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Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #1 
Ex-Guantanamo Inmate Dies in Karachi
Memon was arrested after a journalist's body was found on his property
Naveed Ahmad (naveed)
        Published 2007-05-20
Saud Memon, a former Guantanamo inmate, died on Friday in a hospital in the southwestern Pakistani metropolis of Karachi, less than a month after being dumped by Pakistani intelligence agencies at a place near his Nazimabad residence.

"He died at around 2:40 p.m. at the Intensive Care Unit of the Liaquat National Hospital," his brother Mohammad Mehmood told OhmyNews by phone. In addition to other diseases, Memon was suffering from meningitis, tuberculosis (mental) and hepatitis B and breathing through a respirator.

The 45-year-old philanthropist was picked up by the United States' FBI in Pretoria, South Africa, in March 2003 while he was on a business tour. The remains of slain Wall Street Journal correspondent Daniel Pearl had been found on barren land he owned in Gulshan Memar, Ehsanabad, along the superhighway.

Mehmood told OhmyNews that the American investigators failed to find any link between Memon and the plotters or killers of Pearl so he was handed over to Pakistani security agencies sometime in January 2006 in Karachi. Never officially arrested or detained he became one of the 150-plus "missing" persons held by Pakistani intelligence agencies without trial, which is the subject of a trial that has gained national attention

"On April 28, Saud was dumped at a place near his house in Karachi in an extremely critical condition," said Shaukat Siddiqui, a Supreme Court lawyer.

At the time of his death, the 5-foot-6-inch-tall Memon weighed but 18 kilograms (39.6 pounds). He could not walk, eat or even hold his head up. He could not identify his wife or children.

When the 44-year-old was brought before a Supreme Court bench on May 4 on a stretcher -- blank-eyed and drooling -- the judges ordered a medical checkup at any place of his family's choosing and sought the medical report.

"He looked mentally retarded and had generalized weakness He could not remember any of his family members Due to extreme weakness, he had developed digestion problems, so he was put on parenteral nutrition," a family doctor told OhmyNews from Karachi.

Affidavits submitted to the Supreme Court by Pakistani citizens who had been released by the intelligence agencies suggest that Memon was physically weak but without mental or psychological problems upon returning from American detention.

"Hafiz Saud was mentally very strong and used to recite the holy Quran regularly," recalls someone who knew Memon during their detention time in the custody of the intelligence agencies.

This correspondent could not speak to his aggrieved wife but one of his relatives said, "Saud was a loving father, caring husband and respectful son."

Memon had a reward of 3 million Pakistani rupees (approx. US$50,000) on his head in the Red Book of Pakistan's Interior Ministry -- its "most wanted" list.

When asked, Mehmood dispelled the impression that his brother was ever associated with any of the terrorist groups.

"[Daniel Pearl's] remains were left on his unattended, barren land but you cannot blame the landlord for his murder," he explained.

Mehmood said his deceased brother always showed generosity to the welfare of Muslim people and was associated with various trusts and even ran a free homeopathic clinic.

Meanwhile, Amina Masood, who is spearheading the missing persons case, said her life was under threat and she was not safe in her house.

"I am receiving abusive telephone calls and SMSs from various numbers and I am being threatened for release of innocent citizens in illegal custody of intelligence agencies," Masood told OhmyNews by phone.

She alleged that her cell phone number has been blocked three times after receiving threatening calls.

"I feel that I am being watched and all my calls tapped. There are secret activities going on to harass and discourage me from pursuing the release of my husband and many other innocent people," Masood said in a depressed voice over the phone.

"I would request the Supreme Court to provide me security," she pleaded.

Masood has already sent the list of telephone numbers from which she received threatening calls to the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority for action. She said that she has not received any response yet. Her plea with the Interior Ministry's Crisis Management Cell has remained unattended.

The next Supreme Court hearing in the missing persons case is May 25.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #2 
                                A Tale of Two Exiles: US Immigration Hypocrisy in Stark Relief                                                                                                                                 Print                                                                                                                 E-mail                                                
                                                Written by Kari Lydersen                                                                           
                                Tuesday, 22 May 2007                                

Ibrahim Parlak and his daughter in Cafe GulistanHuseyin Parlak, a Kurdish man from Turkey, entered the US legally on a student visa in 1998, filed a claim for political asylum and went to every court date and meeting immigration officials asked of him. He has no criminal record, works in his brother’s restaurant in southwest Michigan and pays taxes.

Luis Posada Carriles, a right-wing Cuban exile, was convicted of bombing a jetliner that killed 73 people, of trying to assassinate a head of state, and carrying out multiple bombings. He escaped from prison in Venezuela, used numerous fake documents, entered the US illegally, and hid from US immigration officials. He has also allegedly been a member and accomplice of several terrorist groups.

On May 14, Parlak was deported to Turkey, with no advance notice, not even allowed to say goodbye to family and friends or pick up money and a change of clothes.

On May 8, a federal judge dropped immigration charges against Posada, who had been free on bond in Miami since being released from a New Mexico jail in April. Now he is relieved of bond and able to live as a free man in the US. The charges were dropped several days before Posada’s trial on seven counts of immigration fraud including lying to immigration officials, who had previously deemed Posada a national security threat.

Comparing the two men’s situations provides a prime example of hypocrisy and double standards within the US immigration system.

Parlak’s brother Ibrahim, who was held in immigration detention for 14 months himself, says that when he argued with immigration officials about his brother’s speedy and unexpected deportation, which comes with a 10-year ban on re-entering the US, he was told they were just following the laws.

"He had a clean record, he never did anything wrong, he wasn’t hiding anywhere, he was there every time they asked," said Parlak, whose own deportation order is frozen indefinitely since Michigan legislators (Senator Carl Levin and Congressman Fred Upton) have introduced private bills on his behalf. "When they say they’re playing by the rules, those rules should be for everybody. Not different rules for Cubans and Kurds."

The current immigration debate focuses largely on punishing immigrants who "broke the law" by entering the US illegally, and anti-immigrant parties frequently say they have no problem with immigration if it is done through legal channels. Ibrahim Parlak points out that his brother, now 40, followed the laws all along the way, and did everything authorities asked of him, even surrendering his passport. If his asylum claim had been denied -- he was deported before it had been resolved -- Parlak says the family likely would have voluntarily bought Huseyin a ticket to London or Germany, saving taxpayer money and avoiding the 10-year ban on re-entry.

Posada, by contrast, does not dispute that he entered the US illegally in 2005. He says he entered with a coyote through the desert near Brownsville, Texas; the government says he entered Florida on a shrimp boat owned by a wealthy Cuban American developer later sent to prison for weapons violations in an alleged plot to kill Castro. Posada was arrested by immigration agents in Miami in May 2005 and ordered deported four months later, but remained in limbo since the US couldn’t find a country willing to take him.

Breaking immigration laws is the least of Posada’ legal violations. Though he has not been charged with a crime by the US Department of Justice, it has called him "a dangerous criminal and an admitted mastermind of terrorist plots." A long list of crimes attributable to Posada in his all-out campaign against Cuban president Fidel Castro includes the 1976 bombing of a Cuban jetliner killing 73 people, for which he served eight years in prison in Venezuela before escaping; an assassination attempt on Castro in Panama in 2000, for which he was convicted but then pardoned four years later; and numerous bombings of tourist sites in Cuba in 1997, including attacks on European companies doing business with Cuba. An Italian tourist was killed in one of the bombings. Posada was even implicated in a 1976 car bombing in Washington DC, which killed Chilean foreign minister Orlando Letelier and American activist Ronni Moffit. Evidence sought by a grand jury relating to that bombing was destroyed in the FBI’s Miami office.

The White House has refused to comply with Venezuela ‘s extradition request for Posada, on the grounds he could be tortured in Venezuela -- even though there are no credible reports of torture under president Hugo Chavez’s regime. The real reason for the Bush administration’s support of Posada is assumed to be that they don’t want him to reveal details of his work with the CIA in Central American counter-insurgency operations in the 1980s, including the Iran-Contra affair. His association with the CIA goes back at least until 1961, when he helped organize the Bay of Pigs invasion. He also trained at the infamous School of the Americas in Fort Benning, Ga.


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Posts: 277
Reply with quote  #3 
Originally Posted by joeb
Body of man who bought cell phone on whosarat forum found
LOL, Shit Joeb...  I wasn't scared when I read the title of this thread (because I didn't buy a phone) but certainly made me open it. I wanted to know all about the incident.  But LOL you made me laugh a lot.  Very good man... good joke for April  Fools.

Don't let those Bastards Get to you Man...
They are not better than those criminals they protect.
Would you make an alliance with the Devil and expect it to well behave?
Would you ask Community Watch Informants A.K.A. "GangStalkers" to come and help you and well behave?
We just can't trust them.
Bad Cops Did.
http://www.whosarat.com is here
... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
It is not like I am using this medium to express myself in anonymity. Every single Organized Informant "GangStalker" and colluded Bad Cop knows my identity. I am the one who wants to end this. I WANT TO TURN MYSELF IN! Please tell me what precinct you want me to go and I will show up. NO JUDGE will accept a guilty plea once they learn that every piece of this case -my case- is tainted and biased because of personal HATE against me. So when and where is gonna be? Please tell me!
I want Due Process,
I want a Fair Trial,
I want the Best Defense,
Isn't that the way is supposed to be?

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #4 

Onetime paid snitch guilty of posing as FBI agent

COURT | Ex-State Police informant faces Nov. 2 sentencing for bribery

September 17, 2007

Omar Abbas -- a paid snitch -- helped the State Police win two murder-for-hire convictions in the 1990s and was an informant for the FBI and Drug Enforcement Administration.

But apparently, snitching didn't pay enough.

Posing as a corrupt FBI agent and a dirty lawyer, Abbas conned people into forking over thousands of dollars in bribes, authorities say.

Abbas, 41, is awaiting sentencing Nov. 2. A federal jury convicted him in August of impersonating an FBI agent, making false statements to the FBI, and crossing the state line with proceeds from fraud.

The FBI calls Abbas "a professional confidence man."

In 2003, he posed as an FBI agent, taking more than $9,500 in bribes to fix an immigration case. And in 2005, he masqueraded as a politically connected lawyer, taking a $5,000 bribe to secure bail for a man charged with attempted murder, the FBI said.

Abbas didn't hold up his end of either crooked deal, officials say.

The Jordanian national also gave the FBI a false tip that a Burbank man was a member of Hamas.

Ironically, Abbas was paid thousands of dollars to put other criminals behind bars.

In 1996, he was a State Police informant against Jackie Chamness, 46, who pleaded guilty in Cook County to soliciting the murder of his former girlfriend and was sentenced to 31 years in prison.

And in 1999, Abbas was a State Police informant against Jermaine Norris, 33, convicted of leading a bloody attack on a Will County drug house that left a woman dead. Norris is serving a 120-year prison term.

Abbas, a State Police informant for more than 10 years, was paid more than $12,000 by the State Police for the Norris investigation alone, according to court testimony.

Abbas also was an FBI informant between 2000 and 2005 and for the DEA in 1997 and 1998, records show.


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #5 


Coroner refuses to file autopsy records
Included is the information on the Luna case; DA didn’t ask for it to be sealed

By Helen Colwell Adams
Sunday News

Published: Oct 14, 2007 12:04 AM EST

LANCASTER, Pa. - Lancaster County officials aren't giving the county coroner, Dr. G. Gary Kirchner, any support in his effort to keep all his autopsy records, including those of federal prosecutor Jonathan Luna, out of the public's hands.

But Kirchner said Saturday that he has no intention of filing his records in the county prothonotary's office, as state law would seem to require.

"We're not going to in any way expose anybody in Lancaster County to public disclosure by the prothonotary, who thinks public disclosure should happen," Kirchner said.

"We know legally it should not happen."

Earlier this month, Prothonotary Randall Wenger denied Kirchner's request to have his office declared an "annex" of the prothonotary, an arrangement that existed between Wenger's and Kirchner's predecessors.

"I have no reason to believe that the prothonotary's duty to provide public access to the coroner's records would be upheld if I were to deputize an employee of the coroner," Wenger wrote to Kirchner.

County solicitor Donald Lefever, who was asked by Kirchner for help with Luna's records, said last week that he told Kirchner the county won't get involved because law enforcement has not asked for Luna's autopsy report to be sealed from public view.

And the private investigator whose attempts to compel Kirchner to release Luna's records, Ed Martino, said Saturday he will go to court this week to force Kirchner to comply with the state's County Code by filing all his records in the prothonotary's office.

Martino, of Blue Ball, has been investigating the 2003 death of Luna, an assistant U.S. attorney in Baltimore whose body was found in a Brecknock Township stream in December 2003.

Last month, Martino wrote to Kirchner to ask him to comply with state law after discovering that Kirchner had not filed any of his records, dating from the start of his term in 2004, with the prothonotary.

Wenger wrote in an Oct. 4 letter to Kirchner that with a few legally specified exceptions, records in the prothonotary's office are open to the public.

"While you may personally disagree with the County Code in this area," Wenger wrote, "the authority to rewrite the county code lies with our state legislators and not with the prothonotary or the coroner."

Sealing all records

Although Luna, whose mysterious death had been ruled homicide, is at the center of the latest controversy, his isn't the only case affected by Kirchner's position.

Kirchner said his refusal to file his official records applies to every case he has handled since becoming coroner in January 2004.

"We're going to keep the records," he said Saturday.

Martino learned in September that Kirchner had been retaining records in the coroner's office at 131 E. Frederick St. rather than sending them to the prothonotary's office in the county courthouse.

Kirchner told the Sunday News in late September that his office was considered an arm of the prothonotary and had been since his predecessor, Dr. Barry Walp, and former prothonotary Bob Getz developed an agreement on the question.

But Wenger said the "annex" deal ended when both Walp and Getz left office at the end of 2003 and that Kirchner had not asked Wenger to renew the arrangement.

In his Oct. 4 letter to Kirchner, Wenger wrote that the annex arrangement "was established to allow the coroner's office to generate revenue by providing copies to the public of requested documents."

Earlier, Wenger said that Walp had agreed to provide public access to his records at his coroner's office.

Wenger wrote to Kirchner that he is mandated to maintain records for the public, with a few exceptions that are spelled out in the law, unless they are sealed by a court order.

"That's clearly not true," Kirchner said Saturday. "So say my lawyers, and so says the [state] coroner education board, and so says the law.

"He [Wenger] can be in possession of the records, but he cannot be releasing the records to the public because he has possession."

Kirchner said he has a legal opinion, backed by court precedent, saying autopsy reports are not public records.

The County Code says in Section 1251 that coroners annually must file all their "official records" for the calendar year in the prothonotary's office "for the inspection of all persons interested therein."

Coroners and law enforcement in other parts of the state have sought to have autopsy records excluded from the filing requirement, contending that releasing those reports could compromise a criminal investigation.

In a 2005 ruling, the state Supreme Court upheld a Superior Court opinion based on a Blair County case, stating that investigators may get court approval to seal autopsy records, but "the commonwealth must make a specific showing that the release of the report would have a substantial negative impact on its investigation."

A lower appellate court, Commonwealth Court, has argued against that Supreme Court opinion in a 2006 ruling from Lehigh County; that case is on appeal to the Supreme Court.

Martino contended the Supreme Court ruling requires someone to go to court and demonstrate why release of an autopsy report would jeopardize an investigation.

"They haven't done that in this [Luna] case," he said. "There's no evidence of it that I can see."

Martino said his attorney is preparing a court filing, which he expects to be ready this week, asking a judge to compel Kirchner to send all his records to the prothonotary's office.

"The problem is there's no penalty," Martino said. "The law was written with no teeth."

Closing Luna's records

On Oct. 1, after a Sunday News story about Martino's quest to have Kirchner's records filed in the courthouse, Kirchner wrote a letter to Lefever, the county solicitor.

Kirchner sent a copy of the letter to the Sunday News.

He said Saturday the letter was "basically to say that I was not going to put the Luna record out on the street, and I had a legal opinion that said I did not have to do that, and I have not."

Lefever said he talked to law enforcement about the question of Luna's autopsy records and was told that local and federal authorities did not object to the records being released.

Without law enforcement wanting the records to be sealed, Lefever said, "the board of [county] commissioners isn't going to do so."

County District Attorney Don Totaro said last week, "I have not petitioned the court to seal autopsy records involving the death of Jonathan Luna. Therefore, any release of documents must be addressed by the county coroner."

"They should strenuously object, as Wayne Ross and I strenuously object, to them being released," Kirchner said.

Ross, the county's forensic pathologist, couldn't be reached for comment Saturday.

In his daily e-mail blog, in which Kirchner sometimes comments on cases, he wrote Monday, "Too much information gathered by us reside in the autopsy protocol and needs to stay there and not be public. Wayne and I feel the FBI would be very unhappy should Luna's records reach the street."

Luna, 38, was found dead early Dec. 4, 2003, face down in a creek. He had been stabbed three dozen times; Walp, who was then the coroner, ruled the death was a homicide and that Luna died of multiple traumatic wounds and drowning.

Anonymous federal sources later told major newspapers that Luna might have killed himself or died accidentally in the course of staging a suicide attempt. Despite FBI requests to change the manner of death to suicide, Kirchner has said he supports Walp's conclusions.

"It's a tragic situation," Martino said. "I don't know why Kirchner's sitting on these records. ... He's running for election. It's not going to help him; it's going to kill him."

Kirchner is running a write-in campaign for a second term against Republican nominee Dr. Steve Diamantoni and Democrat Dave Rittenhouse.

Kirchner said Saturday that Luna's records "would embarrass a lot of people."


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #6 

East Texas agent details FBI mission

Sentinel Staff

Tuesday, October 23, 2007

The current mission of the FBI is to gather intelligence on terrorism in order to prevent another 9/11 attack in the United States, said Terry Lane, an FBI liaison with U.S. Special Forces Troops in Afghanistan.

Lane, who has worked with various special forces, including the Green Berets and the Navy Seals, said there are roughly 30 FBI agents currently disbursed throughout Afghanistan, gathering intelligence on terrorism.

Christy Wooten/The Daily Sentinel
Terry Lane, an FBI liaison with U.S. Special Forces in Afghanistan, discussed the current mission of the FBI with Fredonia Rotary Club members.

"It's a good mission," he said, "It's a mission that needs to be done."

Lane described the everyday process of that mission Tuesday during the Fredonia Rotary Club's weekly meeting.

Typically, FBI agents operate as guests of the military forces with whom they are working with, Lane said.

"We go in after (a target) is secured by the military, and then our objective is to look for anything of intelligence matter," he said.

But getting to those targets is quite the task.

"You can't drive anywhere," Lane said, noting that it is just too dangerous. "So most places you get to by a C47 or a blackhawk helicopter or some other means of air travel."

Because the helicopters make so much noise, when Lane was traveling with the Navy Seals at night, he said they would get dropped off anywhere from three to seven kilometers from their intended target.

Lane said whenever he traveled with the Navy Seals, they would make the inference that he didn't have to keep up with them. However, if he fell behind, they weren't coming back for him.

"Needless to say, I try to keep in shape," he said, laughing.

Lane said during their off time, the living accommodations the military provided them were wonderful.

"There was plywood over the air conditioning units ... to get the heat out," he said. "The tents were cool at night. That's all I can say, because during the day they were not."

While working in Afghanistan, Lane said some of the FBI's greatest accomplishments in their mission included locating the supreme Taliban leader at the time, Mullah Dadullah. He said they also located more than 30 pounds of opium, one of Afghanistan's leading exports widely known as a funding mechanism for terrorism.

"There are a lot of things that I can't show you because of the nature of them," he said, as he flipped through a slideshow of Afghanistan.

He said on some occasions they would locate cell phones and be able to see who was calling who. They also conduct a lot of human interrogation and locate large stockpiles of weapons. Lane said many of the weapons come from Russia.

He said even though he and his family live in East Texas, he is glad he has the opportunity to take three or four months out of the year to actively participate in the FBI's mission.

"Doing it with the military gives me great pride," he said.

Lane and his FBI partner, Fort Worth-based agent Michael Elsing, plan to return to Afghanistan this spring.


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #7 
let god sort out the truth

first read


second read
Father Figure

Posted November 12, 2007 | 08:32 AM (EST)

Father Greg Boyle buried his first gang member in 1988; on a Saturday last August, he buried his 156th. "I keep count," he says, speaking from the gang reintegration clinic he runs in Boyle Heights, a crime-plagued district just east of downtown Los Angeles. Dressed in a short-sleeved shirt bearing the logo of Homeboy Industries, the anti-gang organization he founded, the 53-year-old Boyle has the relaxed, affable persona of someone for whom life's harsh realities are tempered by understated compassion and virtuous zeal.

Boyle, a Jesuit priest, was assigned to the Dolores Mission Parish in1986, and found himself caught up in a turf war among eight rival gangs who controlled the Pico Gardens and Aliso Village housing projects--the largest public-housing community west of the Mississippi and home to some 10,000 residents. "I would ride my bike and witness shootings," he says. He remembers1988 to 1998 as "the decade of death." After Rodney King's beating, in 1992, there were nearly 1,000 gang-related homicides in Los Angeles County alone. In the midst of this tragedy, Boyle found a mission. "Gangs are places kids go when they've encountered life as a misery," he says. "There often isn't a conflict--there's just no hope." In 1988 he founded the Dolores Mission Alternative School to get kids off the streets and into classrooms. This was quickly followed by Jobs for a Future, an employment service that currently places 300 people a year in construction, clerical, textile, health-care, and other jobs. In 1992, he founded Homeboy Industries, his multifaceted antigang organization, to offer hope as an alternative to gang life. "Nothing stops a bullet like a job," Boyle believes.

Though gang-related crime in Los Angeles had fallen for the past several years, it rose 14 percent in 2006--and 56 percent of all homicides were gang-related. In January, Police Chief William Bratton announced an "unprecedented collaboration" combining the resources of the FBI with the LAPD and other local agencies. The city's official plan is to pursue the most notorious gangs and hope for a trickle-down effect to curb the violence. But Boyle believes the issue is more nuanced. "Cops often overstate the problem," he says. "[The city's] treatment plan is bad because the diagnosis is bad. If you can fix what they're fleeing from, then you've done a lot. Our thinking is inside-out."

It is this desire to understand gang culture, and to address its causes at their root, that informs Homeboy Industries' practical philosophy. Today the group offers a wide range of free services, including tattoo removal, employment and legal services, traditional twelve-step meetings, and essential educational tools such as classes in literacy, personal finance, and parenting. A thousand people--former members of some 600 gangs from 45 different zip codes----use at least one of these services every month. A series of for-profit ventures have also sprung up, most notably a Homeboy Bakery, and professional services such as Homeboy Silkscreen and Embroidery and Homeboy Landscaping and Maintenance. There is also a Homegirl Café that helps female gang members start new lives in the service industry.

Today, Homeboy Industries has an annual budget of $5 million, funded by a combination of public foundations and private donors such as Ray Stark, the legendary Hollywood film producer, and Herb Alpert, the trumpeter who co-founded A&M Records. It recently moved into a brand-new 21,000-square-foot building in the heart of downtown Los Angeles. "It's going to transform the level of service we can offer," Boyle enthuses. "I'm excited to see where we go from here."

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #8 

Court rejects challenge to wiretap program

                                        Rare visitor
RARE VISITOR: Lt. Gen. Keith B. Alexander, left, director of the National Security Agency, and William Marshall, director of the NSA Threat Operations Center, give President Bush a tour of the secretive spy agency in Ft. Meade, Md.
The Bush administration's warrantless spy effort is protected by the 'state secrets' privilege, federal judges rule.
By Henry Weinstein, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer                                                
10:45 AM PST, November 16, 2007                                                
A federal appeals court in San Francisco today handed a major victory to the Bush administration, ruling that a lawsuit challenging the government's warrantless wiretapping program could not go forward because of the "state secrets" privilege.

In a 3-0 decision, the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals sided with the government, which had argued that allowing an Islamic charity's claims that it was illegally spied upon to go forward would threaten national security.

Related Stories
In the opinion, Judge M. Margaret McKeown flatly rejected the government's argument that "the very subject matter of the litigation is a state secret."

