesman Jim Margolin.

Inman, who was single, joined the FBI in 2002 and was assigned to a health care fraud unit. He was originally from the St. Louis, Mo. area, where his parents and two brothers live, the FBI said.

The agent "was liked and admired by all who had the privilege of knowing him," Mark Mershon, assistant director in charge of the FBI's New York office, said in a statement. "Our hearts go out to the Inman family."
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,544
Reply with quote  #50 
http://english.people.com.cn/200605/03/eng20060503_262733.html


Home >> World
UPDATED: 10:19, May 03, 2006
FBI tightens rules for dealing with informants
font size  ZoomIn ZoomOut    

FBI Director Robert Mueller said Tuesday that his bureau has tightened rules for dealing with confidential informants, following recent scandals including a retired agent's indictment on murder charges.

Mueller made the pledge during a hearing of the Senate Judiciary Committee.

The changes followed the indictment of retired FBI agent R. Lindley DeVecchio in March for helping a mobster plot four murders in the 1990s.

Another informant, Katrina Leung admitted in December last year that she lied to the FBI about her intimate relationship with her FBI handler.

Last year, U.S. Justice Department's inspector general Glenn A. Fine found that FBI agents frequently violate the bureau's rules on informants.

Those rules were rewritten in 2001, after revelation of cases in which FBI agents protected mobsters from prosecution or tipped them off to investigations while using them as FBI informants.

Source: Xinhua



0
Previous Topic | Next Topic
Print
Reply

Easily create a Forum Website with Website Toolbox.

? ?
Copyright ? 2001-2004 Who?s A Rat. All Rights Reserved.
Reproduction in whole or in part in any form or medium without express written permission is prohibited.
?