However, after privately reviewing sealed information from the government, McKeown said on behalf of the three-judge panel, "We acknowledge the need to defer to the executive on matters of foreign and national security and surely cannot legitimately find ourselves second-guessing the executive in this arena."

The victory was not absolute. The court sent the case back to a lower court to consider whether the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which requires the government to seek warrants for anti-terrorist wiretaps from a special court, preempts the state secrets privilege. The proceedings on that issue could take months.

But coming from three judges, all appointed by Democratic presidents, in one of the most liberal federal circuits in the country, the ruling demonstrates a reluctance by the courts to intervene in President Bush's handling of the war on terrorism.

The lawsuit, filed by the Al-Haramain Islamic Foundation and two of its attorneys, challenged the National Security Agency's spying endeavor, called the Terrorist Surveillance Program, which was launched after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

It was one of 50 legal challenges brought across the country after the surveillance program's existence was revealed in a December 2005 story in the New York Times.

Earlier this year, a federal appeals court in Cincinnati dismissed a similar challenge filed by the American Civil Liberties Union. The court ruled that the plaintiffs, including lawyers, journalists and scholars, had no standing because they could not prove they had been injured by the program.

But the Al-Haramain case had a distinct element.

In 2004, government officials from the Office of Foreign Asset Control, during proceedings seeking to temporarily freeze the Islamic's charity's assets, inadvertently gave Al-Haramain lawyers a "top secret" document. Al-Haramain, which operates in more than 50 countries, has been identified by the United Nations Security Council as belonging to or associated with Al Qaeda.

When government officials discovered their mistake, they demanded that Al-Haramain and others who had obtained copies return the document.

In its suit early last year, Al-Haramain and two of its attorneys contended that the secret document was a National Security Agency call log documenting surveillance of the organization.

The organization asserted that the president and other executive branch officials violated the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, various provisions of the U.S. Constitution and international law. The government countered that the suit was barred by the state secrets privilege, a legal rule codified during the Cold War to quash legal action that could reveal military secrets.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #9 
Saturday, January 19, 2008
                                                        Officers detonate briefcase left at FBI office

By Ed Farrell
The Winchester Star                                



Winchester — Police bomb experts detonated a suspicious item that had been left outside a downtown FBI office on Friday afternoon.

According to city police Capt. David Sobonya, three suspects were being questioned about the incident by local, state, and federal authorities.

He emphasized that "this was not a terrorist attack" and that the action was apparently intended as a prank.

Police identified the suspects as George B. Busse, 19, Aaron M. Sager, 18, and Barbara O. Hawk, 22, all of Winchester.


                                                Winchester police Sgt. Amanda Baker carries yellow crime scene tape as she prepares to reopen the 100 block of North Braddock Street afterthe incident at the nearby FBI office on Friday afternoon.
                        (Jeff Taylor)                                        

They are accused of violating a state law involving threats to bomb or damage buildings.

According to Sobonya, the suspects "found a [briefcase] in a trash can and thought it would be fun to leave it in front of a government facility."

The officer was not clear about how the three individuals were taken into police custody.

The FBI has leased the building at 112 N. Braddock St. — which formerly housed the Winchester Technology Center — since 2006.

An FBI employee, who declined to provide his name, said nothing identifies the building as an FBI facility.

Sobonya said an armed guard in the building saw the suspects put the briefcase down, and stepped outside to speak with them.

"She told the suspects that they had forgotten their bag," Sobonya said, adding that they ignored the guard and walked into the nearby Braddock Street Autopark.

He said the guard then notified city police at 1:55 p.m.

"We responded to the call and determined the device was in fact suspicious, and immediately secured the perimeter," he said.

Residents and employees in buildings on Braddock Street — from Piccadilly to Boscawen streets — were evacuated.

The police also used City Watch, or "reverse 911," to notify downtown residents and businesses of the potential danger, said interim Police Chief Craig Smith.


                                                An FBI employee who declined to provide her name clears broken glass from the sidewalk outside the agency’s office on Braddock Street in Winchester on Friday. The glass was broken when a suspicious briefcase was detonated.
                        (Jeff Taylor)                                        

Cliff Armour, who lives at 126 N. Braddock, said he had seen the briefcase earlier.

"It’s so weird," he said while waiting for police to clear the scene. "I walked right past it, right there in front of the FBI building."

Traffic was snarled for hours as police detoured vehicles away from the area.

Shortly after 4 p.m., police ordered all onlookers away from a direct view of the site, and a loud explosion was heard at 4:15 p.m.

"That was our officers performing a rendering-safe operation," said Smith.

Virginia State Police Special Agent Kevin Newtin detonated the device at the location where it had been placed, assisted by city police Sgt. Tim Frazier, Sobonya said.

The FBI building and several nearby vehicles received minor damage in the blast, Sobonya said.

Following the explosion, officers were observed scanning the area, trying to identify parts of the suspicious object, which Sobonya said did not appear to contain explosives.

The officer said he did not know the charges the suspects might eventually face. "But we want to make clear that this was not a terrorist attack," he said.

Sobonya said it was the first time the bomb squad had detonated a device in Winchester since a suspicious package was found in the Loudoun Street Mall post office on May 29, 2002.


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The Berkeley Daily Planet

Web http://www.berkeleydailyplanet.com
Text Only Front Page Regular Format Article Index of Sections

Remembering Milt Wolff, Anti-Fascist Fighter, 1915–2008

By Richard Bermack

“Activism is the elixir of life” was his motto. And Milt Wolff was an icon of activism, as were his fellow veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. He could be seen at demonstrations and political events well into his 80s and even 90s.

Wolff was sharp tongued and vibrant until the end. He could dominate a conversation, using history and politics to cast his spell. To have lunch with him was

to take a journey through history. And it wasn’t so much his retelling of Spanish Civil War adventures, but his tales of a time when actions had meaning and taking a stand against injustice was clear-cut. Wolff radiated a sense of purpose that was contagious. He was an active participant in the Civil Rights movement, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and opposition to American intervention in Latin America.

To have fought in the Spanish Civil War has become synonymous with idealism, and it was the defining experience of Wolff’s life. He took over the command of the American volunteers when he was 22 years old. The previous commanders had all been killed or wounded. Ernest Hemingway compared Wolff to Abraham Lincoln in stature and praised his military prowess. The two became drinking buddies and friends.

After the war, Wolff became the commander of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, an organization dedicated to aiding Spanish Civil War refugees and vets, and to continuing the fight against fascism in its many forms. He had a sense of how to get publicity and an uncanny ability to raise money for progressive causes. During its heyday, nearly 1,000 people attended the annual VALB reunions. At one point they raised over $100,000 to send ambulances to Nicaragua to support the Sandinista government against the U.S.-backed Contras.

Preserving the legacy of the struggle became Wolff’s raison d’être. Given any opportunity, he would talk about the Spanish Civil War and the activism of the Lincoln vets, from making speeches at political meetings to chatting up the person next to him in the supermarket line.

I remember picking Wolff up at the hospital when he was nearly 80. He had been injured bicycling to a gym at five in the morning. As he was leaving, one of the Kaiser nurses who had attended him walked up and, clenching her fist, chanted, “¡Viva Communista! No pasaran!” A week later Wolff was on his way to Cuba to challenge the U.S. blockade.

In contrast to his military exploits, Wolff was a self-made intellectual and artist, having dropped out of high school during the Great Depression. He attempted a career as a commercial artist and painter but was blacklisted by the FBI. He wrote two autobiographical novels, “Another Hill” and “Member of the Working Class.”

On Jan. 14, Milt Wolff died in hospice care. He was 92. “No pep talks,” he warned those who visited him in his final days, some from as far away as Spain. He quickly turned the conversation to who would win the primaries.

There will be a memorial to Milt Wolff on March 29, the time and place to be announced. For more information on the memorial go to http://www.MiltWolff.rb68.com.

On March 30, in San Francisco, there will be an unveiling of a monument to all of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. For more information go to http://www.alba-valb.org.

Richard Bermack is the author of “The Front Lines of Social Change: Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.”

Photograph by Richard Bermack.


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Reason Magazine

Myths of Domestic Terror

Good piece from Rolling Stone reporting on the FBI's Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTF), and its tenacious battle against something that may or may not exist.

Reporter Guy Lawson finds a history of minor criminal agents provacateur ginning up feckless plans for impossible terror feats, misleading statistics, secrecy behind a veil of "if you knew what we know you'd understand, but we can't tell you" and some truly scary excrement setting off a radiological attack monitor in Chicago.

Some summational excerpts:

The expenditure of such massive resources to find would-be terrorists inevitably requires results. Plots must be uncovered. Sleeper cells must be infiltrated. Another attack must be prevented —or, at least, be seen to be prevented. But in backwaters like Rockford [Illinois], the JTTFs don't have much to do. To find threats to thwart, the task forces have increasingly taken to using paid informants to cajole and inveigle targets like [convicted domestic terrorist Derrick] Shareef into pursuing their harebrained schemes.

..........a closer inspection of the cases brought by JTTFs reveals that most of the prosecutions had one thing in common: The defendants posed little if any demonstrable threat to anyone or anything. According to a study by the Center on Law and Security at the New York University School of Law, only ten percent of the 619 "terrorist" cases brought by the federal government have resulted in convictions on "terrorism-related" charges —a category so broad as to be meaningless. In the past year, none of the convictions involved jihadist terror plots targeting America.

....In most cases, because no trial is ever held, few details emerge beyond the spare and slanted descriptions in the indictments. When facts do come to light during a trial, they cast doubt on the seriousness of the underlying case.

Of course, when there's no threat, that means that the people responsible for keeping us from the threat must be doing something right. Right?

When I ask what kinds of cases his CT squad has made, [Special Agent Robert] Holley cites the example of a local cab driver who came up on the JTTF's radar some time back —he won't say how or why. The man was East African, Holley says, a suspected Islamic extremist "connected to known bad guys overseas." After being interviewed by the JTTF, the cabbie decided to leave the country. Nothing criminal had occurred, and no charges were laid. The cab driver had simply come to the attention of the JTTF, and that in itself was enough to dispose of the matter.

"Can we consider that a success because we didn't put him in jail?" Holley asks. "Absolutely. This guy is no longer here. He is not a threat to one person in the United States."


"Have you ever found a terrorist cell?" I ask.

"That's kind of a vague question," [Master Sgt. Carl] Gutierrez [of the Illinois State Police] says. "There are certain things we can't talk about, because it leads to more."

"Do I believe there's a cell in Chicago?" [Sgt. Paul] DeRosa [of the Chicago Police Department] asks. "I bet you there is. Do I have any direct physical knowledge? No. But I think there is one, and that's why we're here."

The story has more detailed discussions of such supposed terror plots as the JFK jet fuel conspiracy, the "Albany pizza" case, and the "Liberty City Seven" case. Read the whole thing.

I wondered where's the terror? here on 9/11/06.


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Mar 3 2008 10:59PM EST

The Pellicano Trial--Not Much Hollywood, But Quite A Show


Go back to Jersey, Sonny. This is the City of the Angels and you haven't got any wings.
James Cromwell's Dudley Smith, in L.A. Confidential, gives a visiting thug the advice to leave town.

All America, but especially Hollywood, loves a juicy celebrity trial. The slightly disappointing news to those of us who admit to taking some pleasure in the discomfort of swells is that the Pellicano trail looks like something of a film-industry fizzle. Though the government's hundred-odd pages of trial memorandum contain plenty of front-rank show biz names, they appear mostly as the victims of the nefarious doing of Anthony Pellicano, age 63, and his tight cadre of information-churning accomplices. The principal target of the Fed's case is of course Pellicano, who's not from New Jersey, but was raised by Sicilian parents in Chicago and became the alleged sometime confederate of folks like --Joey "The Clown" Lombardo, but he's always publicly denied Mafia ties.

Who needs bad guys when you have a couple crooks from the L.A.P.D. and the Beverly Hills P.D. on your side? The latter, Mark Arneson, searched law enforcement date bases 2,500 times to scare up useful info some 300 adversaries of Pellicano clients from his P.I.A. agency. Phone company employee Rayford Earl Turner installed wiretaps--noisy ones, sometimes. After Anita Busch first noticed a problem on her line in November of 2005, she complained to provider SBC, who removed the tap; a new one was installed on Nov 18--and subsequently removed.)

Computer programmer Kevin Kachikian helped forensic ace Pellicano develop and distribute a hardware/software package called Telesleuth, for analyzing wiretap calls. And businessman Abner Nicherie first hired Pellicano, then became his on-call Hebrew translator. When Arneson was otherwise occupied, Beverly Hills police officer Craig Stevens filled in and in January 2006 pled guilty to a row of counts.

(Related cases involving Terry N. Christensen, head of a Hollywood law firm who paid Pellicano $100,00 to wiretap the ex-wife of his client Kirk Kerkorian in a child support case, and John McTiernan, covered on this site recently, are on separate tracks.)

Thin as the gruel--intending no slight to Pellicano's former attorney, Steven Gruel, Esq., now replaced by the lips-zipped private eye himself--may be, certain details in the memo account do provide some specimen lessons in how to watch out for the mistrust, dirty dealing and screwing over of your buddy that are this town's way of life. (We repeat over and over that until it's solidified into cliche, and then the players always renew It.). The major execs are somewhere offstage in these accounts--not to dismiss Mike Ovitz, who certainly comes off in these pages as plenty creepy, but he lost his major player jersey sometime back and has since been complaining the gay mafia chased him out of power. (Yep, and the fawning media are responsible for Hillary's recent 0-11 run.)

Wile on the topic. Many among us have checked out Jack Nicholson's pro-Hillary video. This is a guy who's done the reading-most interviews with him will find their way to some compelling recent (or classic) book on politics or the arts--so it's undeniable he gave it due thought. But the fix Pellicano's in reminds one sooner of Faye Dunaway's character Evelyn Mulwray in Chinatown coolly eyeing Jack's Jake Gittes with this:
I see you like publicity, Mr. Gittes. Well, you're going to get it.

Let's look at some of the tragicomic points of the prosecutors' memo, t as it was filed under the rubric of the Los Angeles U.S. Attorney's Office, Violent and Organized Crime Section."

Submitted by our federal government in the person of U.S> Attorney Thomas P. O'Brien, USA Plaintiff vs
The Feds have estimated the time requirted for the trial that begins Tuesday For the at 8 a.m. before the District Court Judge Dale S. Fischer, at about 8-10 weeks. Their memo cites rafts of case law relevant to this sort of RICO (racketeering) investigation. Most of the counts depend on mail and wire fraud--like taping his clients' adversaries during their phone calls and conveying the results to said clients. It's a curious thing that the Feds had little luck "turning" the accused operatives to testify against him, and doubtless certain parts of the government case are less substantial as a result.

The memo details how, from as far back as 1999, through Pellicano's arrest in 2002, Arneson did his searches on databases like the California Division of Motor Vehicles and the FBI adjunct Crime Information Center. Business was good enough that Turner recruited two deputy snoops with more access-- Teresa Wright and Michelle Malkin--and through the devoted efforts of his network was able to pull up such items as CAA agents Bryan Lourd and Kevin Huvane's records (dated 8/10/01).

Other sideshows abound.

In 1996, Susan Reddan Maguire initiated divorce proceedings against LA real estate developer Robert Maguire III, seeking evidence from the detective re the developer's ongoing affair with mistress Rosa Serrano. Around the time she filed, Maguire's Playa Vista project was losing its cornerstone tenant, DreamWorks SKG, because it was too slow off the mark (and also became an environmental pariah before serious modifications restored some credibility.)

Another not-so-savory Pellicano client was one John Gordon Jones, who in October 1998 was facing charges of raping nine women he met in nightclubs; --Pellicano set about discrediting these Jane Does with a series of background checks. (Jones was eventually acquitted following a trial in 2001.)

The memorandum alludes to the scramble in Pellicano's office "in late 1999 or early 2000" when the private eye was so concerned that LA County Deputy District Attorney Karla Kerlin was going to execute search warrants that he ordered his files, particularly the ones tainted by Arneson references, to be purged.

Then there's former music executive Robert
Pfeifer, 50, of Hollywood, who allegedly hired Pellicano to investigate and wiretap a former girlfriend; the aforementioned Abner Nicherie, 42, of Las Vegas, Nevada, who was involved in a business hassle with a man who was allegedly wiretapped; and Daniel Nicherie, 45, of Las Vegas, Nevada, Abner's brother, who is currently in federal custody on charges of defrauding the man who Pellicano allegedly wiretapped.

For a you-can't-make-this stuff-up touch, at the end of 2000, venture capitalist Alec Gores hired P.I.A. to investigate his wife Lisa's relationship with his younger brother Tom, an Israeli-immigrant buyout king and would be Hollywood player who was exec producer on the Lindsay Lohan vehicle, I Know Who Killed Me. Alec paid the p.i. $160,000 in early 2000, to confirmed the nature of the relationship between Tom and Lisa, and played his client three wire-tapped calls involving the lovers. (That had to be an interesting follow-up conversation between the brothers, both on the Forbes 400 Richest List last year).

Then there's the nasty scraps among the smaller fry--Pellicano's investigation of screenwriter Vincent Bo Zenga In July 2000 after he sued Brad Grey for breach of contract and fraud (the Grey legal team had previously retained PIA in February of 2001 to investigate alienated Grey management client Garry Shandling.) The researchers threw Zenga's wife, journalist Zoriana Kit, and three of his colleagues in the searches for good measure.

There's the Pellicano-aided February 2001
Sandra Carradine beef with husband Keith and his girlfriend, and a job for hedge fund manager Adam Sender over a dispute with a planned film company start-up with movie producer and Nevada gubernatorial candidate Aaron Russo.
The p.i. used a wiretap to predict when Russo would be outside a Beverly Hills hair salon, and in one of the case's better Krooked Keystone Kops moments, the memo describes how the servers "traveled to the salon, where they subsequently chased Russo through several buildings before effecting service eon him. One haircutter-witness testified that Russo had turned down" the service, but he recanted his testimony after Pellicano's search found an outstanding arrest warrant (subsequently not served) bearing his name.

Perhaps most interesting to the media is the section called "The Enterprise's Investigation of Anita Busch" [the Ovitz matter, as opposed to the Steven Seagal dead-fish-on-the-car flap]. Arneson at one stage tried to submit that his Busch searches related. to " a legitimate gambling investigation he was working in his capacity as a vice squad detective in the LAPD." He tried to place and tried to place her at a pizzeria called Enzo's, which Busch will testify, she's never entered. (One hazards a guess hat Arneson, however, has.)

All in all, it looks to be an amusing few weeks downtown in Federal Court, moguls or no.

As Danny DeVito's Sid Hudgens, says in L.A. Confidential, "Something has to be done, but nothing too original, because hey, this is Hollywood."

(Anthony Pellicano in his offices, circa 2001; photo by Micahel Ochs/Getty Images)

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by C.L. Mareydt, Inspirational Author
June 06, 2008 08:09 AM EDT
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Disaster Capitalism! Former high-ranking Bush officials enjoy war profits

Tim Shorrock

Now working inside America's "shadow" spy industry, George Tenet, Richard Armitage, Cofer Black and others are cashing in big on Iraq and the war on terror.

Richard L. Armitage, who served from 2001 to 2005 as Deputy Secretary of State, was a rarity in the Bush administration: an official who delighted in talking to the press. Reporters loved him for his withering criticism of the neoconservative zealots around President George W. Bush and in part because he fed them tidbits about the White House they could obtain nowhere else. His accidental disclosure to conservative columnist Robert Novak that Valerie Plame, the wife of Iraq war critic Joseph Wilson, was working undercover for the Central Intelligence Agency remains one of the most notorious leaks of the Bush era.

But perhaps because of his cozy ties to the Washington press corps and the media's obsession with Plamegate, very little has been written about Armitage's extensive business dealings. In fact, Armitage is one of the most successful capitalists in Washington. He has successfully parlayed his experience in covert operations and secret diplomacy into a thriving career as a consultant and adviser to some of the biggest players in America's Intelligence Industrial Complex -- corporations that are working at the heart of U.S. national security and profiting handsomely from it.

Armitage, currently an adviser to presidential candidate John McCain, had once been Colin Powell's closest ally during the bitter disputes inside the Bush administration over the invasion and occupation of Iraq. According to the Washington Post's Bob Woodward, Armitage advised Powell on more than one occasion to tell the neocons to "go fuck themselves," and, at one point, even refused to deliver a speech about Iraq drafted for him by Vice President Dick Cheney's office.

Yet, three years after those epic battles, Armitage is enjoying life as a stakeholder in a dozen private companies that are making money directly from the war started by his former nemeses.

Over the past decade, contracting for America's spy agencies has grown into a $50 billion industry that eats up seven of every 10 dollars spent by the U.S. government on its intelligence services. Today, unbeknownst to most Americans, agencies once renowned for their prowess in analysis, covert operations, electronic surveillance and overhead reconnaissance outsource many of their core tasks to the private sector. The bulk of this market is serviced by about 100 companies, ranging in size from multibillion dollar defense behemoths to small technology shops funded by venture capitalists.

Nearly every one of them has sought out former high-ranking intelligence and national security officials as both managers and directors. Like Armitage, these are people who have served for decades in the upper echelons of national power. Their lives have been defined by secret briefings, classified documents, covert wars and sensitive intelligence missions. Many of them have kept their security clearances and maintain a hand in government by serving as advisers to high-level advisory bodies at the Pentagon, the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency and the White House. Now, with their government careers behind them, they make their living by rendering strategic advice to the dozens of information technology vendors and intelligence contractors headquartered along the banks of the Potomac River and the byways of Washington's Beltway.

Ever since the 1950s, with the rise of America's modern military-industrial complex, high-level U.S. officials and military men have moved between the government and private sectors. But what we have today with the intelligence business is something far more systemic: senior officials leaving their national security and counterterrorism jobs for positions where they are basically doing the same jobs they once held at the CIA, the NSA and other agencies -- but for double or triple the salary, and for profit. It's a privatization of the highest order, in which our collective memory and experience in intelligence -- our crown jewels of spying, so to speak -- are owned by corporate America. Yet, there is essentially no government oversight of this private sector at the heart of our intelligence empire. And the lines between public and private have become so blurred as to be nonexistent.

Shortly after leaving government in 2005, Armitage was recruited to the board of directors of ManTech International, a $1.7 billion corporation that does extensive work for the National Security Agency and other intelligence collection agencies. He's also since advised two private equity funds with significant holdings in intelligence enterprises. Veritas Capital, where Armitage served as a senior adviser from 2005 to 2007, owns intelligence consultant McNeil Technologies Inc. and DynCorp International, an important security contractor in Iraq. For a time, Veritas also owned MZM, Inc., the CIA and defense intelligence contractor that was caught -- before the Veritas acquisition -- bribing former Republican Congressman Randy "Duke" Cunningham.

In 2007, Armitage, along with several Veritas executives, moved over to DC Capital Partners, an intelligence-oriented buyout firm with some $200 million in assets. One of its first acquisitions after Armitage came on board was Omen Inc., a Maryland company that provides information technology and consulting services to the NSA. The fund has since combined Omen with two other intelligence contractors to form a new company called National Interests Security Company LLC, which has 850 employees, more than half of them holding top secret or higher security clearances.

Through his own eponymous consulting firm, Armitage has lobbied on behalf of L-3 Communications Inc., one of the nation's largest intelligence contractors, to help it sell anti-submarine surveillance systems to Taiwan. L-3, like ManTech, is also heavily involved in Iraq. (Further topping off Armitage's investment interests in the war: He sits on the board of directors of ConocoPhillips, which is aiming to become a major player in Iraq's energy industry through a joint venture with Russia's Lukoil.)

In these jobs, former high-level officials like Armitage continue to fight terrorist threats and protect the "homeland," as they once did while working in government. But by fusing their political careers with business, these former officials have brought money-making into the highest reaches of national security. They have created a new class of capitalist policy-makers that is bridging the gap between public policy and private business in ways that are unprecedented in American history.

Take the case of George Tenet, who retired in 2004 from his service as President Bush's CIA director. As he was writing his memoirs and preparing for a new career as a professor at Georgetown University, Tenet quietly began cutting deals with companies that earn much of their revenues from contracts with the intelligence community. And, as I was the first to report a year ago in Salon, Tenet began to make big money off of the Iraq war. By the end of 2007, he had made nearly $3 million in directors' fees and other compensation from his service as a director and adviser to four companies that provide the U.S. government with technology, equipment and personnel used for the war in Iraq, as well as in the broader war on terror.

Those companies include L-1 Identity Solutions Inc., an intelligence and biometric conglomerate that holds a near-monopoly on software that identifies people by their fingerprints and facial characteristics; Guidance Software, a Pasadena, Calif., supplier of investigation and forensic software to the FBI and the Intelligence Community; and the Analysis Corp., a Fairfax, Va., intelligence contractor founded by Tenet's former chief of staff, John Brennan. Brennan himself went into the spy business after serving as chairman of the National Counterterrorism Center -- which is one of the Analysis Corp.'s biggest clients.

In Tenet's most prestigious position, he was the only American director of QinetiQ, the British defense research company that was privatized in 2003 and acquired by the well-connected Carlyle Group. Earlier this year, Tenet left QinetiQ's UK parent to join the board of QinetiQ North America, the company's U.S. subsidiary and one of the fastest-growing contractors in the U.S. intelligence market. There, Tenet is working with CEO Duane P. Andrews, a former assistant secretary of defense who was the chief intelligence adviser to Dick Cheney when he was Secretary of Defense in the early 1990s. (Prior to joining QinetiQ, Andrews would have had plenty of contact with Tenet, as Andrews was a senior executive with Science Applications International Corp., a major CIA and NSA contractor.)

In January, QinetiQ North America expanded its intelligence network by hiring Stephen Cambone, who was the assistant secretary of defense for intelligence under Donald Rumsfeld, as its vice president for strategy. That appointment came just days after the company won a $30 million, five-year contract to provide unspecified "security services" to the Pentagon's Counter-Intelligence Field Activity office, a controversial domestic security agency that was created by Rumsfeld and Cambone in 2002 and later took heat from Congress for illegally spying on antiwar and religious activists.

One of the most spectacular transitions from intelligence to business took place at Blackwater USA, the security contractor infamous for its trigger-happy soldiers in Iraq. One of Blackwater's first major contracts, negotiated by founder Erik Prince, was a secret no-bid $5.4 million deal with the CIA signed shortly after the September 11 terrorist attacks. Shortly thereafter, Blackwater hired as its vice chairman Cofer Black, the CIA's former top counterterrorism official who was dispatched by Tenet in the days after 9/11 to brief President Bush and his advisers on the CIA's plans for overthrowing the Taliban in Afghanistan. Rob Richer, the CIA's former Associate Deputy Director of Operations and, before that, head of its Near East division, became Blackwater's Vice President of Intelligence, and later went to work for a private intelligence company.

Appointments like this, observes intelligence expert Steven Aftergood, reflect the "incestuous" relationships that exist between former officials and private intelligence contractors. "It's unseemly, and what's worse is that it has become normal," he told me after the news broke about Stephen Cambone's move to QinetiQ. "The problem is not so much a conflict of interest as it is a coincidence of interests -- the Intelligence Community and the contractors are so tightly intertwined at the leadership level that their interests, practically speaking, are identical."

Former high-ranking officials bring tremendous value to a government contractor seeking new work or a private equity fund looking for companies to buy. "You understand the decision-making process inside the Beltway, and that is liquid gold," says Roger Cressey, who worked in President Clinton's National Security Council as deputy director of counterterrorism and is now a partner in Good Harbor Consulting, a company he founded with his former boss at the NSC, Richard Clarke. Cressey, who is a terrorism consultant for NBC News, adds that the influence of a retired official lasts only a limited period of time after he or she leaves office. "You have 18 to 24 months to translate your rolodex into real services," he says.

But the value of a CIA director or national security official goes much further than a rolodex. Because high-ranking officials have been privy to classified and top-secret information for years -- and sometimes, in the cases of people like Armitage and Tenet, decades -- they have details about intelligence programs, classified operations and the internal affairs of other countries that few others can claim.

Armitage, who was a senior Pentagon official during the Reagan administration, was deeply involved in covert operations in Vietnam as a Navy officer and, shortly after September 11, flew to Pakistan on behalf of the Bush administration to deliver a stark message to its military president, Pervez Musharraf, that drastic measures would follow if Musharraf did not support the war on terror. He also led an influential group of U.S. officials who quietly pushed the Japanese government to adopt a more militaristic role in global affairs over the last seven years.

In all of these tasks, Armitage would have had access to the most classified intelligence available to U.S. officials, including telephone intercepts provided by the NSA. That kind of experience is extremely valuable to a company like ManTech, which sells and operates signals intelligence systems to the NSA and provides "cyber and physical security" for U.S. embassies and consulates around the world. According to ManTech CEO George J. Pedersen, who also employed Armitage as an adviser during the 1990s, Armitage was brought on as a director for his "enormous insight into our corporation's capabilities and operations." (Armitage did not respond to a written request for an interview.)

Tenet is even more connected: With the former CIA director on board, L-1's CEO Robert LaPenta told analysts last year, "a phone call gets us in to see whoever we want." Tenet, of course, has extensive knowledge about intelligence services in Saudi Arabia, the UK and Pakistan as well as secret operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia. His insights have already helped L-1 in its acquisition strategies. Shortly after Tenet joined L-1's board, the company acquired one of the CIA's hottest contractors, SpecTal, which has 300 employees with top-secret security clearances who work extensively in Afghanistan. Months before, during a 2006 meeting with L-1 executives about SpecTal's potential business in that country, Tenet urged company executives to "call the SpecTal guys" because "they know everybody in every one of these ministries that you need to go talk to," according to LaPenta. L-1 not only called them; it bought them out, and has since combined SpecTal with its latest acquisition, Advanced Concepts Inc., a systems engineering firm holding contracts at the NSA. Tenet, through a spokesman, declined to comment.

Power also flows out of a former high-ranking official's presence as a policy-maker. During the 1990s, when Armitage was building his reputation as a private consultant and defense industry adviser, he was a member of President Clinton's Defense Policy Board. Although Armitage, like any board member, was prohibited from divulging contents of meetings with his clients, the internal discussions and access to classified documents helped shape the advice he gave his clients. That's certainly the impression one gets from officials at CACI International, a key intelligence contractor where Armitage served on the board of directors during that time. During his tenure as a director in the 1990s, CACI officials wrote in 2001, Armitage provided "valuable guidance on CACI's strategic growth plans and the federal government and Defense Department markets."

The same can be said of many of Armitage's contemporaries in the defense and intelligence industries who advise their clients while holding positions in government advisory boards at the Pentagon, the CIA and the NSA. One of Armitage's fellow directors at ManTech, for example, is Retired Admiral David E. Jeremiah. He is a member of President Bush's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board and a paid adviser to the National Reconnaissance Office, the super-secret agency that manages the nation's spy satellites. A third ManTech director, Richard J. Kerr, a 32-year veteran of the CIA, led a 2005 study for the CIA into the agency's prewar assessments of Iraq and its weapons of mass destruction.

One of the most representative figures in America's new private intelligence elite is Joan A. Dempsey. She is currently a vice president of Booz Allen Hamilton, where for the last three years she has worked alongside former CIA director Jim Woolsey and more than 1,000 other former intelligence officers. Dempsey, a steely-looking blonde, began her career as a naval technician listening to Soviet bomber and submarine traffic at Misawa Air Base in Japan, a key NSA listening post. Over the years, she slowly worked her way up the intelligence chain of command at the Pentagon, from Naval Intelligence to the Defense Intelligence Agency. In 1997, she was appointed deputy assistant secretary of defense for intelligence and security in the Clinton administration, the highest civilian intelligence position in the Department of Defense at the time. There, she had responsibility over the NSA, the NGA and the NRO, the three national collection agencies controlled by the Pentagon, as well as the DoD's tactical command, control, communications and intelligence (C3I) efforts.

By 1999, Dempsey had become George Tenet's representative to the rest of the Intelligence Community as the CIA's director of community management. In that position in 1999 she won the everlasting support of the Intelligence Community -- and its growing army of contractors -- when she led negotiations with the Republican-led Congress that added $1.2 billion to the intelligence budget. That figure still remains one of the largest single-year increases in the history of the National Foreign Intelligence Program. Five years later, partly in recognition of this feat, Dempsey was given the William O. Baker award for meritorious intelligence service by the Security Affairs Support Association (SASA), which from 1979 to 2005 represented the largest prime contractors at the NSA and the CIA. Her remarks at that ceremony serve as a kind of leitmotif for the outsourcing phenomenon in intelligence.

In her acceptance speech, Dempsey paid effusive praise to the corporations she had known over the years, many of whom had purchased tables for the event: General Dynamics, Essex Corporation, Oracle Corporation, Computer Sciences Corporation, AT&T Government Solutions, ManTech and Lockheed Martin. She thanked her "Pentagon friends" from L-3 Communications, with whom she had worked "on my favorite program of all time, the U-2" spy plane. She spoke of her pride in working with the Boeing Company on the Future Imagery Architecture, a $4 billion project by the NRO and the NGA to build and operate the next generation of imagery satellites (the project was cancelled in 2005). At the CIA, Dempsey said, she had "benefited enormously" from her work with Booz Allen Hamilton and SAIC.

Then she went slightly off-script: "I like to call Booz Allen the shadow IC," she said, using the common acronym for the intelligence community, because it has "more former secretaries of this and directors of that" than the entire government. That must have caused some chuckles at the lead table, where Woolsey was sitting. But Dempsey, of course, got the last laugh. Fifteen months later, she joined the "shadow IC" herself as a vice president. In her job at Booz Allen, she "provides strategy consulting services to the US government, including the national security and civil sectors, as well as commercial industry," according to company spokesperson George Farrar. Then, in January 2007, Dempsey's joke came full circle when Mike McConnell, her boss at Booz Allen, was appointed Director of National Intelligence. In the space of a few years, Booz Allen had been transformed from a "shadow" intelligence community player into the real thing.

It was most intriguing, then, to hear what Dempsey is actually doing in her new job at Booz Allen. In the spring of 2006, Dempsey was invited to speak to a seminar on intelligence reform at Harvard University. In a remarkably candid speech, Dempsey disclosed that her office at Booz Allen was evaluating the entire decision-making process within the intelligence community. Under her supervision, she said, Booz Allen was "studying the implications of the many decisions that are being made on a daily basis right now all over the intelligence community," including by the staff of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. "No one has thought through the implications of those decisions in a strategic or aggregate sense for the future," she added. So Booz Allen is helping out by "trying to forecast" what these decisions "mean for the intelligence community of the future -- what it's going to look like, how it's going to operate -- along a trend line."

It was a remarkable circumstance: Booz Allen was conducting a study for the DNI, a position that was about to be filled by one of the company's own -- Mike McConnell. The shadow IC was now helping the real IC prepare for an immediate future when the real IC would be led by the shadow IC. This was more than a revolving door: The private and the public sides of intelligence were now sharing the same room.

Editor's note: This article is adapted from Tim Shorrock's book, "Spies for Hire: The Secret World of Intelligence Outsourcing," published this month by Simon & Schuster and reprinted with permission.

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Reply with quote  #15 

Secret Spy Court Repeatedly Questions FBI Wiretap Network

                By Ryan Singel EmailJune 11, 2008 | 3:13:54 PMCategories: Surveillance          

Does the FBI track cellphone users' physical movements without a warrant? Does the Bureau store recordings of innocent Americans caught up in wiretaps in a searchable database?  Does the FBI's wiretap equipment store information like voicemail passwords and bank account numbers without legal authorization to do so?

That's what the nation's Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court wanted to know, in a series of secret inquiries in 2005 and 2006 into the bureau's counterterrorism electronic surveillance efforts, revealed for the first time in newly declassified documents.

Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly

The inquires are the first publicly known questioning of the FBI's post-9/11 surveillance activities by the secret court, which has historically approved nearly every wiretap application submitted to it.  The court handles surveillance requests in counterterrorism and foreign espionage investigations. The inquiries add to questions surrounding how the FBI has used the broad powers handed to it by Congress in the 2001 USA Patriot Act, including the FBI's admitted abuse of so-called National Security Letters to get stored telephone and financial records.

Among other things, the declassified documents reveal that lawyers in the FBI's Office of General Counsel and the Justice Department's Office of Intelligence Policy Review queried FBI technology officials in late July 2006 about cellphone tracking. The attorneys asked whether the FBI was obtaining and storing real-time cellphone-location data from carriers under a "pen register" court order that's normally limited to records of who a person called or was called by.

The internal inquiry seems to have preceded, and was likely prompted by, a secret court hearing on the matter days later. Kevin Bankston, a lawyer with Electronic Frontier Foundation, says the documents suggest that the nation's spy court shares the reluctance of federal criminal courts to turn everyday cellphones into tracking devices, in the absence of evidence that the target has done something wrong.

"I hope that this signals that the FISC, like many magistrate judges that handle law enforcement surveillance requests, is growing skeptical of the government's authority to conduct real-time cellphone tracking without probable cause," says Bankston.

In criminal cases, the government's attempts to get cellphone-tracking data without probable cause to believe the target has committed a crime were denied several times in 2005 by federal judges in New York and Texas.

According to the documents, which the EFF obtained in a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit, an FBI general counsel lawyer asked on July 21, 2006: "Can we at the collection end tell the equipment NOT to receive the cell site location information?"

The lawyer added a note of concern that phone companies might be sending along cell-site data even when they aren't asked for it. "Do we get it all or can we, when required, tell the equipment to not collect the cell-site location data?," the lawyer asked.

Separately, the secret court questioned if the FBI was using pen register orders to collect digits dialed after a call is made, potentially including voicemail passwords and account numbers entered into bank-by-phone applications.

Using a pen register order, the FBI can force a phone company to turn over records of who a person calls, or is called by, simply by asserting the information would be relevant to an investigation. But existing case law holds that those so-called "post-cut-through dialed digits" count as the content of a communication, and thus to collect that information, the FBI would need to get a full-blown wiretapping warrant based on probable cause.

The FBI's encrypted wiretapping backbone network, DCSNet, connects 37 FBI field offices, according to some documents. Other documents suggest the network now extends to 52 field offices, including locations in Alaska and Puerto Rico. This enhanced image is based on black-and-white FBI documents.
Colored photo-illustration: Frank Rodriguez

On August 7 2006, Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly took the extraordinary step of ordering the FBI to report (.pdf) on how its sophisticated phone wiretapping system, known as Digital Collection System, handled those extra digits and whether it stored them in a centralized data-mining depository known as Telephone Application.

The documents (.pdf) show that the majority of FBI offices surveyed internally were collecting that information without full-blown wiretap orders, especially in classified investigations. The documents also indicate that the information was being uploaded to the FBI's central repository for wiretap recordings and phone records, where analysts can data-mine the records for decades.

EFF's Bankston says it's clear that FBI offices had configured their digit-recording software, DCS 3000, to collect more than the law allows.

"The FBI's configuration of DCS 3000 to collect post-cut-through dialed digits when conducting pen-register surveillance is flatly illegal under statute and raises serious Fourth Amendment questions, based on the unanimous decisions of two district court judges and three federal magistrate judges holding that such interceptions require a wiretap order based on probable cause," Bankston said.

The documents also reveal that the inquiry on dialed-digits collection wasn't the first time the secret court had queried the FBI regarding its use and storage of information from wiretaps. In October 2005, the court also asked the FBI to explain how it stored "raw" foreign-intelligence wiretap content and information about Americans collected during those wiretaps.

The government is supposed to "minimize" -- that is anonymize or destroy -- information gathered on Americans who aren't the targets of a wiretap, unless that information is crucial to an investigation.

The court wanted the FBI to explain what databases stored raw wiretaps (.pdf), how those recordings could be accessed, and by whom, as well as how minimization standards were implemented.

The documents don't reveal the answer to that question. The FBI did not respond to a request for comment by press time.

For more on the FBI's sophisticated wiretapping technology and how it links in with the nation's phone and internet infrastructure, see Point, Click, Eavesdrop.


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Reply with quote  #16 

Mobile Phone Number Moving Caused Feds to Wiretap Wrong American

                By Ryan Singel EmailJune 12, 2008 | 5:33:29 PMCategories: Sunshine and Secrecy, Surveillance          
The FBI's Digital Collection System 3000 collects real-time phone records for authorized spy and criminal pen traps and traces.
Photo Illustration: Wired.com

In poring through the latest round of documents the FBI turned over to the Electronic Frontier Foundation about how the FBI legally plugs into the nation's telephone system, THREAT LEVEL discovered that the nation's secret spy court repeatedly questioned the FBI in 2005 and 2006 about whether the Bureau was exceeding its wiretap authority. 

But there were other fine eavesdropping nuggets in those pages, including info on when the FBI learned to wiretap VOIP calls, how number portability messed with FBI taps, and a moment of candor from an FBI technician about how the FBI's wiretapping software could work with the NSA's warrantless wiretapping program.

For instance,  the FBI accidentally listened in on one innocent American phone conversations due to a hack a phone company used to let people take port their phone numbers from one cell provider to another. At issue is a workaround used by CDMA providers, where a carrier assigns an alias number to a ported number in order to speed up switching at a user's usual calling area. The workaround has the unfortunate side effect of occasionally reporting the alias -- which could actually be a real person's number -- instead of the real caller to the FBI's wiretapping software.

In the FBI's own words, "due to misinformation in the call records, the unrelated subscriber was temporarily included in the investigation" and "this error has recently misled a few FBI investigations.

Secondly, in one message thread (.pdf) about moving offices in Manhattan and wiretapping the traditional wireline phone service in March 2006, one FBI employee who works for the FBI's Operational Technology Division asks if the NSA still does warrantless wiretaps and suggests how the FBI's equipment could be configured to deal with the lack of court orders.

Does the [redacted] do intercepts without court orders? I thought we act as a proxy for [redacted -- likely FISA]. That is, we serve the company the order for the [FISA] targets. If so there should not be a problem: the DCS-3000 can direct all FISA traffic to the [ redacted - likely DCS-5000 system]. If not, then we can segreagate the [redacted - likely NSA] traffic from our traffic by giving [redacted - likely the carriers] separate telephone numbers for [redacted - likely the NSA] and Bureau to deliver the CDC data. For example, [redacted - likely the NSA's] targets' CDC data can be delivered to 212-[redacted phone number] the FBI's target's CDC data can be delivered to 212[redacted phone number].

In reply, an FBI agent from New York City wrote back:

It is my understanding that we do act as a proxy with delivering their orders. The [redacted] does that. However, they do a lot more surveillance than we do. I will get someone from the [redacted - likely NSA] down here when you guys come to set up the equipment for the DCS_3000 move.

A third message of interest note that  in June 2005, the FBI's wiretapping software successfully collected foreign intelligence wiretaps on two separate VOIP subscribers (provider is redacted in the docs). The call records were delivered like any phone switch would, while the phone communication itself was snagged via a CALEA-like feature built-into Cisco CMTS routers, which delivered copies of the conversation to the FBI. That's pretty significant since the Justice Department argued that this capability had to be mandated for VOIP companies, when it seems the feds were able to pull it off without design mandates.

That interception predated the extension of CALEA mandates to the internet and IP traffic generally. That mandate went into effect May 11, 2007, on what THREAT LEVEL dubbed "Wiretap the Internet Day."

See Also:


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Reply with quote  #17 

Kids will thank Sgt Whittmore when they become adults and get arrested
after their fingerprints identified them as the criminal.

Wellesley kids in blue
By Jett Wells/Townsman Correspondent
Thu Aug 14, 2008, 11:09 AM EDT

Wellesley -
As Wellesley Police Sgt. Scott Whittemore stood in front of the room explaining the stars and patches on his police uniform, more than 20 middle school kids sat gazing at him with wide eyes. As soon as the students were allowed to ask questions, arms shot up.

“What happens when you shoot a gun into water?” one said.

The Wellesley Youth Commission’s fourth annual Youth Academy kicked off at Wellesley’s Police Department Monday, when participants took a tour of the station, sat in the patrol cars, and watched handcuff and radio demonstrations. By Friday, when the academy ends, they will have experienced everything from visiting the FBI headquarters in Boston to studying mock arrests and vehicle stops.

The fact that a child signed up doesn’t necessarily mean he or she wants to go into law enforcement, Youth Officer Brian Spencer said.

“Some of the kids are really interested in being police officers, but at this age, most kids still dream of being basketball stars,” he said.

The Youth Academy is only one of Wellesley Youth Commission’s free summer programs. A Fire Rescuers camp and TV/Video Production at local cable station WCAC have also drawn in eager young participants.

“In a single year, it’s either the Youth Academy or Fire Rescuers, so everyone gets a chance,” Spencer said. “We don’t want the group to be that much more than 20, because the program has to be hands on.”

Teens in this age group, between 12 and 14 years old, really respond well to the program. “The kids really seem to enjoy it,” Spencer said. “The kids will be wearing their police Academy T-shirts home and to school, and other kids will ask about it.”

This year, three girls participated, but 12-year-old Alina Shklyarenko didn’t make too big a deal out of the out-of-balance ratio. “It’s funny there are less girls here, but I guess that’s because there are more male police officers than girls,” Shklyarenko said.

For her, the program wasn’t about eventually training to become a police officer, but in seeing how police officers operate. “I wanted to find out the inside of the police [headquarters],” Shklyarenko said. “I liked the radio dispatch room, and I saw stuff here I wouldn’t normally see.”

Youth Commission programs are nothing new to 12-year-old Gabe Gager, who participated in the Fire Rescuers program last year.

“Fire camp was pretty cool for going down the pole, but with this camp, I get to learn how police officers do their job,” he said.

When Gager was allowed to play in the police patrol car, he spent most of his time trying to get out of the back seat without opening the door from inside the car.

“I really liked going inside the car and turning on all the lights,” Gager said.

Wellesley high school students served as interns to supervise the kids. Seventeen-year-old Chris O’Toole, who plans to work in law enforcement after school, was surprised how many kids showed up Monday.
“I wish this program was around when I was in middle school,” he said.


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Reply with quote  #18 

2 reads
1st read

Macheteros Identify FBI Agent Who Participated In Ojeda Rios Assasination and Issue Warning
Topics: Puerto Rico

The Boricua Popular Army aka los Macheteros have identified John Roeper as an FBI agent who participated in the assassination of Puerto Rican independence fighter Filiberto Ojeda Rios in 2005. From their statement:

    “We in the EPB–The Macheteros, in turn, have been able to identify several of the mercenaries who participated in the assassination of our commander. Our intelligence division has been able to do so. Today we publish the name of John Roeper. In the next communiqués, we will report to the nation about other agents.

The Macheteros also stated that:

    We remind the people that the colonial government of Puerto Rico is an accomplice of the FBI in this assassination...the government led by Aníbal Acevedo Vilá handed over to the federal authorities information which led the FBI to the Commander’s home...We also remind those who use the media to defend the colonial governor of Puerto Rico that history will afford this governor the sad place reserved for traitors..the people will undertake responsibility for judging his defenders who continue this attitude.”

While the United States continues to justify its actions by stating that the Macheteros are a terrorist organization, it refuses to recognize that Puerto Rico has been a colony of the United States since 1898 when the island was invaded in what is an act of war according to international law.

When is self-defense terrorism? When you are a Puerto Rican.

2nd read
Richard W. Held: Constitutional Assassin
Richard W. Held was Special Agent-in-Charge of the San Francisco FBI Office 1985-1993 during its extensive COINTELPRO operations against Earth First! Of all the COINTELPRO operatives, Richard Wallace Held's past is particularly brutal and haunting.
Held began his career in 1968 in the Los Angeles office of the FBI. He quickly became the lead agent in the "racial matters" squad which focused on what the FBI called "black extremists". Just one year later he was involved in targeting Los Angeles Black Panther Party leader Geronimo ji jaga (Pratt) for "neutralization." Framed for a murder he did not commit, Geronimo spent 25 years in state prison. He was released in 1997 after a judge overturned his conviction based on prosecutorial misconduct. The key witness in the case, Julius Butler, was an informant for the FBI, LAPD, and the L.A. District Attorney's office; that information was kept secret during Geronimo's trial.

An uncanny ability to lie under oath, commonly referred to as "testa-lying," is a trademark of rogue law enforcement professionals. Under oath in a deposition for Geronimo's federal appeal, Held remarked on his relationship with Julius Butler: "I think that it may have been relevant, your honor, depending on what the contact was at the time and what else I knew, because I don't recall really knowing much about the case at all anyway." In fact, Held was coordinating COINTELPRO operations in L.A., and Geronimo was at the top of the "Key Black Extremists" list.

Even more damning, Held was the control agent for informant Julius Butler. In two-and-a-half years, Held recorded contact and meetings with Butler 33 times. Contrast Held's repeated denials of knowledge and responsibility with the cold, hard facts, including this from a 1/28/70 memo by Held to the FBI Director: "I request Bureau approval ... to attack, expose, and ridicule the BPP... operation number one is designed to challenge the legitimacy of the authority exercised by Elmer Gerard Pratt."

After a few years in Washington, DC as a headquarters intelligence supervisor, Held was back in the field on the Pine Ridge Reservation three days after the firefight between federal agents and the American Indian Movement (AIM) during which two FBI agents and an Indian man were killed. An FBI memo dated 7/26/75 to the Washington Bureau's Intelligence Division notes, "Supervisor Richard Wallace Held arrived at Pine Ridge, South Dakota Indian Reservation Command Post on 6/29/75, to assist in the RESMURS investigation. He was assigned three important phases of this investigation; namely, the correlation of Bureau-wide informants into the investigation; the establishment of the confidential fund; and the coordination of all intelligence information as it relates to the American Indian Movement (AIM) and the RESMURS investigations... throughout the country ..."

Held's work contributed to the framing of noted political prisoner Leonard Peltier, and to covering up the truth about the agents' deaths and the still unsolved killings of 70 AIM supporters on the Pine Ridge Reservation during the extensive FBI's operations.

From 1979 until 1985, Held was Special Agent-in-Charge of the San Juan, Puerto Rico office. There he presided over a politically-oriented paramilitary campaign against the Puerto Rican Independence movement, creating files on 74,000 individuals. In his last operation in Puerto Rico, Held led 300 FBI agents and U.S. marshals in raids all over the island, trashing office and homes and arresting scores of activists. One advocate of Puerto Rican independence said the raids made "even the desire for independence a crime." Held left Puerto Rico in 1985 to head the FBI's San Francisco, California field office.

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Reply with quote  #19 
Testimony of Dr. Frederic Whitehurst in the Timothy McVeigh Trial
May 27, 1997

Next witness.
MR. TRITICO: Dr. Fred Whitehurst.
THE COURT: All right.
THE COURTROOM DEPUTY: Would you raise your right
hand, please.
(Frederic Whitehurst affirmed.)
THE COURTROOM DEPUTY: Would you have a seat, please.
THE COURTROOM DEPUTY: Would you state your full name
for the record and spell your last name.
THE WITNESS: Yes. My name is Frederic William
Whitehurst. My last name is spelled W-H-I-T-E-H-U-R-S-T.
THE COURT: Mr. Tritico.
Q. Dr. Whitehurst, how are you employed?
A. I'm a supervisory special agent of the FBI.
Q. And you're appearing here today under subpoena from
Mr. McVeigh and his defense team?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Would you describe for the ladies and gentlemen of the jury
briefly your educational background. Where did you go to
A. Yes. I got a bachelor of science degree in chemistry from
East Carolina University in 1974. I received a doctorate from
chemistry in Duke University in 1980. I received -- well, I
completed a couple of years of post-doctoral research at Texas
A & M University.
Q. What was your post-doctoral work at Texas A & M?
A. X-ray crystallography, theoretical applications.
Q. I'm sorry?
A. X-ray crystallography.
Q. What is that, briefly?
A. Some solid materials are ordered; they're not random. The
atoms that are in them are ordered. We use various and sundry
pieces of equipment to find out what that order is. And I also
completed a law degree at Georgetown University.
Q. With respect to your law degree, did you sit for the bar in
any state?
A. No, I haven't.
Q. You do not practice law, but you do have a doctorate of
jurisprudence in law; is that correct?
A. Yes, I do.
Q. Have you had any practical experience in your lifetime with
the use of explosives?
A. Yes, sir, I have.
Q. And when did you obtain this practical experience?
A. I spent three years with combat units in Vietnam.
Q. And what were you assigned to in Vietnam?
A. Well, I spent about six months in the infantry. I was a
mortarman, a rifleman. I worked a lot with explosives,
assisting engineers in blowing up tunnels, blowing down trees,
that sort of thing.
I spent two and a half years in military intelligence.
I went to the field quite often. I had a lot of -- of
experience with explosives being used very close to me.
Q. With respect to the explosives, have you during Vietnam --
did you participate in or explode things, if you will, on few,
or many occasions?
A. Many occasions.
Q. Since you left the military, would you briefly describe for
the ladies and gentlemen of the jury your work history with
respect to chemical trace analysis, or explosives trace
A. Yes. I -- excuse me. I entered the FBI Laboratory in
1986, and I underwent about 13 months of training to qualify to
be a forensic chemist with a specialty in the area of
explosives and explosive residue analysis.
And then I -- between August of 1987 and June of 1994,
I worked cases, criminal cases and other cases in explosives,
explosive residue analysis.
Q. Prior to 1986, when you joined the lab, were you a special
agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation?
A. Yes, I was.
Q. Is that somebody working in the field conducting
A. Yes.
Q. And what year did you join the Federal Bureau of
A. It was in 1982.
Q. And I believe you testified that you joined the lab in
1986; is that correct?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. What unit were you assigned to in the lab when you first
joined the lab?
A. To the Materials Analysis Unit.
Q. And in 1986, was that the unit of the lab that conducted
trace analysis, explosives trace analysis?
A. Yes, it was.
Q. Is that the same thing as explosives residue analysis?
A. Yes.
Q. Has -- during the time that you've been employed at the FBI
lab, has the trace analysis section, if you will, always been
assigned to the Materials Analysis Unit?
A. Well, there is many types of trace analysis. The
explosives and explosives residue analysis was assigned to the
materials analysis until, oh, I don't know -- I think it's
maybe a couple of years ago now.
Q. Where did it go?
A. It was moved over to the Chemistry/Toxicology Unit.
Q. Now, when it was moved to the Chemistry/Toxicology Unit,
did that require the members of the lab to physically move the
equipment, or was this a flowchart change?
A. It was a flowchart change.
Q. Now, are you a member of any professional organizations?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Which ones?
A. I belong to the American Chemical Society, the Federation
Societies of Coatings Technology, Pyrotechnic Guild
International that I belong to. Sigma Psi Scientific Honor
Society, the International Society of Explosives Engineers.
That's all I can remember right now, sir.
Q. Do you from time to time attend international symposiums in
the field of chemistry and/or explosives residue analysis?
A. Yes, sir, I do.
Q. Do you do that on few, or many occasions?
A. Excuse me?
Q. You do that on few, or many occasions?
A. I'd say on a few occasions.
Q. And do you regularly read journals and treatises on the
subject of explosives trace analysis?
A. Yes, I do.
Q. And have you had occasion to contribute to those journals
and/or treatises as a contributing author or editor, if you
A. Yes, but not very often.
Q. I'd like to show you, sir, what's already been introduced
into evidence as McVeigh Exhibit J400.
A. Excuse me. I've got J444, also. Am I supposed to?
Q. We'll get to that in a minute.
A. All right.
Q. J400, it has been represented here, are the protocols that
were in effect in the FBI lab from April 1, 1995, to present,
which, according to the letter, would have been December 19,
My question to you, Dr. Whitehurst: Are those
A. Some of this that I'm looking at is data that was generated
to help us understand a piece of equipment that we had in the
laboratory that was a new piece of equipment.
That is -- that does not fit within my understanding
of what a protocol is.
Q. Do you recognize some of those documents?
A. Yes. My handwriting is on them, and some of them are
documents that I wrote.
Q. Down at the bottom right-hand corner of each document
should be a number. Can you identify the document that you
wrote that make up Exhibit J400?
A. There is a stamp on the bottom that says 000895.
Q. 895?
A. Yes.
Q. Okay. Any others that you wrote?
A. 000896 is something that I believe I generated.
000897, 898, and part of 899, 900. I wrote 901, 902,
903, 904, 905. I generated 906 in conjunction with
Mr. Burmeister and Monica Knuckles in the laboratory. Let's
see. Yes.
I generated, I believe, 921, 922, 923 -- yes, 923,
924 --
Q. Let's talk about some of these, Dr. Whitehurst.
A. Yes.
MR. TRITICO: May I have the ELMO?
Q. Looking at page 000895 --
A. Yes.
Q. -- now, this is the first one that you identified as
something that you had written; is that correct?
A. Yes.
Q. What is this?
A. It appears to be laboratory notes associated with the
testing of the echo gas chromatography electron capture
detector instrument that we had in the laboratory.
Q. Is this a document that you prepared to be used as a
written protocol for the FBI lab?
A. No, sir. It was -- it was the notes from the results of
testing of the instrument.
Q. And 000896: Does this have to do with the same machine?
A. Yes, it does.
Q. Is this -- was this prepared, this chart printed off for
use as a written protocol, for the FBI lab?
A. No, sir.
Q. And 897: Is that part of the same document?
A. That's correct. And --
Q. And 898?
A. Yes.
Q. And I guess 899 is also a part of the same document. Is
that correct?
A. Yes. It appears to be.
Q. Are any of the documents or the page numbers that you've
identified incorporated within McVeigh Exhibit J400, the
documents that you wrote -- were they written to be written
protocols for the FBI lab?
A. Yes, some of them were.
Q. Which ones?
A. The description of analysis on 901 was not. Okay. It goes
through after that.
Q. I'm sorry. 000901?
A. Yes. That says what we do, but it wasn't to be part of a
There is a document in the back that starts at 922 or
921 -- excuse me -- which was meant to be the initial attempts
at a protocol.
Q. Is this the page you're talking about? Look at the screen
there, please.
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. Now, I believe I understood you to say a moment ago that
this was the initial attempt at a written protocol?
A. Yes.
Q. What do you mean by that?
MS. WILKINSON: Your Honor, could I object just as to
timing so we can figure out what time this protocol
Mr. Whitehurst or Dr. Whitehurst --
THE COURT: All right. Let's establish time.
Q. When did you write this?
THE COURT: What page is this?
MR. TRITICO: I'm sorry, your Honor. It's 000922.
THE COURT: Thank you.
Q. When did you write this?
A. Sometime back in the early 90's. I think it was in 1991 or
1992. I don't know for sure.
Q. Now, if I understood your testimony a moment ago, this was
your attempt at a protocol?
A. Yes. Yes, sir.
Q. What do you mean by that?
A. We became aware that the flowchart that we were using
didn't have enough specific instructions in it. Somebody
couldn't just review that and see what we had done; and we
realized that, you know, real scientific protocol needs to be
more specific than the flowchart was. So Mr. Burmeister and I
sat down to try to build a protocol to -- you know, to flesh
out that -- that flowchart that we were using. And, you know,
to the best of my memory, this is part of that attempt.
Q. Did you complete the project?
A. No. Not during my tenure.
Q. Look at the very first page of McVeigh Exhibit J400 for me,
A. Yes.
Q. The first sentence of this says, "The enclosed materials
reflect the protocols and procedures in effect from April 1,
1995, to present." And the date of this letter is December 19,
1996. Do you see that?
A. Yes, I do.
Q. Do you view that as an accurate statement?
MS. WILKINSON: Objection, your Honor. I don't
believe that Mr. -- Dr. Whitehurst was a member of this unit
during that time period.
THE COURT: Well, he's read the attached. The
question goes to the attached; is that correct?
MR. TRITICO: Yes, sir.
THE COURT: Overruled.
Q. Do you view that as an accurate statement?
A. Well, some of these documents are not to my understanding
part of a protocol. They're just laboratory notes. Some of
these documents do represent the -- I don't know the state of
April 1, 1995. I wasn't working this April 1, 1995; but
they -- if that's all they had for a protocol, then that
represents -- that represents the protocol that was used, sir.
Q. However, the documents that you've identified that we've
discussed in your view as a scientist are not protocols; is
that correct?
A. They don't satisfy the protocol requirements of the
organization that I work for.
Q. What do you mean by that?
A. Well, the FBI has a standard operating procedure for making
protocols, for writing protocols which they've developed in the
last while. And I know -- I'm the author of some of this
stuff, and I know that these don't satisfy those requirements
that I've read.
Q. Now, let me talk to you for a minute about contamination
studies at the FBI lab while you were there.
Have you ever conducted a contamination study at the
FBI lab?
A. Yes.
MS. WILKINSON: Objection, your Honor, to relevance
and timing.
THE COURT: Well, we need foundation to make it
relevant, so . . .
Q. How many studies have you conducted?
A. I've conducted a number of studies.
Q. When was the last one?
A. In May of 1995, I believe.
Q. What was that study? What were you doing?
A. I was trying to determine if there were organic
explosives -- particular types of organic explosives in the
laboratory in various places that I felt at the time were
important to the handling of explosive residues evidence.
Q. Did you complete the study?
A. Yes.
Q. What were your results?
A. We found -- I think we took 50 swabs. I'd have to look at
the study myself, but we found that there were some places that
had -- there were four or five, maybe -- yes, that had some
organic explosives.
Q. Where were those places? Do you recall?
A. The best I can recall now is they were in areas of the
Explosives Unit's evidence-handling area and evidence-storage
Q. If you know, is that the area where evidence is checked in
when it's brought into the lab?
A. Yes.
Q. Yes, you know, or yes, it is?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. Okay. What contamination did you find in those areas?
A. We found residues of PETN and residues of RDX.
Q. In April and May of 1995, did the FBI lab have a procedure
for regular monitoring with respect to contamination in the
Explosives Units?
A. Not to my knowledge.
Q. What efforts, if any, were taken, other than the
contamination study that you testified about, to determine the
existence of contamination in the Explosives Units?
A. I was told about a study that --
MS. WILKINSON: Objection, your Honor.
THE COURT: Sustained.
Q. Do you know of any other efforts that were taken to
determine the existence, if any, of contamination other than
the one you just testified about in 1995?
A. Can you repeat that again, sir.
Q. Sure. Other than the contamination study that you did that
you just testified about, are you aware of any other testing in
and around April and May of 1995 to determine the existence of
THE COURT: In the entire laboratory?
MR. TRITICO: In the Explosive Units, is what I'm
talking about.
MS. WILKINSON: Your Honor, he's saying "Explosive
Units." I'm not sure what he's referring to in the plural.
THE COURT: Let's clarify.
Q. How many units of the lab handle explosives?
A. Um --
Q. Let me ask it this way.
A. Very many would, because evidence -- Should I wait?
Q. Let me ask you this: Does the Explosives Unit -- is that
the area that in April and May of 1995 that would have checked
in evidence from the Oklahoma City case?
A. I believe so.
Q. The chemistry/toxicology area: Was that the area of the
lab that conducted explosives trace analysis in April and May
of 1995?
A. Yes.
Q. And the Explosives Unit would have conducted their testing,
if you will, on other evidence from the Oklahoma City case in
April or May of 1995; is that correct?
A. That would be standard procedure.
Q. Are those the two areas -- and the Materials Analysis Unit:
Would they handle certain evidence of an explosives nature with
respect to Oklahoma City in April and May of 1995?
A. Yes, they would.
Q. Those three areas: Are you aware of any other testing for
contamination other than the one that you did in -- I believe
you said May of 1995?
A. During that period, no.
Q. Are you aware of any monitoring performed by the FBI lab or
the FBI in those three units of the lab in April or May of 1995
to determine the existence, if any, of contamination?
A. No, sir.
Q. Why is it important in your mind to determine if there is
contamination in the lab in those three areas?
A. If we're processing evidence and we are contaminated
ourselves, then we don't know whether our finding of explosives
residues on material is a result of our contaminating the
material ourselves or the result of the explosives residue
having been on the evidence before it ever got to us.
Q. Can you see explosives residue?
A. Sometimes.
Q. Can you generally?
A. I don't know that I've done a study. There are explosive
residues that are invisible. There could be explosive residues
on my hand right now, sir, that you just couldn't see.
Q. Can explosives residue travel around?
A. It can and does.
Q. And have you ever conducted any studies wherein you
determined that explosive residues had traveled around and
contaminated other items?
A. The FBI has.
Q. Have you participated in those?
A. Yes, I have. I have looked --
THE COURT: I don't know what you mean by "traveled
around." That doesn't sound very scientific.
MR. TRITICO: It probably wasn't, your Honor.
Q. Can it move around in the air?
A. Yes.
Q. Some explosives residues?
A. Yes, I'm aware that some can move around in the air.
Q. Can explosives residues be transferred by people like on my
hands or clothes or shoes?
A. Yes, it can.
Q. How does that happen?
A. You touch the explosive. A study we did at Quantico, where
you touch the individual and the individual touched the
explosive, went and touched door handles throughout our
Quantico facility -- and I think it was up to 30 door handles
that they could find explosives on it. Don't quote me on that
number. But I've seen the studies, also, where a thumb is put
on C-4 plastic explosive; and for 100 thumb prints, you can
still find explosive residue.
Q. Can explosives residue travel from, say, box to box?
A. Some can.
MS. WILKINSON: Your Honor, could we talk about a
specific residue? Explosive residue and the timing.
THE COURT: Well, you can on cross. This is
permissible direct.
Q. Can explosives residue travel from box to box?
A. There are explosive residues that have high vapor pressure,
like nitroglycerine and ethylene glycol dinitrate that can.
Q. What does high vapor pressure mean?
A. The material evaporates. Just molecules of nitroglycerine,
for instance, evaporate, travel through objects over a period
of time.
Q. How about explosives residue traveling from item to item
within a box?
A. If you're dealing with, again, explosives residue that have
high vapor pressures.
Q. Did you ever conduct a study wherein you used blue jeans?
A. Yes, I did.
Q. Can you tell me about when -- well, when did you perform
that study?
A. We started in 1992, I believe.
Q. And what was the purpose of this study?
MS. WILKINSON: Objection, your Honor, as to
relevance, timing.
THE COURT: Overruled.
Q. What was the purpose of this study?
A. Initially what we were trying to do was find out how long
ethylene glycol dinitrate would last on blue jeans. So it was
going to be a multiyear study.
Q. Is that EGDN?
A. Yes, EGDN.
Q. Okay.
A. Excuse me.
Q. So what did you do?
A. We carried, I believe, eight pairs of blue jeans down to
the Quantico bomb range and put some aside, blew up an
explosive that didn't have any EGDN in it near them and put
some others that were hanging up on like a clothesline there
and blew up explosives that had EGDN up close to the others.
And we tested them to see if EGDN was on them. Then we placed
them in plastic bags. We put them all together in a box,
cardboard box. We stored the box over a period of time and
found that EGDN was on the original blue jeans that had EGDN on
them, but it was also on the blue jeans that didn't have the
EGDN on them to start out with.
Q. Did you find any other substances on the blue jeans when
you tested them later?
A. No.
Q. Did you make any findings with respect to PETN in that
A. Yes. One of the things I wanted to do in 1996 -- I believe
it was '96 when the study was over -- was to find out if EGDN
had come out of the box. And so I did a test on the outside of
the box and found PETN, which wasn't -- it was nonsensical.
Q. What do you mean?
A. We hadn't used it. It wasn't an explosive we were using;
the box was a brand-new box out of a stack of boxes. It didn't
make sense that there was -- I say we found EGDN. The data we
had was consistent with the presence -- excuse me -- of PETN
being on the box.
Q. On the outside of the box?
A. Yes, on the outside of the box.
Q. Was PETN used in the initial explosion when you started the
A. No, it wasn't.
Q. Do you know how the PETN got on the box?
A. No, I don't. It didn't make any sense to me.
Q. Where was the box stored?
A. It was stored on top of some book shelves up over close to
the -- close to the ceiling in my office.
Q. How long did you store it there?
A. Four years.
Q. I'm sorry?
A. Four years.
Q. Four years? What is Turbo Vap?
A. It's an instrument that's used to evaporate many containers
of solvent all at the same time, and it -- if you want to know
if a material is in, say, this pen or whatever this object is,
you might immerse it into a solvent and soak out of that pen
some material that you're looking for. Well, now you've got
solvent and material. You want to get rid of the solvent so
you can analyze the material, and so what you do is blow a
stream of gas such as nitrogen into a test tube that you've got
the solvent and the material in and evaporate it.
Q. You have -- in April and May of 1995, did you have one of
those in the FBI lab?
A. Yes.
Q. Have you ever tested the Turbo Vap yourself for the
existence of contamination?
A. Yes, I have.
Q. And when that?
A. It was terribly contaminated.
Q. When. I'm sorry.
A. Oh, when? It was sometime -- I think it was around 1992.
Q. Have you tested it since?
A. No. Not that I remember.
Q. Was there any regular monitoring or testing of the Turbo
Vap while you were in the FBI lab?
A. No, no.
Q. What did you find in 1992 when you tested the Turbo Vap?
A. There were a number of explosives on there. I had been
processing raw explosives in the Turbo Vap.
Q. What was the policy and procedure of the FBI lab in April
or May of 1995 for regular cleaning, if any, of the Turbo Vap?
A. There wasn't one because we abandoned the use of it.
Q. Have you ever known individuals to keep raw explosives in
the trace analysis area of the lab?
A. Yes.
Q. Who?
MS. WILKINSON: Your Honor, again, timing.
THE COURT: Yes. Let's be more specific.
Q. April and May of 1995, were you aware of any?
A. Yes.
Q. Who?
A. Mr. Burmeister did.
Q. What did he keep? Do you know?
A. Very small containers of standards, screw-cap vials.
Q. What's a standard?
A. They're known explosives.
Q. Like what?
A. Hexanitrostilbene or RDX or TNT or PETN or -- there is a
number of types of explosives. I think we have 15 or 20 of
Q. What do you use the standard for?
A. If you run -- if you know what the material is, you run an
unknown, you could run the standard to find out what the
unknown is. We use the standards for testing equipment that's,
you know -- if you get a new piece of explosive detection
equipment, you want to know could it detect this type of
explosive. We know what is in the jar or in the little bottle,
so we use the equipment for that -- I mean the standards for
Q. Let me see if I can break that down a little bit. The
standard is used when you run an unknown sample through, for
instance, a GC/Chem machine so that you have something to
compare the charts with against each other; right?
A. Yes.
Q. And you're looking to see with the known standard if it
matches up with the unknown sample, then you know if you have
identified explosives residue on that unknown sample. Is that
A. Well, it's not -- you don't quite identify it that way, but
you know your data is consistent with the same type of material
going through the instrument.
Q. In your opinion, should raw explosives like standards be
kept in the trace analysis area of the lab?
A. The way those explosives are stored, I -- I'm not that
concerned about it. They're handled very carefully, and I
don't have a great deal of concern about that.
Q. Have you ever found contamination in Steve Burmeister's
work area?
A. We did one time a long time ago.
Q. When?
A. It was in the early 90's, just after Steve came that we
found something.
Q. What did you find?
A. There was an RDX signal off his computer keyboard.
Q. Have you tested his office since you found the RDX?
A. I don't know if -- when we did the test in '95 that it
included that office. I'd have to review the test results.
Q. Now, the -- each -- some of the examiners -- you, for
instance, and Mr. Burmeister -- had individual offices within
the trace analysis area of the lab; is that right?
A. Yes.
Q. And these offices: Did they have locks on the doors?
A. Yes, they did.
Q. Was there a policy or procedure for regular monitoring of
each individual office for contamination in April and May of
A. Not that I'm aware of.
Q. Does the FBI permit tours by the general public through the
FBI lab?
A. No longer as far as I understand.
Q. Let me break that down. In April and May of 1995, were
tours permitted by the -- for the general public through the
FBI lab?
A. There were tours that came through. Not of the general
public. They were special tours that came through.
Q. Through the trace analysis area is what you're talking
A. Yes.
Q. And who generally would be invited into the trace analysis
area on these special tours?
A. I've seen lots of different groups, visiting dignitaries
from places even like Russia and Czechoslovakia, Japan,
Southeast Asia, the Middle East. We have a number of visits
from Israelis. Those kinds of people come through.
Q. Foreign dignitaries?
A. Foreign dignitaries. We also have, you know, at times
Americans, civilians that come through the lab.
Q. And have you seen -- had occasion to see military personnel
on these special tours?
A. Yes, I have.
Q. From the United States, or abroad, or both?
A. Both.
Q. I'm sorry?
A. Both.
Q. Now, does the general public: Are they allowed to tour in
and around or around the trace analysis area?
A. No longer.
Q. My questions are only referring to April and May of '95.
A. Okay.
Q. Were they allowed then to tour around the trace analysis
A. To the best of my recollection, that practice had been
stopped before that time.
Q. How soon before?
A. That, I don't know. I know I myself have brought groups as
many as 15 to 20 people through the lab.
Q. Members of the general public?
A. Yes.
Q. In April or May of '95, or around that time frame?
A. No. To the best of my recollection, that practice had
halted by that time, sir.
Q. Okay. Now, is there a carpeting in the FBI lab?
A. Yes, there is, in a number of places.
Q. I'm talking about the trace analysis area.
A. Yes, there is.
Q. Excuse me. Can you draw me a picture of the interior, a
sketch, if you will, of the trace analysis area, if I give you
a piece of paper?
A. Yes.
MR. TRITICO: May I approach?
THE WITNESS: You want me to go ahead and draw?
Q. Yes. And can you write and me ask questions at the same
A. We'll try.
Q. Okay. In April and May of '95, were there locks on
exterior doors of the trace analysis area?
A. No.
Q. You want to go ahead and draw?
A. You want me to start drawing?
Q. Go ahead and draw that.
A. Okay. Understand I'm a scientist, not an artist, sir.
Q. Yes, sir.
I just need a sketch, Dr. Whitehurst, not a van Gogh.
A. Yes. It's a rather complex area. I'm sorry. I'm holding
you up.
Q. That's okay. Are you through?
A. Well, sure.
Q. If you're not, I want you to finish it.
A. I wasn't sure if that was a hint or not.
Q. Okay.
A. I think that I should be able to explain what I need with
what I've got here, sir.
MR. TRITICO: May I retrieve that, your Honor?
MR. TRITICO: May I show this --
THE COURT: Will you show it to counsel first?
MR. TRITICO: Oh, yes, I guess I will.
Q. Now, I'm showing you what's now been marked as McVeigh
Exhibit J750. Is this the sketch that you drew?
A. Yes, it is.
Q. Would this assist the jury in understanding your testimony
about the lab and the egress and the ingress into and from the
lab and --
A. Yes, I believe it would.
Q. This is not a Vincent van Gogh drawing, is it?
A. It's not completely accurate.
Q. Okay.
MR. TRITICO: I'll offer McVeigh Exhibit J750, your
MS. WILKINSON: No objection.
THE COURT: All right. It's received to illustrate
the testimony.
MR. TRITICO: Yes, sir.
Q. Now, can you see what I'm pointing at right here?
A. Yes, I do.
Q. What is this?
A. That's a doorway.
Q. Is this the doorway -- the main entrance into the trace
analysis section of the lab?
A. It is one of the entrances. On the other corner, there is
another entrance.
Q. Over here?
A. Yes, uh-huh.
Q. Is the area that is enclosed in here within the page
between these two doors: Does that comprise the trace analysis
area of the lab?
A. Well, there is other -- there is other areas in the lab
where explosive trace analysis takes place, also.
Q. Is this where the majority of it is done?
A. During my tenure, that's where the majority was done.
Q. Is this the area where you officed when you were at -- in
the explosives residue analysis for the lab?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. What is this right here that I'm pointing at right here?
A. It's an area that leads through the national automotive
paint file area, where the carpet is.
Q. Was this carpet here in April and May of 1995?
A. Yes, it was.
Q. How big is that carpet?
A. I'd say it's 3 or 4 feet wide and maybe 15 feet long.
Something like that.
Q. What was the regular practice for cleaning the carpet in
this area in April and May of 1995?
A. The facilities management personnel would vacuum it.
Q. Do you have an opinion as to whether or not vacuuming the
carpet in the trace analysis area is appropriate?
A. Yes, I have an opinion.
Q. What is that opinion?
A. I think, first of all, it's inappropriate to have the
carpet there; and second of all, it's inappropriate to vacuum
it with an industrial-grade vacuum cleaner.
Q. Let's break that down. Why is it inappropriate to have the
carpet in that area?
A. It's very difficult to really clean and to characterize as
to whether it's been contaminated with anything. It acts as an
area where individuals that are undefined coming through can
walk across and leave materials that we can't -- we can't mop
up, we can't clean very often, so that that carpet could be
absolutely clean now, and five minutes from now when traffic
comes through, it's no longer clean. We just can't monitor it.
Q. What type of traffic would this carpet see? From whom, I'm
asking you? Other people in the lab?
A. Other people in the lab, other people in the FBI building.
Just all kinds of people.
Q. Have you had occasion to see people that have come from the
bomb range in Quantico walk across that carpet?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, you -- I got past what we were talking about with
respect to vacuuming. Why is that inappropriate, vacuuming the
A. Vacuum cleaners that you normally use around your house
throw a lot of dust out. They vacuum up the big particles, and
a lot of dust goes out. In fact, you know if you clean, you
know that if you vacuum then you dust, you know because if you
vac -- I mean if you dust first, you're going to have to dust
again after you vacuum.
Q. What studies while you were -- In or around April or May of
1995, were any studies conducted with respect to this carpet
and contamination that you're aware of?
A. I don't know that the study we did actually tested the
Q. How many times did you see the carpet shampooed while you
were in the lab?
A. I don't remember it ever being shampooed.
Q. Now, over here on -- along here are -- I take it offices is
what you've drawn. Is that correct?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. Are these the offices where the examiners officed?
A. Yes.
Q. One of which was yours?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. Which one was yours?
A. I don't know how to point at this thing.
Q. This one?
A. Let me see.
Yes, that's correct.
Q. This was your office?
A. Yes, that was my office.
Q. Take that pen, go underneath the glass onto the screen.
You can just put a little X or whatever you want, just right on
the screen. There you go.
A. Fascinating.
Q. Which one was Mr. Burmeister's office?
A. It's this one right here.
Q. I can't see it --
A. Excuse me. I apologize.
Q. Thank you. Now, this door you testified a moment ago was
not locked; is that right? In April and May of '95?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. Were any efforts taken by the lab to control the egress and
ingress of individuals who did not work in that trace analysis
area of the lab in April and May of 1995?
A. Yes. I'm aware of a 1991 memo requesting that locks be put
on those doors to provide proper security for our evidence and
to keep people from going through the area.
Q. And was that done?
A. No.
Q. Do you know why?
A. No.
Q. Do you feel that the doors should have been locked and the
egress and ingress of individuals who did not work in the trace
analysis area should have been controlled?
A. Yes.
Q. Why?
A. I've had a concern about chain of custody ever since I got
in the lab. We very often don't have a place to store our
evidence, so it stays out overnight in the hoods, or even out
in the lab. And I don't know how -- I don't know how we can
legally justify that to say that evidence was, you know,
totally under our control.
I also have a concern that if the door isn't locked,
people don't think before they go through it. They don't
think, "Am I dirty? Should I not go in there?" You know? And
when I mean dirty, I mean, "Am I contaminated with something
that shouldn't be in that room?"
Q. What efforts were taken in and around April and May of 1995
to determine if individuals entering the trace analysis area of
the lab were contaminated with explosives residue?
A. I don't remember any -- there was no -- there was no
procedure of checking people out that came into the lab that I
Q. What efforts could have been taken in and around April or
May of 1995 to check individuals for explosives residue
A. We could have -- well, the efforts could be like what I saw
in 1989 in the British lab that I --
MS. WILKINSON: Objection, your Honor.
THE COURT: Sustained.
Q. What efforts could you have taken in and around April or
May of 1995 to check individuals for the existence of
explosives residue?
A. We could have checked their hands to find out if their
hands were contaminated. We could have checked their shoes to
find out if their shoes were contaminated. We had an
explosives detector; and anybody coming through that area could
have been interrogated with that detector, could have been
sampled with that detector.
Q. Other than checking their shoes, are there ways that you
could have further protected from contamination with respect to
A. I understand there is materials that you can put at
entranceways, but I've not actually seen that stuff myself.
Q. I'm sorry. I didn't understand what you said.
A. There are materials that you can put in entranceways,
sticky materials where you walk over it and your shoes -- you
know, stuff that's on your shoes --
Q. Would stick to the mat?
A. Stick to the mat.
Q. How about covering?
A. Yes. There could have been booties put on people.
Q. In your opinion, what is the -- if you have a contamination
problem in a lab, what is the most highly contaminated area
generally? Do you know?
A. I would expect that it would be where raw explosives and
evidence with explosive residues were on it would be found.
Q. My question wasn't fair --
A. Okay.
Q. -- and I don't think it was clear. Floor, wall, table,
things like that, in the trace analysis area: What would be
the most contaminated area?
A. From what I know about explosives, sir, it would be
Q. Okay. What was the FBI's protocol or procedure in April or
May of 1995 for testing the floors of the Explosives Unit,
Chemistry/Toxicology Unit and the Materials Analysis Unit for
A. I'm not aware that there was one.
Q. Have you ever personally done it?
A. No. The contamination study that was done in May -- I
don't know if swabs were taken off the floor. It's been a long
time since that was done.
Q. Do you feel -- do you have an opinion as to whether or not
the FBI lab in and around April or May of 1995 should have
regularly tested the floors and other areas of the Materials
Analysis Unit, the Chemistry/Toxicology Unit, and the
Explosives Unit for contamination?
A. Yes, I believe we should have.
Q. There has been evidence in this case that when Mr. Mills
received the -- Mr. McVeigh's clothes, he brought them into the
Explosives Unit and put them on the floor. After preparing his
table, he put the box onto the table. Do you have an opinion
as to whether or not that is an appropriate method for checking
in evidence?
A. I think it could lead to a contamination issue with the
Q. Why?
A. Because the people in the Explosive Unit that go to the
bomb range come home from the bomb range -- or I've -- you
know, I've experienced that where they come back from the bomb
range and go into the Explosive Unit area with the clothes
they've had on at the range, with the shoes they've had on at
the range. There is a high likelihood that they've brought
explosive residues back from the bomb range, and so it's -- it,
you know -- if you put something on that floor, there is a high
likelihood that you're going to pick up some contamination from
the floor.
Q. Without taking control samples of the floor on a regular
basis or at the time you placed the box on the floor, how would
you ever know if you had contaminated that evidence?
A. You wouldn't.
Q. Is packaging evidence, more than one single item of
evidence, in a brown paper bag in your opinion an appropriate
method for packaging and transporting evidence?
A. It's according to what you want to do with it when you do
the analysis. It's according to what your concerns are with
the evidence. If you're not concerned about, for instance, is
there residue on this and not residue on this one, it wouldn't
concern me.
Q. Would you agree that you might not know at the time that
you package it?
A. Certainly.
Q. And based on that, would you agree that it would be better
to package it separately?
A. Yes.
Q. You're familiar with the explosive PETN, are you not?
A. Yes, I am.
Q. If you know, is PETN used in any other method than a high
A. Yes, I'm aware that it's used as a medicine, as a component
of smokeless powder, gunpowder.
Q. With respect to the medicine, have you checked to see if
PETN was used in medicines in the United States in and around
1994 and 1995?
A. Yes, I have.
Q. And what did you find?
A. I found there are a number of products, quite a number of
products that have PETN in them. There is quite a number of
references out there to medicinal products with PETN in them.
Q. Where did you check? What books or research did you do to
find this out?
A. I went to the U.S. Pharmacopeia, to the American Drug
Q. I'm sorry. Slow down. What?
A. The American Drug Index.
Q. What was the first one?
A. I hope I'm saying it right, sir. I'm a chemist.
Q. Okay.
A. I checked in references that nurses and doctors would use,
and I guess four or five of them. I looked in the Merck Index,
which is sort of a general reference that people -- that
chemists use to find out what are the uses of the drug, what
are the characteristics of -- not the drug but the chemical.
Q. And based on that research, you found that PETN was used in
certain medicines in the United States in and around 1994 and
A. I think we need to be specific about that.
Q. All right.
A. I called a couple of -- one particular drug company, and
the individual I talked to there said it was commonly used.
The references showed medicines that were -- the names of
medicines that I took to be manufactured. I -- you know,
they're American medicines, so I would expect they are
Q. Now, you also testified a moment ago that PETN is used in
smokeless powder. Is that what you said?
A. Well, I know a reference that says that it is in smokeless
Q. Would you take a look at McVeigh Exhibit J444A there in
front of you.
A. Yes.
Q. Is that the reference that you were referring to -- 444A.
Do you have 444A?
A. No, no. I'm afraid I don't. I apologize.
Q. Well, then, I'll give it to you.
A. Okay. I'm acquainted with this reference, sir.
MR. TRITICO: Your Honor, so that we may be clear,
this is the article that was previously attached to Exhibit
J444 that was removed.
THE COURT: I understand, yes.
Q. Now, do you have McVeigh Exhibit J444 there in front of
A. Yes, I do.
Q. This is a memo that you wrote to Special Agent Burmeister
on May 4, 1995?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you attach anything to the memorandum?
A. Yes.
Q. What?
A. Well, this was -- I've attached -- according to the text,
attached two papers to this. I attached this paper, this 4 --
Q. Don't hold it up yet.
THE WITNESS: Excuse me, your Honor. I'm sorry.
I attached that paper and another paper and another
document to this.
Q. Did you give this memo with the attachments to Special
Agent Burmeister?
A. Yes.
MR. TRITICO: I'll offer McVeigh Exhibit J444A, your
MS. WILKINSON: No objection.
THE COURT: It's received.
Q. Now, does McVeigh Exhibit J444A discuss compounds --
component parts of smokeless powders?
A. Well, there is on the second page of it a Table 1 which is
entitled "Organic Compounds that May be Found in Smokeless
MR. TRITICO: Publish this?
Q. This is the table you were referring to?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. And is PETN listed among those organic compounds that may
be found in smokeless gunpowder?
A. Yes.
Q. When we say the term "smokeless gunpowder," is that the
same thing that's inside of a bullet?
A. Yes, that's correct.
Q. Who compiled this list? Do you know?
A. No, I don't. I've got some references here, but I -- I
don't know that.
Q. Who are the authors of this article employed -- were they
employed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation? Do you know?
A. Well, Mr. Hardy was. He's Reference No. 2. And Reference
No. 2 says, "D. D. Hardy, FBI lab, personal communication,
Q. Looking at the first sentence on the first page of this
J444A, can you -- you can look at your copy, if you want,
instead of looking at the screen. That says, "In connection
with its work on mass spectrometry approach to the analysis of
gunshot residues, the FBI Laboratory has compiled an array of
23 organic compounds that may occur in smokeless gunpowders."
Is that right?
A. Yes, that's correct. So the author of this was Mr. --
Mr. Hardy.
Q. And that's referencing the list on page -- the second page
of J444A. Is that right?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, this article was published in the Journal of Forensic
Sciences; is that correct? See that at the very top?
A. Yes, I do see it.
Q. Do you consider the Journal of Forensic Sciences to be
authoritative in the field of explosives trace analysis or
forensic sciences in general?
A. Yes, I do.
Q. If you know, was any effort made in April or May of 1995 to

determine if the PETN that was found on Mr. McVeigh's clothing
was the result of gunpowder or gunshot residue?
A. I don't know.
Q. Do you have an opinion as to whether or not it would have
been appropriate for the FBI lab to make such a determination?
A. It would have.
Q. It would have been appropriate to do it?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, there is a piece of evidence that's come to be known
as Q507. I want to talk to you for a minute about that. Have
you seen a piece of evidence back in April and May of 1995 that
Mr. Burmeister had located some crystals on?
A. Yes, I did.
Q. Do you know that that's the piece of evidence that's now
called Q507?
A. I believe that it is.
Q. You regarded the finding of the crystals as brilliant by
Mr. Burmeister, did you not?
A. Yes, I did.
Q. Do you agree with the conclusions that Mr. Burmeister drew
with respect to the origin of those crystals?
A. What were the conclusions, sir?
Q. That they were deposited on there as a result of a blast or
an explosion.
A. I'm not sure that I can agree with that.
Q. Why?
A. I -- it may be because I don't have enough data, but I
understand that piece of evidence -- the crystals were ammonium
nitrate. Ammonium nitrate is very hydroscopic -- means it
picks up water very quickly. I understand that the evidence --
and if I'm wrong, please correct me. The evidence lay out
exposed to the environment, specifically rain, a very strong
Q. Would it change your opinion if you knew that the side that
Special Agent Burmeister found the crystals on was face-down
A. No, sir. It's -- there is some data missing, and it may be
just me that's missing it. But there is some data missing that
I find it an enigma what I'm looking at: that the ammonium
nitrate crystal survived in 100 percent humidity, didn't pick
up water in that hundred percent humidity situation. I don't
know how that could have happened.
Q. Why is that? You said it was hydroscopic. What does that
A. Well, it means it just -- it picks up water. It's some --
some materials, if you just lay them out in this room and there
is any humidity at all in this room, they would absorb water;
and pretty soon you'd have a little spot of water, you wouldn't
have a crystal.
In the laboratory, I've analyzed ammonium nitrate for
years; and one of the problems with it is it -- when we try to
analyze it with the X-ray powder diffractometer, very often it
picks up water while the analysis is going on and you end up
with water, with a liquid solution instead of with crystal.
And our lab has a very controlled humidity environment.
So I don't know how that ammonium nitrate survived, if
it went through a rainstorm. I don't know how it could be on
that evidence. It doesn't make sense to me.
Q. Did you have a discussion with Special Agent Dave Williams
regarding paint protocols and with respect to Q507?
A. Yes, I did.
Q. In April or May of 1995?
A. No.
Q. Well, around that time?
A. No. It was in somewhere -- September of 1995.
Q. So, after April 19 is what I was trying to get at.
A. Yes, uh-huh.
Q. Did Special Agent David Williams make to you any statement
or comment regarding the origin or how Q507 was found?
A. Yes.
Q. What did he say?
A. He told me that -- that the -- I need to make sure I say
this right: That the piece of evidence that had the ammonium
nitrate and the paint on it -- that's what we were referring
to -- had been provided to us by -- to the FBI by a civilian.
I'd raised an issue with identifying that piece as actually
coming from the Ryder truck; and he said, "Well, it's a moot
point because a civilian brought it in." And he said, "You
know, we've got a problem with the chain of custody, so we're
not going to use it."
Q. Do you have an opinion, Dr. Whitehurst, as to whether or
not if, in fact, as alleged this bomb was an ammonium nitrate
and fuel oil bomb -- do you have an opinion as to whether or
not unconsumed prills of ammonium nitrate could have been
discovered at the scene?
Did my question make sense?
A. Yes, it made sense, and I'd like to qualify it. My
training taught me that that -- that we could find prills with
these homemade types of devices that -- you know, if they
functioned improperly.
They would have to have been found in a protected
area, but it's possible it could have happened.
Q. Protected area such as what?
A. Where the weather wasn't getting to it.
Q. Like pockets in the building or things like that?
A. Sure.
Q. Could they have been discovered before the rain, if they
were outside?
A. If they were there.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #20 

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #21 
see link for full story
Defense Decries 'Flagrant' Misconduct in FCPA Prosecution

Amanda Bronstad

The National Law Journal

July 28, 2011

In an attempt to salvage a criminal investigation devoid of sufficient evidence, federal prosecutors resorted to misconduct to win a high-profile Foreign Corrupt Practices Act case, defense lawyers argued in a court document.

The document, filed on July 25, supplemented a motion to dismiss based on prosecutorial misconduct that lawyers for Lindsey Manufacturing Co. and two of its executives filed one day before a jury verdict went against their clients. The case is one of the few verdicts the government has won under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which prohibits individuals and businesses from bribing foreign officials to secure work.

Those convictions hang in the balance after prosecutors acknowledged on June 27 that they failed to turn over the entire grand jury testimony of an FBI special agent. U.S. District Judge Howard Matz in Los Angeles, who called the recent disclosure "astonishing" and "troublesome," ordered both sides to file supplemental briefs addressing whether the indictment should be dismissed due to prosecutorial misconduct that violated the defendants' due process rights.

Posts: 105
Reply with quote  #22 

Gang Stalking = COINTELPRO = STASI decomposition


The FBI and all law enforcement agencies are currently using a psychological warfare protocol like "COINTELPRO" which is almost identical to the STASI "decomposition". This is what people are referring to as Gang Stalking.


The earliest forms of this that I know of are from Egypt, Greece and Rome. Each of these societies had pervasive spy/informant networks that were spying on each other as well as looking for spies inside of their own empires. Anyone who did not feel that their own respective empire was the most perfect society could be considered a traitor. In other words they were looking for anyone who had thoughts beliefs and attitudes that were not approved of by the state that could instigate revolt or subversive activity or otherwise make them a danger to the empire. This obviously created a snitch culture and there were bound to be abuses. If a person was not liked by another then it was easy to persuade others to make a complaint and get that person killed or exiled. No one dare say or do anything that was politically incorrect and thus the rulers were able to maintain power and control over the people. Blatant execution or exile is common in an empire but in a democracy it is not as easy to accomplish these punishments so modern psychological operations were developed to accomplish these goals and in this way an empire can masquerade as a democracy.


The STASI decomposition protocol is an excellent example of how these modern psychological operations work. The STASI decomposition is almost identical to the FBI’s COINTELPRO. Here is a link to a document that shows an overview of the STASI decomposition.

·         http://www.scribd.com/doc/71863415

·         http://www.mediafire.com/?5w80dni99qc1c8w


Law enforcement agencies in concert with government and corporations are using bribery, deception, coercion & blackmail to create an informant & saboteur network out of criminals of all kinds, extremist groups, cults, patriotic zealots, the poor, the homeless, friends, family, neighbors, repair men, fire men, police, military personnel and agents to target individuals and groups that have beliefs and attitudes (such as civil rights and animal rights.) that may cause them to commit acts of terrorism at some future time or motivate others to commit terrorist acts or incite revolt. This pre-crime approach has existed numerous times throughout American history but has reared its ugly head again due to 9/11.

Unfortunately, according to former FBI agent Mike German, many post 9/11 targeted individuals are nothing more than a training exercise.




·         http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COINTELPRO












Here is a lecture by Noam Chomsky that uncovers the root mindset in America that predicates the targeting of groups and individuals.



The real power behind gang stalking and many other terrible things is the minority of the opulent but the front group making all the policy changes these days is the neoconservatives. Neoconservatisim is a cult ideology that has been bankrolled and nurtured by the opulent just like all of the other cult ideologies created or co-opted by the opulent for their machinations.

·         http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Project_for_the_New_American_Century


·         http://www.newamericancentury.org/


·         http://www.newamericancentury.org/lettersstatements.htm


·         http://www.newamericancentury.org/statementofprinciples.htm


·         http://www.newamericancentury.org/iraqclintonletter.htm


·         http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Policy_Initiative


·         http://www.foreignpolicyi.org/


·         http://www.foreignpolicyi.org/foreignpolicy2011


·         http://www.abovetheswamp.com/articles/political-issues/74-the-neocon-mind


Stalin and Hitler were fanatical leaders inspired by a gang mentality and by the concept of "historic mission." They believed that intolerance and large scale brutality were necessary ingredients of social order. Each of them was also supported by the “cult of personality.” The neocons are strikingly similar.


What are the components of gang mentality?



·         Extreme concern with reputation both inside and outside of the ideology. Neocons are this way.



·         Extreme concern with respect both inside and outside of the ideology. Neocons are this way.



·         No challenge will go unanswered. It is so with the neocons as well.


What is the concept of “historic mission”?


In a well documented conversation, Adolf Hitler berated the Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg and stated…

"That is what you say!...But I am telling you that I am going to solve the so-called Austrian problem one way or the other...I have a historic mission, and this mission I will fulfill because Providence has destined me to do so...I have only to give an order and all your ridiculous defense mechanisms will be blown to bits. You don't seriously believe you can stop me or even delay me for half an hour, do you?"


Prominent neocon Michael Ledeen stated…

“Creative destruction is our middle name, both within our own society and abroad. We tear down the old order every day, from business to science, literature, art, architecture, and cinema to politics and the law. Our enemies have always hated this whirlwind of energy and creativity, which menaces their traditions (whatever they may be) and shames them for their inability to keep pace. Seeing America undo traditional societies, they fear us, for they do not wish to be undone. They cannot feel secure so long as we are there, for our very existence—our existence, not our politics—threatens their legitimacy. They must attack us in order to survive, just as we must destroy them to advance our historic mission.”


What is the cult of personality?


The cult of personality is explained pretty well here…

·         http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cult_of_personality


The Straussian philosophy is a cult of personality and the neocons follow the Straussian philosophy

·         http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article13145.htm


If you select 1 percent of a population (Whistle blowers, dissidents, artists, those that look funny, and act or dress funny) and punish them severely for little or nothing, then you will gain the compliance of the other 99 percent either through fear or because they’ve been conned by the COINTELPRO/STASI type propaganda in to believing that the TI’s must be removed from society for the common good. Then you can implement the social, political and financial changes you want on a grand scale in a relatively short period of time. I.E. advance your historic mission. This has been done enumerable times throughout history.


When the average person considers what the Nazis or Stalin did, they are naturally horrified. When a banker considers what the Nazis or Stalin did they have dollar signs in their eyes. MONEY is the real reason this is happening!!! The bankers know that a one world government is not possible. Empire building has been going on for centuries and a global empire has never been realized. But if you understand finance, history, politics and the military industrial complex, then it is clear to see that it is the EXERCISE of building empires and large scale wars that redistributes the wealth of nations into the hands of the banking elite and keeps the masses under control.


Unfortunately most human beings don't understand how their own minds work nor are they well educated in multiple disciplines. Most of the people that perpetrate these crimes against humanity aren't fully aware that there is such a big conspiracy going on. It’s just that most human beings have so many inherent psychological weaknesses and such a deep lack of education that if you alter the socioeconomic landscape in just the right way, you get what you see here in America today.



·         http://brainz.org/ten-most-revealing-psych-experiments/



Here are a few very credible documentaries that will help you to understand what’s really going on and hopefully survive…


·         http://metanoia-films.org/psywar/#watch


·         http://metanoia-films.org/human-resources/#watch










One of the biggest mistakes people make when they become TI’s is to attempt to create a counter spy network against those that are surveilling them. This is something that the neocons and the banking elite are OK with. A global spy counter spy network is much like the cold war and the cold war was extremely profitable for the banking elite not to mention a powerful pretext to control people. The global war on terror needs a global terrorist network and since there really is not one, many targets will be manipulated into acting out in ways that can classify them as terrorists thus creating the impetus for law enforcement agencies to demand more tax payer money to fight the war on terror. Targets are all better off contacting a civil rights group and explaining that they have reason to believe they have been placed on the terrorist watch list.


Do yourself a favor and learn as much about economics and finance as possible. It will help you survive. This is all the info you will need to be an educated investor. It’s not a get rich quick thing, just a solid economics and investing education.


·         http://www.mediafire.com/?f0ep3y537y6hlxy


·         http://www.mediafire.com/?7jyqc3yjoy78uqr


·         http://www.mediafire.com/?hrxa7ca24n7h0uk



Also, listen to as many lectures by Professor Noam Chomsky as possible. They are all over the internet. He is brilliant and has been exposing the machinations of the opulent (Rothschild, Rockefeller etc) for decades. His research is very credible and will help you to separate the facts from the propaganda and give you a measure of mental clarity and peace. Utilizing his research will also help you gain some of your credibility back with others.


Try to explain all of this to your friends and family. Usually when people see the mission statement of the neocons from their websites (PNAC & FPI) they start listening.


According to anti-communist author Ludwik Kowalski

“Mass murder occurs when brutal and sadistic criminals, to be found in every society, are promoted to positions of dominance, when propaganda is used to dehumanize the targeted population and when children are inoculated with intolerance and hatred. It occurs when victims ("inferior races" or "class enemies") are excluded from the norms of morality, when ideological totalitarianism is imposed and when freedom is suspended. Fear and violence, the preconditions of genocide, are likely to be found in societies with large numbers of thieves and informants.”


Here is some info on how to take care of your physical health.

·         http://www.mediafire.com/?obd4zl5rrjbvwr1


Visit this YouTube channel and watch everything on it. You will gain a clear understanding of what’s really going on.

·         http://www.youtube.com/user/phrygian20


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #23 
2 reads

Serial Killer Tony Frankos was part of the hit on Hoffa. Read the book CONTRACT KILLER
by William Hoffman.
Google Donald Frankos

FBI agents helped assassinate Hoffa because he was going to blow the whistle on how the FBI and mafia helped assassinate President Kennedy.
Read the new book by retired Whistleblower FBI agent Wesley Swearingen
1st read

FBI sources: Hoffa buried in Roseville story not adding up
FBI sources says man's story suggesting Jimmy Hoffa's body is buried near Roseville home has no credibility
Published On: Sep 26 2012

second read


Gilorma (Sam) Giancana was born in Chicago on 24th May, 1908. At the age of ten he was expelled from Reese Elementary School and was sent to St. Charles Reformatory. This did not have the desired effect and in 1921 joined the 42 Gang. Over the next few years he was arrested for a variety of different offences.

In 1926 Giancana was arrested for murder. However, charges were dropped after the key witness was murdered. He was later sent to prison for theft and burglary. On his release he went to work for leading gangster Paul Ricca. By the 1950s Giancana was one of the leading crime bosses in Chicago.

In 1960 Giancana was involved in talks with Allen W. Dulles, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), about the possibility of murdering Fidel Castro. It is claimed that during the 1960 presidential election Giancana used his influence in Illinois to help John F. Kennedy defeat Richard Nixon. The two men, at that time, shared the same girlfriend, Judith Campbell Exner.

After becoming president John F. Kennedy appointed his brother, Robert Kennedy, as U.S. Attorney General. The two men worked closely together on a wide variety of issues including the attempt to tackle organized crime. One of their prime targets was to get Giancana arrested.

On 22nd November, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated. Rumours began to circulate that Giancana and other gang bosses such as Santos Trafficante, Carlos Marcello, and Johnny Roselli, were involved in the crime.

In 1975 Frank Church and his Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities discovered that Judith Campbell had been involved with both Giancana and John F. Kennedy. It emerged that during the 1960 presidential election Campbell took messages from Giancana to Kennedy. Campbell later claimed these messages concerned the plans to murder Fidel Castro. Kennedy also began an affair with Campbell and used her as a courier to carry sealed envelopes to Giancana. He told her they contained "intelligence material" concerning the plot to kill Castro.

Giancana was now ordered to appear before Church's committee. However, before he could appear, on 19th June, 1975, Sam Giancana was murdered in his own home. He had a massive wound in the back of the head. He had also been shot six times in a circle around the mouth.

According to Peter Dale Scott, in 1976, James Jesus Angleton "told an investigator that he knew which mob figures, from the New York and Chicago mafia families, had killed Sam Giancana. He also blamed the Church Committee for causing the death of Giancana and Rosselli, by demanding testimony concerning topics on which the mafia code of silence could not be broken."

On 14th January, 1992, the New York Post claimed that Hoffa, Santos Trafficante and Carlos Marcello had all been involved in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Frank Ragano was quoted as saying that at the beginning of 1963 Hoffa had told him to take a message to Trafficante and Marcello concerning a plan to kill Kennedy. When the meeting took place at the Royal Orleans Hotel, Ragano told the men: "You won't believe what Hoffa wants me to tell you. Jimmy wants you to kill the president." He reported that both men gave the impression that they intended to carry out this order.

In 1992 Giancana's nephew published Double Cross: The Story of the Man Who Controlled America. The book attempted to establish that Giancana had rigged the 1960 Presidential election vote in Cook County on John Kennedy's behalf, which effectively gave Kennedy the election. It is argued that Kennedy reneged on the deal and therefore Giancana had him killed.

In his autobiography, Mob Lawyer (1994) (co-written with journalist Selwyn Raab) Frank Ragano added that in July, 1963, he was once again sent to New Orleans by Hoffa to meet Santos Trafficante and Carlos Marcello concerning plans to kill President John F. Kennedy. When Kennedy was killed Hoffa apparently said to Ragano: "I told you could do it. I'll never forget what Carlos and Santos did for me." He added: "This means Bobby is out as Attorney General". Marcello later told Ragano: "When you see Jimmy (Hoffa), you tell him he owes me and he owes me big."

3rd read

The Men Who Killed Kennedy'


David Morales (CIA) was Chief of Operations and once told friends:

"I was in Dallas when we got the son of a bitch and I was in Los Angeles when we got the little bastard."

Morales only told his friends the above when he was drunk. He was assigned to the CIA's JM/WAVE and the second in line with ZR/Rifle, the plot to kill Castro. E Howard Hunt before he died confessed that Morales tried to recruit him as part of the plot to kill JFK. Morales had all the connections including the MAFIA one. He was the CIA's number one man in Covert Ops. He was the key person that set-up all the CIA's political hits. He recruited Sam Giancana (hit on Castro) to recruit the hit men to kill JFK which Giancana did (not proven) such as Lucien Sarti who was a drug dealer.

Morales a heavy drinker and the hit men were drug dealers, makes perfect sense.....They turned the plots to get Castro against JFK and Oswald was the CIA trained patsy.

Morales would have never gone forward with the plot without higher up approval, i.e. Johnson (Vice President), McCone (CIA Director), Hoover (FBI), Cord Meyer and Bill Harvey (Heavy Drinker), CIA co-conspirators.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #24 
see link if you plan to attend the event Speaker Pilgrim Women’s Fellowship presents Gail Chapman, retired FBI agent, 1 p.m., Pilgrim Congregational Church, Route 28, Harwich Port. 508-432-4259.


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #25 


see link for full story

Arthur Gonzales, an FBI agent at Quantico Murders His Estranged Wife Julie Gonzales, Cops Refuse To Charge

Julie Gonzales was killed Friday at the couple's new home in Stafford County Virginia. Gonzales' family told KRQE News 13 she and her husband were separated and that she had returned to the home to pick up some items
ALBUQUERQUE - Authorities in Virginia are investigating the death of a New Mexico woman allegedly shot by her FBI agent husband. They say she was shot several times by her husband, Arthur Gonzales, an FBI agent at Quantico.

Julie Gonzales was killed Friday at the couple's new home in Stafford County Virginia. Gonzales' family told KRQE News 13 she and her husband were separated and that she had returned to the home to pick up some items.

It was Arthur who called 911 saying he had just shot his wife who was holding a knife. The couple had lived in Las Cruces for many years.  Because their cell phone was still a Las Cruces number, a 911 dispatcher there answered.

When authorities in Doña Ana County got to the Gonzales house and found out the couple had moved out they notified authorities back in Virginia. Gonzales, whose maiden name is Serna, grew up in Socorro. Her family said she met her husband at Highlands University.

He is an instructor at the FBI National Academy at Quantico. Right now the FBI isn't saying anything. Local authorities investigating the shooting have not charged Gonzales with any crime, which has neighbors concerned.

"She is not here to tell her side of the story," one woman said.  "It is ridiculous for them to say, 'Oh, well, let me slap you on the wrist.'" Authorities are not saying why charges have not been filed

2nd read

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04/25/2013 LAS CRUCES - Longtime New Mexico friends of Julie Serna Gonzales were saddened, though not shocked, to hear last week the circumstances surrounding her death inside the Virginia home of her estranged husband, an FBI agent. "For anybody that knew her, unfortunately, this was not entirely unforeseen," said Kim Scott, a friend and co-worker of Gonzales. Scott lives in Albuquerque but operates seasonal Halloween stores in Las Cruces and El Paso. Scott met Gonzales more than a decade ago at one of the stores - Gonzales' now-estranged husband and their sons lived in Las Cruces for about six years before recently moving. Scott and another former co-worker, Lea Lucero of Las Cruces, described their friend's marriage to Arthur Gonzales as "abusive and controlling." The afternoon of April 19 that relationship ended when Julie Serna Gonzales died of gunshot wounds, according to Virginia authorities. The Stafford County (Va.) Sheriff's Office has released scant details of that afternoon's incident, other than saying deputies responded to a "domestic-related shooting" in which a woman suffered multiple gunshot wounds and died at a hospital. The only other information came from a 911 call placed at the Virginia house, but routed to the Mesilla Valley Regional Dispatch Authority - outdated account information initially suggested that Arthur Gonzales had called to report the shooting from the family's former Las Cruces address. The caller, identified as Arthur Gonzales, Advertisement told a 911 operator that just before he shot her, he and his wife had been arguing when she threatened him with a knife. Las Cruces friends and former neighbors said Arthur Gonzales worked for the FBI. A Washington, D.C., television station reported Arthur Gonzales is an instructor at the FBI National Academy in Quantico, Va., about 20 minutes from the home where the shooting occurred. Earlier this week the FBI's public affairs office sent a statement to the Sun-News. It said: "We are aware of the shooting incident involving an FBI employee on Friday afternoon in Stafford County, Virginia." As of Thursday, no charges had been filed, according to Stafford County Sheriff's Office spokesman Bill Kennedy. It is an "active" ongoing investigation, he said. Friends of Julie Serna Gonzales have had difficulty merging the limited details of the incident with the friend they knew. "She was so passive ... non-confrontational," Lucero said. "If she was really mad or upset she would cry." Scott and Lucero described Arthur Gonzales as "intimidating." Scott added that would come into the Las Cruces store and stared at his wife. They also called Arthur Gonzales "meticulous," adding he would not be the type of person to forget to update his address on a voice-over IP router, a device that allows land line telephone service to work via the Internet. The 911 call reportedly came to Las Cruces due to that oversight. "Everything he does has a purpose," Scott said.

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Obama, FBI Silence Critics, Plan Warrantless VoIP Wiretaps, ISP Fines
- May 8, 2013 9:40 AM


Big government's transformation into "big brother" takes another step forward

While warrantless surveillance is nothing new, modern technology is allowing a zealous U.S. government to utilize it in a more pervasive and Orwellian manner than ever before.  A former U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation agent recently acknowledged that the agency stores -- mostly without warrant -- all cellular and land-line phone calls in the U.S.  Likely archived as text, such a high-tech Big Brother scheme is only possible via advances like exabyte storage and advanced dictation software.

I. Ring, Ring It's the Police State (Now on VoIP) 

Now the Obama administration is preparing to expand the wiretap program yet further, moving to retrofit FBI rules to allow for warranted and warrantless wiretaps of voice-over internet protocol (VoIP) telephony conversations, according to a report in The New York Times. The plan was reportedly masterminded by FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III, a top official in Obama's inner circle whose great-grandfather was a railroad tycoon.  Mr. Mueller reportedly complained that the agency's efforts to spy on Americans without warrant were "going dark" amid increasing VoIP use.

The original plan was to force every internet service provider (ISP) to develop its own capability to filter, duplicate, and archive a copy of VoIP traffic for government use.  Now the proposal has been changed to fine ISPs who don't comply with requests for data.

The government may soon be able to spy on your voice-over IP calls.
[Image Source: Jon Ovington]

Writes the NYT report:

The difference, officials say, means that start-ups with a small number of users would have fewer worries about wiretapping issues unless the companies became popular enough to come to the Justice Department’s attention.

Of course that also means the U.S. Department of Justice becomes judge, jury, and executioner able to fine companies for "noncompliance" under a rather ambiguously defined set of rules.

The new plan is an extension of the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (18 USC § 2522), which requires landline and cellular carriers to develop similar wiretap capabilities.  While Congress has not yet passed a VoIP update to that law, that matters little as in recent years the executive branch has gained the power to effectively legislate via sweeping mandates.

Andrew Weissmann, the general counsel of the FBI, promised citizens that the new monitoring would mostly be used with warrant to fight "spies", "terrorists", and "suspected criminals".  He comments, "This doesn’t create any new legal surveillance authority.  This always requires a court order. None of the ‘going dark’ solutions would do anything except update the law given means of modern communications."

The FBI is pushing for a powerful new tool to spy on Americans. [Image Source: Alamy]

Under the current rules, agency officials say, ISPs can simply respond to court orders that they tried to wiretap and failed; now they will face stiff fines for such insubordinace.  Within the date of the requested surveillance the company has 30 days to comply with the police state's request.  If it does not, it faces fines of around $25,000 USD per day, per unfulfilled request.

II. Critics Pushed Aside

A former DOJ lawyer, Michael Sussman, says the proposal closely mirrors one from George Orwell's home nation, Britain.  The British law, the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act of 2000, institutes similar strict fines to guarantee prompt obedience.

Critics, though, say the plan could help hackers gain access to private information given the government's poor security track record, in addition to the obvious abuse of power concerns.  Comments Gregory T. Nojeim of the Center for Democracy and Technology, "I think the F.B.I.’s proposal would render Internet communications less secure and more vulnerable to hackers and identity thieves.  IIt would also mean that innovators who want to avoid new and expensive mandates will take their innovations abroad and develop them there, where there aren’t the same mandates."

The revised plan, though, does drop the most alarming provision of the original plan, which would effectively outlaw secure encryption, forcing all encryption to be carried out an ISP level with the ISP caching your key for later use.  With that provision dropped, encrypted conversations should still be safe from government spying, assuming sufficiently strong encrpytion methodology.


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Exclusive: Leader of Anonymous Steubenville Op on Being Raided by the FBI

"They want to make an example of me, saying, 'You don't fucking come after us.'"

  Thu Jun. 6, 2013
Deric Lostutter, the hacker formerly known as KYAnonymous
In April, the FBI quietly raided the home of the hacker known as KYAnonymous in connection with his role in the Steubenville rape case. Today he spoke out for the first time about the raid, his true identity, and his motivations for pursuing the Steubenville rapists, in an extensive interview with Mother Jones.
"The goal of the media interviews is to get the entire nation to say 'fuck you' to these guys," said KYAnonymous, whose real name is Deric Lostutter. He was referring to the federal agents who raided his home in Winchester, Kentucky, and carted off his computers and XBox.
Lostutter may deserve more credit than anyone for turning Steubenville into a national outrage. After a 16-year-old girl was raped by two members of the Steubenville High football team last year, he obtained and published tweets and Instagram photos in which other team members had joked about the incident and belittled the victim. He now admits to being the man behind the mask in a video posted by another hacker on the team's fan page, where he threatened action against the players unless they apologized to the girl. (The rapists were convicted in March.)
Lostutter's hip-hop alter-ego, Shadow
A 26-year-old corporate cybersecurity consultant, Lostutter lives on a farm with his pit bull, Thor, and hunts turkeys, goes fishing, and rides motorcycles in his free time. He considers himself to be a patriotic American; he flies an American flag and enjoys Bud Light. He's also a rapper with the stage name Shadow, and recently released a solo album under the aegis of his own label, Nightshade Records. The name dovetails with that of his Anonymous faction, KnightSec.
Lostutter first got involved in Anonymous about a year ago, after watching the documentary We Are Legion. "This is me," he thought as he learned about the group's commitment to government accountability and transparency. "It was everything that I'd ever preached, and now there's this group of people getting off the couch and doing something about it. I wanted to be part of the movement."
If convicted for hacking a Steubenville football fan site, he could face 10 years. The rapists got 1 and 2.
He'd read about the Steubenville rape in the New York Times, but didn't get involved until receiving a message on Twitter from Michelle McKee, a friend of an Ohio blogger who'd written about the case. McKee gave Lostutter the players' tweets and Instagram photos, which he then decided to publicize because, as he put it, "I was always raised to stick up for people who are getting bullied."
The ensuing tornado of media coverage took him by surprise. He mostly avoided the spotlight, except for a brief interview that he gave to CNN while wearing his Guy Fawkes mask. "I was real scared," but also inspired, he told me. "There were so many people standing behind the cause that it felt like you had an army at your disposal and you could just stick up for what's right."
Yet sometimes the Steubenville army seemed to lack discipline, ignoring the letter of the law as it pursued its own brand of justice. Lostutter says he played no role in the hacking the team's fan page; he points out that another hacker, Batcat, has publicly taken the credit. Still, Lostutter knew from a tipster that the FBI was watching him, he says, and stopped tweeting a few months ago. The FBI knocked on his door just two days after he finally went back online.
At first, he thought the FBI agent at the door was with FedEx. "As I open the door to greet the driver, approximately 12 FBI SWAT team agents jumped out of the truck, screaming for me to "Get the fuck down!" with M-16 assault rifles and full riot gear, armed, safety off, pointed directly at my head," Lostutter wrote today on his blog. "I was handcuffed and detained outside while they cleared my house."
"I'd do it again," Lostutter says.
He believes that the FBI investigation was motivated by local officials in Steubenville. "They want to make an example of me, saying, 'You don't fucking come after us. Don't question us."

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Federal nullification efforts mounting in states After Montana passed a 2009 law crafted by Marbut declaring that federal firearms regulations don’t apply to guns made and kept in that state, eight other states enacted similar laws. Marbut, a gun activist, said he drafted the measure as a foundation for a legal challenge to the federal power to regulate interstate commerce under the U.S. Constitution.After Montana passed a 2009 law crafted by Marbut …more Related Content Joseph, Mo. Missouri’s Republican-led Legislature has passed legislation that if signed into law by Democratic Gov. Nixon that would make it a crime to enforce federal gun laws and regulations _ past, present, or future _ that “infringe on the people's right to keep and bear arms.” The legislation is is an example of a states' rights movement that has been spreading across the nation in which states are adopting laws that purport to nullify federal laws _ setting up intentional legal conflicts, directing local police not to enforce federal laws and, in some rare cases, even threatening criminal charges for federal agents who dare to do their jobs. (AP Imagine the scenario: A federal agent attempts to arrest someone for illegally selling a machine gun. Instead, the federal agent is arrested — charged in a state court with the crime of enforcing federal gun laws. Farfetched? Not as much as you might think. The scenario would become conceivable if legislation passed by Missouri's Republican-led Legislature is signed into law by Democratic Gov. Jay Nixon. The Missouri legislation is perhaps the most extreme example of a states' rights movement that has been spreading across the nation. States are increasingly adopting laws that purport to nullify federal laws — setting up intentional legal conflicts, directing local police not to enforce federal laws and, in rare cases, even threatening criminal charges for federal agents who dare to do their jobs. An Associated Press analysis found that about four-fifths of the states now have enacted local laws that directly reject or ignore federal laws on marijuana use, gun control, health insurance requirements and identification standards for driver's licenses. The recent trend began in Democratic leaning California with a 1996 medical marijuana law and has proliferated lately in Republican strongholds like Kansas, where Gov. Sam Brownback this spring became the first to sign a measure threatening felony charges against federal agents who enforce certain firearms laws in his state. Some states, such as Montana and Arizona, have said "no" to the feds again and again — passing states' rights measures on all four subjects examined by the AP — despite questions about whether their "no" carries any legal significance.

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What does the smart criminal justice consumer do when taxpayer funded CIA agents and local police
bring heroin and cocaine into our communities to destabilize them and create a police state?


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DC-9 ‘Cocaine One’ kingpin’s secret conviction
July 4, 2013

It was the biggest drug seizure on an airplane in Mexican history. It led directly to the forced sale of Wachovia, then America's 4th largest bank. And it threatened to become America’s most notorious drug scandal since Iran Contra.

Yet when a leader of the drug smuggling organization responsible for the flight of the DC-9 airliner dubbed “Cocaine One” that was busted in the Yucatan carrying 5.5 tons of cocaine quietly pled guilty to unrelated drug charges two years ago in a Federal Court in Miami, his role in the massive drug move was kept secret from officials preparing his Pre-Sentence Report (PSI), from journalists, and even from the Federal judge in the case.

Since the omission was recently discovered, tongues on two continents have been wagging. cocaine-one

A catch & release arrest policy for drug traffickers

Since it began, in April 2006, the scandal of the “Cocaine One” DC-9 busted carrying 5.5 tons of cocaine in the Yucatan has seen its share of bizarre developments.

The drug pilot flying the DC-9, Carmelo Vasquez Guerra, for example, had been arrested and released in three separate countries—Mexico, Guinea Bissau, and Mali—before Venezuela finally stepped in and put him (at least temporarily) behind bars.

But with a shocking new revelation, the scandal has taken a sudden turn for the surreal.

The man in charge of bringing the 5.5 tons of cocaine north in one fell swoop was identified by investigators as “Raul Jimenez Alfaro.

Turns out, that's not his real name.

When cartel kingpin Jimenez Alfaro was convicted on unrelated drug charges two years ago in a Federal Court in Miami, according to investigative reporter Joseph Poliszuk at El Universal in Caracas, his role in running the massive 5.5 ton drug move, which eventually brought down America's 4th largest bank, went undisclosed, and remained secret.

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Wife says husband who worked as FBI informant is getting deported to Pakistan

RONKONKOMA, LONG ISLAND (PIX11) — 21-year-old Monique Faisal sat with her newborn daughter, Aliyah, and cried, as she talked of leaving the hospital early because her husband, Balal Parveez, faces deportation to Pakistan. The young wife told PIX11 it’s not fair because her husband was working as an FBI informant and believed it would help his immigration status.

“This is his home,” she sobbed, “Why do they take him away, again and again?”

Faisal told PIX11 that even though her husband moved to Long Island with his family when he was five-years-old, attending American schools from grade school through college, he’s been targeted by federal agents over his immigration status since he was 18-years-old. Parveez was a former football quarterback for Smithtown High School. The Parveez family claims all nine of Balal’s siblings became U.S. citizens, but a legal error by an immigration attorney prevented Balal from getting his papers.

Faisal said her husband was first deported to Pakistan, during a trip to Puerto Rico, when he was 18-years-old.

Wife says husband who worked as FBI informant is getting deported to PakistanParveez managed to re-enter the United States and the couple married in 2010. However, when they went to get their marriage license at Smithtown Town Hall, Parveez was arrested and faced deportation to Pakistan again. Monique went with him to the Parveez family’s former home in Lahore. Monique claims it was shot up, while the couple was there, because Balal’s father used to do business dealings with Americans.

The couple managed to re-enter the United States, by way of Miami, in late 2010, but the husband was arrested — and convicted — for lying about U.S. citizenship. He remained in federal custody for nearly a year. Monique claimed to PIX11 the FBI removed her husband from the jail in 2011 and allowed him to return to New York. In exchange, Faisal told PIX 11 Balal Parveez started work as a federal informant.

Faisal said her husband worked in a bank, until a couple of months ago, and would attend different mosques every Friday.

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15 August 2013
FBI Spying Against Assange in Denmark
Related: http://grapevine.is/Features/ReadArticle/Q
A sends:
Google translation of Danish article (needs tidying):
FBI spying against Assange in Denmark
08.14.2013 | 13:34
By: Bo Elkjær
In the wake of the recent revelations of monitoring and recording Denmark will now implicated in a spying operation directed against leakage organization WikiLeaks and its founder, Julian Assange.
Danish journalists can potentially be placed on the FBI's scrutiny in connection with the FBI's operation, which was settled in Aarhus last year.
After the Icelandic government in August 2011, discovered and disrupted an FBI operation against WikiLeaks and Julian Assange continued FBI operation against leakage organization - but steered it now instead via Denmark.
Agents from the FBI has held several meetings with a secret WikiLeaks source in Aarhus. Here, the source handed large amounts of data on WikiLeaks to the FBI.
In the materials provided is also information about journalists who have been in contact with WikiLeaks.
Several Danish journalists have been in close contact with WikiLeaks. Among them is the Information Charlotte Aagaard. Dagbladet Information given advance access to 391,832 Iraqi documents . Charlotte Aagaard was one of a group of journalists on Information, who worked with the material.
"We have obviously been in contact with Assange and others from Wikileaks, so I do not know if we appear on the list," said Charlotte Aagaard.
Another of the Danish journalists who were in close contact with WikiLeaks and Julian Assange, is Filip Wallberg. He was then at Ekstra Bladet, but is now an associate professor at University of Southern Denmark:
"I have visited them. I have sat and smoked hookah with Julian Assange. So ... Huha ... '
Bødskov is silent
The journalist asked Monday writing Attorney Morten Bødskov, the Danish authorities had knowledge of the U.S. operation on Danish soil. Thursday morning, said Justice Minister Morten Bødskovs Special Adviser in an email:
"Thanks for your mail. Ministry of Justice has no comment."
It is the U.S. magazine Slate, revealing that the FBI moved to Aarhus after being kicked out of Reykjavik.
It was the Icelandic interior minister, Ögmundur Jonasson, who interrupted the U.S. operation in Iceland. Then protested the Icelandic government officially against operation against Washington.
"I was not aware that they came to the Island," said Interior Minister Ögmundur Jonasson in an interview with The Associated Press in March 2013.
"When I heard about it, I demanded that Iceland's police to stop any cooperation, and stressed that the people being interviewed or interrogated in Iceland, be heard by the Icelandic police."
The formal protest was delivered by Icelandic diplomats in Washington.
Landed in private jet
"We made it clear to the U.S. authorities that here was not favorably considered," said Ögmundur Jonasson.
FBI agents landed in a private jet in Reykjavik in August 2011.
The FBI had not already informed Iceland that it would launch the operation.
Otherwise it is a formal requirement of all NATO countries - including the United States and Iceland - that mutually inform about the type of operations before they begin. According to the security agreement "Security Within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization", which was first formalized and ratified in 1955, and has since been adjusted continuously.
Similarly, Denmark also all right to be informed from the U.S. when the FBI begins operations on Danish soil.
After FBI agents had landed in Reykjavik, contacted the head of the Icelandic police and the chief Icelandic state prosecutor in an attempt to gain access to all available information about WikiLeaks.
Evicted again
As Interior Minister Ögmundur Jónasson heard about the FBI visit, he met with the agents and said that the Icelandic government could not allow foreign powers to conduct operations in the Icelandic reason. FBI agents were then ordered to leave the country.
After an Icelandic government meeting was in charge of Foreign Minister Ossur Skarphéðinsson formal protest to the United States.
In August 2011, was WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange in London.
FBI source was the now 20-year-old Icelander Sigurdur Thordarson, who as a teenager was an activist in WikiLeaks.
Sigurdur Thordarson Provided Data on Assange on WikiLeaks and affiliated activists and people to the FBI. , the young Icelander was revealed as the source of the FBI operation in Wired magazine in June .
Continuing in Aarhus
Last month, Bradley Manning convicted of espionage, theft and computer fraud after leaked large amounts of information to WikiLeaks, including video footage of air strikes in Iraq and diplomatic and military telegrams and information.
Julian Assange staying at Ecuador's embassy in London and trying to avoid being extradited to Sweden where he is accused of sexual offenses. Assange fears that Sweden will extradite him to the United States for trial in leak cases.
The operation against WikiLeaks continued after the FBI had been kicked out of Reykjavik.
On 18 March 2012 met Sigurdur Thordarson in Aarhus with agents from the FBI.
It was here, Sigurdur Thordarson supplied most of the material he had collected as infiltrator in WikiLeaks. The material was transferred to solve hard drives that were packed to the brim with information on leakage organization. Total handed Thordarson eight hard drives with a total capacity of 1 terabyte of data - that is, 1,000 gigabytes.
In comparison, putting WikiLeaks organization itself in 2010 an encrypted file on the network as insurance in the event that the authorities were successful in stopping the organization. This encrypted file that bears the name "insurance" , is 1.4 gigabytes, ie. a fraction of the total material, the FBI got access to the operation in Aarhus.
FBI source Sigurdur Thordarson has particular handed logs from private online chats, photos, contact info on volunteers, activists, and so all journalists in contact with WikiLeaks.
Not very funny
"It is very expected, but I do not think it's very fun," said Information Charlotte Aagaard.
"When we were working with documents, we tried to be very safety conscious, with our communication with WikiLeaks."
"We tried of course to blur as well as possible, even when we had the documents. But we figured the whole time that it would have the authorities' interest, it is clear. We also did some legal research to find out what we could be held accountable for. Luckily it was the case that Congress Legal Committee in the United States rather quickly did a study that stated that the U.S. source protection also applies to foreign journalists and media. Not just American media. We also had hold of our own attorney in this house to find out what it could have of reprisals. There we concluded, inter alia, based on Grevil thing that probably would not be any. "
"It is deeply worrying if the FBI also cares for journalists in countries other than the United States. They should basically only interested in things that are going on in the U.S. or directly threaten the United States. But I expect it, I'd say. '
Charlotte Aagaard is concerned that the FBI used Aarhus to meet with the then secret Icelandic source.
"If it was done without Danish knowledge, then it is illegal. It's that easy. But if it is carried out with Danish authorities 'knowledge, it is not nice to think about.'
"I'm not a aleck '
Filip Wallenberg traveled in 2010 to London to meet with Julian Assange and talk about the leaked documents and had for some time been in regular contact with the organization.
'So I am enough of an FBI file. Cosy! Somewhere it should as a journalist piss me crazy, but honestly: It will not surprise me in any way whatsoever. "
"After the recent revelations must probably more to offend me. Do not misunderstand me, I should be angry about it, but it's what I expected that they would do. "
"I'm not a aleck, I'm a tiny piece of a big game and in no way whatsoever a threat to American security. But when dealing with such a hateful organization like WikiLeaks to do, so you just have to take the big tin foil hat on and expect the worst, "says Filip Wallberg.
Embarrassing for the authorities
What do you think about the FBI moved the operation to Denmark?
"Well, there are two scenarios: Has Danish authorities were aware of the surgery or not? If the Danish administration, and I am thinking both at the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Police Intelligence and Defence Intelligence, the whole gang as a whole, if they did not know that the FBI was in Denmark, then it's embarrassing for them! It is almost the worst if they did not know it, "says Filip Wallberg.
"They should know. It is actually one of the things they are paid for. To detect when other countries' intelligence services operating in Denmark. If there are foreign powers in Denmark, so should there be a warning bell up the Danish authorities. If the pet know that there is an operation in Denmark, so it should be reported up the system. "
'Of course, the FBI does not have free play in Denmark to gather information. It must do at home in the United States. The FBI is not an authority in Denmark. We should not facilitate them, we should not help them in Denmark against WikiLeaks. It's gone wrong for Julian Assange and it has gone wrong for WikiLeaks, but having said that, they have not done anything illegal. They have presented evidence which we journalists have been evidence of a number of factors. It is a completely classical leakage. '
"Denmark will not facilitate the FBI in such an investigation, and it is also helpful to say" You must like to meet up in Aarhus. Enjoy. We recommend the hotel where we met with Morten Storm ". It's not what we do. It's idiocy. "
At the meeting in Aarhus with the Icelandic source he got a written receipt for the eight hard drives, which he handed over to the FBI. All hard disks were password protected, and the FBI later got the passwords to the content.
Neither WikiLeaks and Julian Assange have wanted to comment on the case against the journalist.

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15 Aug 2013 at 5:31 PM

The FBI Manipulated Some Penny Stocks
By Matt Levine        
The SEC announced securities fraud charges against a fairly random assortment of South Florida crooks today and the message I took away from the assorted complaints is that it’d be a lot of fun to work in the South Florida office of the FBI. Basically the job seems to consist of setting up fake hedge funds and then using them to con people into giving you money, which is pretty much my dream job, and also the dream job of a lot of South Florida crooks I guess. Only in the FBI version the people you’re conning are themselves con men, and the money is illegal bribes, and then you arrest them, so it’s okay.

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Report: CIA kept file on Noam Chomsky
08/15/2013 20:02
A June 1970 CIA memo outlines the MIT professor's anti-war activities, asks FBI about a trip to North Vietnam by anti-war activists.
After years of denial, the Central Intelligence Agency acknowledged that it kept a file on Noam Chomsky, though the file appears to have been destroyed.

Chomsky, 84, an American academic who works as a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, was an anti-war activist in the 1970s. He is a vociferous critic of Israel.

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Sheriff says FBI to probe activist traffic stop
August 14, 2013
GRANTS PASS, Ore. — The sheriff of Malheur County in Oregon's remote southeastern corner said Monday the FBI will investigate whether deputies acted properly when they pulled over an animal rights activist who had been taking photos of a controversial rodeo event known as horse tripping.
"We are sending all information and recordings that we have (to the FBI) and they will look at it," Sheriff Brian E. Wolfe told The Associated Press in an email.
"I want to make sure nothing was done wrong," he said.
FBI spokeswoman Beth Anne Steele said they became aware of the situation on Wednesday, but she could not comment on whether they were conducting an investigation.
Wolfe acknowledged that two deputies, acting on orders from a supervisor, pulled over Steve Hindi, president of Showing Animals Respect and Kindness, to get his name after he was told not to shoot video at the Big Loop Rodeo in Jordan Valley last May.
Wolfe said there was no traffic violation or evidence of any other crime.
Deputy Brian Belnap and Deputy Brian Beck were on duty and following orders from their supervisor, Lt. Rob Hunsucker, Wolfe said. There was no probable cause a crime or traffic violation had been committed.
No one has been disciplined or placed on leave, he said.
The animal protection group, known as SHARK, asked the state attorney general to investigate, but was told the office had no jurisdiction, Hindi said. Agency spokesman Jeff Manning said Wednesday he had no information on the request.
SHARK posted online videos of the traffic stop, secured from the sheriff's office through a public records request, along with Hindi's account of events. The sheriff's office video includes comments from deputies saying they expected to be sued, and blaming the rodeo board.
SHARK, based in Geneva, Ill., has been campaigning for 20 years to stop animal cruelty at rodeos.
In 2012, an activist went to Jordan Valley and shot video of the rodeo, including a horse that broke a leg in a bucking event, Hindi said. The group was primarily interested in the horse roping event, where one cowboy throws a lasso around the horse's head, and another ropes the front legs, sometimes forcing the horse to fall.

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The People v. Barrett Brown: Another US Journalist On Trial
How a case of guilt by association reflects the problems with the nation's intelligence community.
| August 15, 2013

In the dimly-lit shadows of the Aaron Swartz case, in which the United States Department of Justice sought to win a felony conviction for the unauthorized distribution of academic journals, the Bradley Manning case and the Edward Snowden situation, which has aggravated the Obama administration beyond reprieve, an atmosphere of apprehension and distrust has settled over the federal government.

Questions on what the government knows, why the government needs to know these things and what the government would do to bring secrets revealers to justice are redefining the relationship the people have with its government and the expectations of privacy and freedom of association an American citizen can assume.

Such a question is slowly being answered in Texas, where journalist and activist Barrett Lancaster Brown sits in federal custody, charged with 17 counts, including identity theft, credit card fraud and threats to a federal agent. Brown, the alleged “face” of Anonymous, the international hacktivist collective that seeks to be a “voice for the truth,” (usually at the federal government’s expense), is facing 105 years imprisonment if found guilty.

This case has taken a turn for the strange: not so much for the case matter, but for the way the federal government has prosecuted it. For example, on April 17, the United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas, which is hearing this case, ordered the $20,000 collected for Brown’s legal defense sealed and placed in the court’s custody on the grounds that the funds may be used to pay for his court-appointed counsel. On May 1 the court reversed itself on this.

The federal government has also filed an Opposition to Continuance motion, which would delay the opening of Brown’s trial, which is scheduled for September. The government argues that it needs more time to sort through the case’s evidence, despite the fact that the case has been delayed so far for 11 months. Finally, the government has requested a media gag order, arguing that there is a risk that this case could be decided by the public and not by the court.

While Brown’s defense argues that there is no valid legal basis for these motions, the government’s actions may suggest just how important this case is to it and the challenges it will face in arguing it.

Guilt by association

Brown, who is not a hacker and therefore is not part of Anonymous, has made his mark speaking for the group. Brown sold his story about his time with Anonymous — Anonymous: Tales From Inside the Accidental Cyberwar, which, according to Publishers Marketplace, Brown pitched as “Barbarians at the Gate for the digital era” — to Amazon for a six-figure paycheck. Brown quicky became a media mainstay, speaking with the major news outlets with regard to Anonymous’ campaign to reveal a list of Zetas collaborators based on 25,000 stolen “Mexican government” emails.

On Oct. 6, 2011, an Anonymous member posting on YouTube as “MrAnonymousguyfawkes” released a video stating that Los Zetas, who the American government recognizes as the “most technologically advanced, sophisticated, and dangerous cartel operating in Mexico,” must release an Anonymous member that the cartel allegedly kidnapped in Veracruz during another Anonymous operation — Operation Paperstorm — or he would release the names and photos of individuals that have worked with the cartel, including police officers and taxi drivers.

“You made a huge mistake by taking one of us. Release him,” said the masked man on the video in Spanish. “We cannot defend ourselves with a weapon … but we can do this with their cars, homes, bars, brothels and everything else in their possession.” The global intelligence group Stratfor weighed in on the situation, releasing a report stating that Anonymous risked escalating the situation and causing more reprisals and deaths if they went through with their threat, codenamed “Operation Cartel.” It was feared that Los Zetas had a computer counterterrorism unit in place that could track the anti-cartel campaigns online, endangering journalists, bloggers and Anonymous members who were involved.

On Nov. 4, 2011, Anonymous announced that the kidnapped collective member had been released and that “Operation Cartel” had been abandoned. This left Brown exposed, as he was the only known face to this scandal that was still public after the remaining factors went quiet.

Enemies in high places

It is this public exposure more than anything else that has led to Brown’s current predicament.

In 2011, Aaron Barr, the CEO of security firm HBGary Federal, believed that he had claimed the gold medal in the network security industry: infiltration of the Anonymous Collective. In a private email to colleagues in HBGary Federal, Barr bragged that he figured out the encryption that anonymized the real-world locations and identities of the collective’s members: “They think I have nothing but a heirarchy based on IRC [Internet Relay Chat] aliases!” he wrote. “As 1337 as these guys are suppsed to be they don’t get it. I have pwned them!

The following January, Barr published his findings, with the story being picked up in February by the Financial Times. The FBI, the director of National Intelligence and the U.S. military all made a beeline to Barr’s door, as Anonymous has been a desired target for all of these agencies for a long time. This created an expected backlash from Anonymous, who attacked and compromised HBGary Federal’s website — which was replaced with an Anonymous message — and hacked the company’s email server, downloading over 40,000 emails and putting them on The Pirate Bay, a popular peer-to-peer downloading message board.

It can be argued that Barr wanted this to happen. Barr has stated that he hoped his work would “start a verbal braul [sic] between us and keep it going because that will bring more media and more attention to a very important topic.” With the federal government watching, the situation definitely turned a few heads. Unfortunately, Barr’s research has failed to turn up anyone tangible from the collective. Barr was ultimately released from HBGary.

But, it just so happened that at this time Brown was being looked at carefully by the FBI due to his involvement with “Operation Cartel,” and Brown happened to publish a link to The Pirate Bay web page, where the stolen emails were linked on Project PM. According to the federal government, this amounted to an attempt to distribute stolen materials, a felony-level computer crime. More damning, however, is The Guardian piece Brown wrote in response to these emails, detailing revelations of a classified intelligence program known as Romas/COIN, which, according to Project PM, is a massive data mining and electronic surveillance program aimed against the Middle East “allowing the intelligence community to monitor the habits, conversations, and activity of millions of individuals at once.”

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Friday, August 16, 2013
‘Justice and FBI unlawfully withheld investigation docs’
The U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation have unlawfully withheld investigation records into the beating of Jin Dong Wang by a police officer during a botched drug raid, according to Wang’s attorney David G. Banes.

Banes, on behalf of Wang, filed last week a Freedom of Information Act request to compel Justice and the FBI to disclose and release of agency records that were allegedly withheld from Wang.

Wang is seeking the release of records maintained by DOJ and the FBI relating to the FBI’s investigation of the incident at his residence in Saipan on Oct. 18, 2010.

Banes is asking the U.S. District Court for the NMI to declare that DOJ and the FBI’s failure to disclose the record that Wang requested is unlawful.

Banes wants the court to order DOJ and the FBI to immediately process Wang’s Freedom of Information Act request, disclose the records in their entirety, and make copies available to Wang.

Wang has a pending police brutality lawsuit filed in federal court against police officer Jesse Dubrall, the CNMI government, and the Department of Public Safety.

Vicente B. Babauta, a former police officer and now an investigator at the Office of the Attorney General, concluded in his investigation that Dubrall acted appropriately during that operation and determined that Wang’s allegation of brutality was unsubstantiated.

In Wang’s Freedom of Information Act complaint, Banes said that Wang was wrongfully seized by police officers on Oct. 18, 2010, mistaking him for another suspect they were looking for. Banes said that Dubrall used excess force during the botched raid.

He said the police seized Wang by mistake and then beat him savagely, causing severe injuries. He said Wang was hospitalized due to severe injuries on the head, abdomen, buttocks, and legs.

Banes said Wang sustained concussion, rib contusion, spine contusion, blurred vision, and post-traumatic nightmares.

Banes said that based on information from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, the FBI, under the direction of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, investigated the incident.

On July 27, 2012, Banes wrote to the Office of the U.S. Attorney Districts of Guam and NMI and asked for copies of any records related to the FBI investigation.

On July 31, 2012, the U.S. Attorney’s Office forwarded the request to the Freedom of Information Act Unit in Washington D.C.

Additionally, the U.S. Attorney’s Office told Banes that he must submit a Freedom Act request to DOJ in Washington D.C. Banes said he did so.

On Sept. 6, 2012, DOJ told Banes to submit a new request with the written authorization and consent of Wang since the requested records concerned a third party. Banes said he did so on Oct. 10, 2012.

Banes said that DOJ received his new request on Oct. 18, 2012, but did not respond.

When I Sued the FBI -- and Won
08/14/2013 3:53 pm

see link for full story


During the last three months, we have been learning a great deal about massive and continuing surveillance of the phone calls and emails of hundreds of millions of Americans by "our" government.
For me, this has had a strong personal kick to it. To explain why, I have to share with you a story that began 45 years ago.
Beginning in 1968, the FBI undertook an effort called "COINTELPRO" -- short for "counter-intelligence program" -- that used such illegal means as warrantless wiretapping, theft, forgery, agents provocateurs, and worse -- to disrupt the lawful civil rights, Black-liberation, and antiwar movements.
It was directly supervised by FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, with orders to keep it totally secret within the FBI.
But in 1975, post-Watergate investigations by a Senate committee chaired by Sen. Frank Church made COINTELPRO widely known
So in 1976, nine Washingtonians -- including me -- sued the FBI for violating our First Amendment right "of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances."
Our lawsuit won.
Years later, it became the subject of one chapter of a book by Ellen Alderman and Caroline Kennedy -- yes, the Caroline Kennedy who as I write has just been appointed Ambassador-designate to Japan.
You can read the whole chapter here.
The book is about the real-life importance of various provisions of the Bill of Rights in protecting the rights of grass-roots American citizens. Its title is In Our Defense: The Bill of Rights in Action (Morrow, 1991).
When they were writing, Kennedy and Alderman were law students at Columbia University. They interviewed me at a lunch booth in a crowded restaurant near Columbia. I was startled to find I could hardly speak to answer their questions without coming to the verge of tears.
Why? I wasn't sure then and am not sure now. Maybe the memory of Caroline as a little girl when her father was killed? Maybe sadness over all the deaths and losses, wars and disasters, of the thirty years since then?
We won our case-- an unprecedented decision that robbing Americans of their constitutional rights, even if they don't suffer any arithmetical financial losses, requires the government to pay damages.

When the FBI appealed, we won again. The DC Circuit Court of Appeals' unanimous decision in 1986 included then Judge Antonin Scalia -- a fact that astonished me then and still does.
The damages I received were $8,000. With $2,000 I bought my first computer, for use in The Shalom Center's work. To each of my two children I offered a $3,000 grant to support them for a year if they chose to do political activist work of their choice.
I told them the gift should be understood as the J. Edgar Hoover Memorial Fellowships
Both of them agreed. David Waskow spent the year as a community organizer for tenants' rights, and worked for years afterward as a community organizer. He is now an activist policy expert on climate issues. Shoshana Waskow spent a year working at a shelter for battered women. She is now a pediatrician.
The first lines of the Alterman-Kennedy chapter are these:

By August of 1969, Abe Bloom and Arthur Waskow were spending almost every night planning a massive demonstration against the Vietnam War scheduled for November 15 in Washington, DC. Bloom, an electronics engineer by training, was treasurer of the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (New Mobe). Waskow, a PhD historian and scholar, was a member of the New Mobe steering committee. Like Bloom, he had attended or spoken at every major demonstration in Washington in the 1960s...

Its last lines are these:

When it comes to the future, "I am inclined to guarantee that you will never see a resumption of that type of activity by the FBI again," Charles Brennan [chief of the Internal Security Section of the FBI] said at trial. "The delineation of what the FBI can or can't do is very clear, and the Department of Justice has taken much firmer control over the FBI so that it is not going to operate in the autonomous manner that it did under Mr. Hoover."
Tina Hobson [one of the activist plaintiffs] is not so sanguine. "I think that since our case is over, somebody else better follow. You have to try to create a government that's close to your heart's desire. If you don't do it, somebody else will."'

Of course, Tina Hobson has proved to be correct. One generation later, the NSA, CIA, and FBI have been penetrating the private lives of almost all Americans.
For them, and the Administrations that control them, "freedom" is what only the government has -- freedom to poke around in people's lives.
"Freedom" is not what the Occupy demonstrators had when a concerted national police response, used provocateurs to incite violence, infiltrators to stymie decision-making, and finally outright force to expel them from public parks. "The right of the people peaceably to assemble" be damned.
And "freedom" is not what Bradley Manning had when the government tortured him with months of solitary confinement, nor what he has now as "our" government does its best to throw him in prison for life. Nor what Edward Snowden has as the US government charges him too with espionage, and bribes or blackmails most of the world's governments to deny him political asylum.
And "freedom" is not what journalists and whistleblowers have while the Obama administration charges them under the Espionage Act of 1917 -- twice as many charged as all presidents from Woodrow Wilson to George Bush II, put together, had charged under that Act.
The U.S. government has claimed that these invasive techniques are essential to prevent terrorist attacks, and even claimed that last week's emergency response to al Qaeda threats was possible only because of this surveillance.
But we already know that the threats came from a specific al Qaeda leader, and it did not take guzzling up billions of everyone's emails to get a warrant based on "probable cause" to specifically listen to him.
That is what the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States requires. The Bill of Rights, "in our defense."
Freedom denied to whistle-blowers and journalists is Freedom denied to us all -- because without the information they give us, we cannot either give or refuse "the consent of the governed" (see Jefferson et al, "Declaration of Independence," 1776) to what our government is doing.
I have said that the climate crisis and its danger to the whole web of life on Earth is the most crucial issue that we face.
But we cannot face it, or any other issue, if we allow the power-hungry pharaohs of our day -- whether they are called "corporate" or "governmental" -- to shut down our freedoms of criticism, petition, assembly, and the vote. To threaten us with prison or bludgeon us with money.

see link for full story

Feds pay millions for border-agent housing in Arizona
Brenna Goth , The Arizona Republic
August 12, 2013
Cost of building 21 homes in Ajo, Ariz., averages about $600,000 per house.
The Arizona Republic)
Story Highlights

The new houses are two-, three-bedroom models that range in size from 1,276 to 1,570 square feet
Older homes of a similar size in community of 4,400 sold for less than $100,000
Ajo is 40 miles north of the U.S.-Mexican border

AJO, Ariz. — Taxpayers paid millions of dollars for a cluster of yellow, blue and salmon-colored homes that recently sprouted in the desert here, just west of a Spanish colonial revival-style plaza.

The federal government spent, on average, more than $600,000 apiece to plan and build 21 two- and three-bedroom houses and develop the surrounding area to attract U.S. Customs and Border Protection personnel to live in this small former mining community.

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Top Bolivia police official jailed in US shakedown
Thursday September 5, 2013


FORT LAUDERDALE, Fla. (AP) — A high-ranking Bolivian National Police official was sitting in a South Florida jail Thursday on U.S. charges that he tried to extort thousands of dollars from the former owner of a Bolivian airline.
- See more at: http://www.northjersey.com/news/crime_courts/Top_Bolivia_police_official_jailed_in_US_shakedown.html#sthash.I3Ps8n13.dpuf

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Instagram pulls account exposing witnesses in Philadelphia as 'rats'

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Police are investigating the RATS215 account on the popular photo-sharing site that posted photos and other identifying information on witnesses to violent crime. More than 30 people have been identified since February. Comments (1) By Deborah Hastings / NEW YORK DAILY NEWS Published: Friday, November 8, 2013, 1:41 PM The “RATS215” account on photo-sharing site Instagram hasdposted photos, police statements and testimony identifying more than 30 witnesses since February, the Philadlephia Inquirer reported. Instagram The RATS215 account is being investigated as an act of witness intimidation after featuring photos, police statements and testimony identifying more than 30 witnesses. Related Stories Police and prosecutors in Philadelphia are trying to find the source of an anonymous Instagram account that put up photographs and other identifying information about witnesses in violent crime cases. The "RATS215" account, taken down Thursday by Instagram, outed more than 30 witnesses with police reports, photos and information about secret grand jury proceedings, the Philadelphia Inquirer reported.see

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see link to add up your tax dime and # of victims

NSA links to St Petersburg FL Drug Ring
November 15, 2013 by Daniel Hopsicker        

Skyway Global LLC, the St. Petersburg, FL company that owned the DC-9 airline busted in Mexico carrying 5.5 tons of cocaine, made its headquarters in a 79,000 sq ft building owned by Verint Systems (NASDAQ: VRNT), a foreign tele-communications company with a contract to wiretap the U.S. for the NSA through the communication lines of Verizon, which handles almost half of all landline and cell phone calls in the U.S. sky

Verint’s founder and CEO, Jacob “Kobi” Alexander, is a former Israeli intelligence officer who is today a fugitive from justice living in Namibia, where he has for several years been fighting extradition to the U.S.

On Verint’s Board of Directors is Lieutenant General Kenneth A. Minihan, former director of the NSA, which has led to speculation that the company today is a joint NSA-Mossad operation.img_bk_Bamford_Shadow_Factory

James Bamford’s 2008 expose of the NSA, “The Shadow Factory, The Ultra-Secret NSA from 9/11 to the Eavesdropping on America,” unearthed disturbing facts about how America’s two major telecom companies, AT & T and Verizon, had outsourced the bugging of their entire networks to what Bamford called “two mysterious companies with very troubling foreign connections.”

Verint is one of those two “mysterious companies.”
Definition of "making a start": Two recent convictions

In “The NSA, Drug Trafficking, & the Crash of Cocaine2,” I reported that I first learned of that Agency’s involvement in drug trafficking in 2000, more than a decade before the super-secret NSA became a household name. The source for that story, Russ Eakin, had been the NSA’s “man on the ground” in Bolivia during the Cocaine Coup in the early 1980’s.

The discovery of previously-undisclosed ties between SkyWay and the NSA came in a review of documents after two men implicated in the drug trafficking network were recently convicted.

Recently Douglas McClain Jr, was sentenced to 14 years for money laundering in Federal Court in San Diego. McClain was the president of Argyll Equities, the dodgy private bank in Texas which purchased the drug-running DC-9 for SkyWay.

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CIA Sued for Reports on Torture & Rendition


The ACLU sued the CIA for two documents: "a Senate Select Committee on Intelligence investigative report detailing the CIA's now-discontinued program of rendition, detention, torture, and other abuse of detainees, and the CIA's report in response, in which it defends those unlawful practices.

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Freedom of the Press Foundation takes over Aaron Swartz's whistleblower project
Published time: October 15, 2013 19:35
Edited time: October 16, 2013 12:07

Whistleblowers, rejoice! The Freedom of the Press Foundation is taking the helm of a secure document-submission service co-created by late computer prodigy Aaron Swartz, and wants to make it more accessible than ever.

The foundation — launched less than a year ago “to crowd-source funding for cutting-edge, independent journalism and publishing outlets” lacking mainstream support — announced early Tuesday that it has taken charge of the DeadDrop project, an endeavor announced earlier this year after the death of Swartz, a transparency advocate who co-created the system with Wired journalist Kevin Poulsen.

DeadDrop was unveiled this past May and touted at the time as being a secure-way of submitting sensitive documents to a single publication: The New Yorker. But only five months after its debut, the Freedom of the Press Foundation said it has now inherited the project from Poulsen and will try to bring it to more media outlets needed to communicate securely with sources.

In a blog post authored by the foundation's Trevor Timm and Rainey Reitman on Tuesday, they wrote that the project has been re-named SecureDrop, and within a matter of weeks it will be available to a number of journalistic outlets who've already expressed interest in getting involved.

The foundation has published the open-source instructions for SecureDrop on its website and claims “Any organization can install SecureDrop for free and can make modifications” now - not just the New Yorker.

When operating accordingly, the SecureDrop system works when an anonymous source accesses a website anonymously and provides documents to the news outlet that are encrypted and only available to select employees. Journalists and sources communicate using code words, and documents are deciphered using an air-gap computer that is never connected to the Internet.

Aaron Swartz (Photo by Phillip Stearns / flickr.com)

That isn't to say it's easy to someone without a deep computer and security knowledge to get the system and up and running, however, and that's what the foundation is offering to find help for organizations who want to use SecureDrop but might need assistance.

“Freedom of the Press Foundation will also help organizations install SecureDrop and train its journalists in security best practices to ensure the best protection for sources,” the group announced on their website.

A group of independent experts, including Jacob Appelbaum of the Tor Project and security guru Bruce Schneier, audited SecureDrop in August and have since released their findings. Their initial report revealed a number of flaws that caused concern, though, and the foundation has reportedly since begun correcting those errors.

Even before revamping the system to fix those issues, though, the security experts said the system was still “technically decent” for allowing anonymous communication between sources and journalists. Since then, the foundation says it “has made a number of updates to SecureDrop based on these findings and will be making a significant investment in continually improving the system.”

“We’ve reached a time in America when the only way the press can assure the anonymity and safety of their sources is not to know who they are,” foundation co-founder John Perry Barlow said in a statement released this week. “SecureDrop is where real news can be slipped quietly under the door.”

Timm, the group's executive director, added in a statement that “A truly free press hinges on the ability of investigative journalists to build trust with their sources.”

When the foundation was unveiled last year, it initially began processing donations and contributions to whistleblower-related groups including WikiLeaks and the Center for Public Inquiry. When the military court-martial of WikiLeaks source Chelsea Manning was conducted in de-facto secrecy, the foundation raised over $100,000 to hire stenographers so that the press could have transcriptions of proceedings that otherwise would not necessarily be made public.


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Thursday, 16 January 2014 22:39 Is Your Thermostat Spying On You? 

Is Your Thermostat Spying On You? “When left home alone, cats spend 22 percent of their time looking out of windows, 8 percent climbing chairs and 6 percent sleeping. A researcher collecting data for a pet manufacturer figured that out by fitting 50 cats with camera collars that took pictures every 15 minutes. That was four years ago. Now the animal testing phase is over: The Internet of Things is about to turn people into the equivalent of those experimental cats, with more sophisticated tracking devices. Nest, the intelligent device producer Google is acquiring for $3.2 billion, makes thermostats and smoke detectors that interact with owners' smartphones. So is there any reason to worry that the devices will track your movements while you're at home, record your behavioral patterns and share the information with Google, which will then use it for commercial purposes? After all, Google is mainly in the advertising business. In a Q&A released on the occasion of the deal announcement, Nest said this: "Our privacy policy clearly limits the use of customer information to providing and improving Nest’s products and services. We’ve always taken privacy seriously and this will not change." The real answer is less straightforward: There is no telling what products and services Nest, in partnership with Google, might decide to provide and improve in the future. The company drew Google's attention by reinventing simple devices that had not changed for decades, which is precisely the business opportunity the Internet of Things provides. In a world of 100 trillion sensors, all objects will be transformed into linked devices. Data on their use, and on people's behavior in a multitude of situations, can determine which of the devices will be the biggest sellers. Whether we want it or not, the data will be collected and used. Companies like Turnstyle Solutions in Toronto are already tracking people's physical movements using signals from their smartphones. Anyone who has Wi-Fi turned on can be tracked doing their daily routines, categorized as a "yoga-goer" or a "hipster" and used, along with others, by merchants to work out which services to offer and when. The company also provides free Wi-Fi in restaurants and bars. To join the network, a customer has to agree to the transfer of some personal data. One Turnstyle client, a restaurant owner, hired a DJ to play '80s music on Fridays after he found out most of his Wi-Fi-using customers were over 30…”

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http://boingboing.net/2014/09/13/radica ... w-nin.html

Radical Librarianship: how ninja librarians are ensuring patrons' electronic privacy

Librarians in Massachusetts are working to give their patrons a chance to opt-out of pervasive surveillance. Partnering with the ACLU of Massachusetts, area librarians have been teaching and taking workshops on how freedom of speech and the right to privacy are compromised by the surveillance of online and digital communications -- and what new privacy-protecting services they can offer patrons to shield them from unwanted spying of their library activity.

It's no secret that libraries are among our most democratic institutions. Libraries provide access to information and protect patrons' right to explore new ideas, no matter how controversial or subversive. Libraries are where all should be free to satisfy any information need, be it for tax and legal documents, health information, how-to guides, historical documents, children's books, or poetry.

And protecting unfettered access to information is important whether that research is done using physical books or online search engines. But now it has become common knowledge that governments and corporations are tracking our digital lives, and that surveillance means our right to freely research information is in jeopardy.

When you know that people are recording what you are doing online or if you know cops, the FBI, the DEA, or ICE could access your library or digital history, chances are you are not going to say or research what you might otherwise. Self-censorship ensues because surveillance chills speech.
Library Patrons Are At Risk
Researching online often means leaving a trail of information about yourself, including your location, what websites you visited and for how long, with whom you chatted or emailed, and what you downloaded and printed. All of these details are all easy to associate with a particular computer user when insufficient privacy protections are in place.

This information is often thoughtlessly collected and stored, allowing government or law enforcement to make requests for library computer records. Meanwhile, companies may already have these records and use them to manipulate your search results and refine their contextual advertising. Worse a government may assert that users have "no reasonable expectation of privacy" when we "hand over" information to companies like Google and Twitter, and thus no constitutional protection against a government's searching of these records.

But libraries need not fully participate in this surveillance; libraries can strive to give users the chance to opt-out.
Librarians Take Action
One of the authors of this article, Alison Macrina, is an IT librarian at the Watertown Free Public Library in Massachusetts, a member of Boston's Radical Reference Collective, and an organizer working to bring privacy rights workshops to libraries throughout the northeast. Librarians know that patrons visit libraries for all kinds of online research needs, and therefore have a unique responsibility in helping keep that information safe. It's not just researchers who suffer; our collective memory, culture, and future are harmed when writers and researchers stop short of pursuing intellectual inquiry.

In addition to installing a number of privacy-protecting tools on public PCs at the Watertown library, Alison has been teaching patron computer classes about online privacy and organized a series of workshops for Massachusetts librarians to get up to speed on the ins and outs of digital surveillance.

It all started with a zine Alison and some cohorts from Radical Reference made as a quick and dirty introduction to basic privacy and security tools. These zines were distributed at two conferences for information professionals: Urban Librarians Unite and Radical Archives.

The zines were a huge hit, and from there, Alison was inspired. She contacted the ACLU of Massachusetts, and invited them to join her in teaching privacy workshops to other librarians all over the state. It was an obvious choice: the ACLU of Massachusetts' Technology for Liberty project has done ground-breaking work on privacy, and the privacysos.org website and blog (run by Kade Crockford) is an incredible resource for privacy news, legislation, and advocacy.

Jessie Rossman, ACLU staff attorney, and Kade Crockford, Director of the Technology for Liberty Project at the ACLU of Mass., worked with Alison to create a three-hour workshop. Offering a broad outline of digital surveillance issues, the legal rights and responsibilities of librarians in Massachusetts, and an online privacy toolkit of software that can be installed on library PCs or taught to patrons in computer classes, the workshop has now been replicated multiple times and more have been scheduled across the state.
Digital Privacy is an Intellectual Freedom Issue
Although many librarians may be understandably new to the topic of online surveillance, information professionals are not new to defending intellectual freedom and the right to read and voice dissenting opinions, as well as the rights of historically marginalized people who continue to be under the most surveillance.

Librarians are known for refusing requests from local law enforcement soliciting details on user browsing and borrowing records. The ALA has counted privacy among its core values since 1939, recognizing it as essential to free speech and intellectual freedom. And the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions is a signatory on the Thirteen International Principles on the Application of Human Rights to Communications Surveillance. As Kade Crockford puts it, "Perhaps more than anyone in our society, librarians represent the values that make a democracy strong, intellectual freedom foremost among them."
Branching Out
Since attending these workshops, multiple Massachusetts libraries have installed the Tor browser on all of their public PCs. Several libraries are coordinating their own computer privacy classes. Others have installed Firefox with privacy-protecting browser plugins like Disconnect.me, Ad-Block Plus, and The Electronic Frontier Foundation's HTTPS Everywhere and Privacy Badger tools. Still more are setting up Tor middle relays on their libraries' networks. One librarian said that the workshop made her feel "thoroughly empowered...[to] help stop illegal surveillance against my patrons." Amazing.

If you're a patron, share this article with your librarian. If you're a librarian, contact us to get information on how to become more engaged in digital privacy. We've listed some great tools for you to explore and download, so please be in touch and let us know how it goes.

Contact april@eff.org to share your story or request more information, or contact macrina@riseup.net to host the privacy workshop at your library. Together, we'll protect the users and preserve our right to research and learn, unhindered by the pernicious effects of overbroad surveillance. We hope you'll join us.

(Images: ACLU; Jessamyn)

Alison Macrina and April Glaser
Published 9:29 am Sat, Sep 13, 2014
About the Author
Alison Macrina is a librarian and IT manager at the Watertown Free Public Library and an activist fighting for patron privacy rights and education in Massachusetts libraries and beyond.

April Glaser is a staff activist at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, where she focuses on net neutrality and leads community outreach on a wide range of digital rights issues, working directly with organizations and activists interested in promoting free speech, privacy, and innovation in digital spaces.

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see link for full story

Story Published: Oct 26, 2014


After years of partisan Congressional battles and political wrangling to obtain Fast and Furious documents, Judicial Watch successfully procured the Vaughn Index that lists more than 15,000 pages of Fast & Furious related documents. It also marks the first full accounting of the documents being withheld by the President from the ill-fated gun-walking scheme.

The Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) scheme claimed the life of Border Patrol agent Brian Terry in 2010 and weapons from the operation have turned up on hundreds of Mexican murder scenes. A judge denied the Department of Justice's latest request to release the index after the November elections and suggested that Attorney General Eric Holder’s department did not take the “court order seriously.” Two days after the ruling the Attorney General announced he was resigning.

Key findings in the index suggest the Attorney General was directly involved in crafting the flawed talking points and found that he may have used his wife’s and mother’s email accounts to conduct official business on more that 20 occasions, leading to speculation that the Attorney General may have been circumventing public scrutiny or violated the Federal Records Act.

Other cabinet level members of the Obama administration were forced to resign after alleged improper email account usage. Both Department of Labor Secretary Hilda Solis and Environmental Protection Agency Secretary Lisa Jackson resigned after government oversight committees determined they misused email accounts.

The Vaughn index also elucidated that the scandal elicited the attention of nearly every top official at the DOJ, ATF as well as the US Ambassador to Mexico’s office.

“Once again, Judicial Watch has proven itself more effective than Congress and the establishment media in providing basic oversight… This Fast and Furious document provides dozens of leads for further congressional, media, and even criminal investigations,” Tom Fitton of Judicial Watch said.

Repeated requests by Congress to obtain the documents from the administration produced a partisan "dog and pony show" lead by GOP Congressman Daryl Issa that netted little evidence and resulted in a rare contempt of Congress charge against an Attorney General for Mr. Holder that has yet to be resolved.

Judge John Bates ended the 16-month document delay and said no court has ever “expressly recognized” President Obama’s unprecedented executive privilege claims in the Fast and Furious matter. The judge also said voters deserved to review the documents before the November election.
After learning the news, the family of murdered Border Patrol agent Brian Terry released a statement. “We urge President Obama to cooperate with Congress and release thousands of documents outlined in the Vaughn Index. Americans deserve the truth and deserve transparency from their government in this matter.”
Judicial Watch disclosed that the Vaughn index revealed:
Numerous emails that detail Attorney General Holder’s direct involvement in crafting talking points, the timing of public disclosures, and handling Congressional inquiries in the Fast and Furious matter.
President Obama has asserted executive privilege over nearly 20 email communications between Holder and his spouse Sharon Malone. The administration also claims that the records are also subject to withholding under the “deliberative process” exemption. This exemption ordinarily exempts from public disclosure records that could chill internal government deliberations.
Numerous entries detail DOJ’s communications (including those of Eric Holder) concerning the White House about Fast and Furious.
The scandal required the attention of virtually every top official of the DOJ and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF). Communications to and from the United States Ambassador to Mexico about the Fast and Furious matter are also described.
Many of the records are already publicly available such as letters from Congress, press clips, and typical agency communications. Ordinarily, these records would, in whole or part, be subject to disclosure under the Freedom of Information Act. Few of the records seem to even implicate presidential decision-making and advice that might be subject to President Obama’s broad and unprecedented executive privilege claim.

It’s also particularly ironic that the U.S. government operated a program that allowed firearms to be “walked” across the border to Mexico and used to further more criminal acts and not be held accountable, when U.S. Marine Andrew Tahmooressi remains behind bars, in Mexico, for taking a wrong turn and admitting he had weapons in his possession.

Border Patrol shoots and kills a reportedly “rip crew” suspect over weekend

Details are emerging from a Friday shooting in which one alleged “rip crew” assailant was shot and killed by Border Patrol agents, south of Tucson in a known-drug trafficking corridor. The event is eerily similar to the death of Border Patrol Agent Terry.

“Agents recovered multiple weapons and no injuries to the agents involved have been reported,” Border Patrol spokesperson Nicole Ballistrea said. She also indicated that the search for the remaining suspects was ongoing. Agents say four suspects were involved in the shootout, that left one dead with three others escaping onto an Indian reservation near the Casino of the Sun.

The president of the Tucson Border Patrol union, Art del Cueto told the AP, “The shooting occurred as two agents conducted a standard surveillance effort known as sign cutting in which agents search for footprints in the desert.” The FBI is leading the investigation as well as CBP that will conduct an internal affairs report.

This story is developing, check back for further developments.

The Fast and Furious back -story

The Fast and Furious gun-walking saga that claimed the lives of Federal agents Brian Terry and Jamie Zapata took another extraordinary turn today. In a surprising move by the White House, President Obama invoked executive privilege to shield his Attorney General, Eric Holder, from contempt of Congress charges for his refusal to comply with Congressional subpoenas relating to the murders. Unfortunately, the President’s move to protect his long-time friend only leads to more questions.

During the last 18 months, Holder and DOJ officials have repeatedly said President Obama had no knowledge of Fast and Furious. However, if that statement were true, there would be no legal authority for President Obama to injected himself into the Fast and Furious scandal or assert executive privilege. His action now raises new concerns that Mr. Obama may have known more than he or Holder originally admitted.

“At no point in the last 18 months since I started asking questions has the Department of Justice hinted that there was a potential that the documents might be subject to executive privilege. That includes a face-to-face meeting with the Attorney General last night,” Senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said. “If it were a serious claim, the administration would have and should have raised it last night, if not much earlier."

Historically, executive privilege has been recognized as a presidential prerogative to protect national security and diplomatically sensitive issues, it has never been upheld to block the disclosure of evidence relating to criminal inquiries, as many of President Nixon’s henchmen learned in the 1970’s. [Nixon v. US. 418 US 683 707]

As cited by the Supreme Court in its 9-0 decision against President Nixon, no person is above the law.“… This presumptive privilege must be considered in light of our historic commitment to the rule of law. This is nowhere more profoundly manifest than in our view that "the twofold aim [of criminal justice] is that guilt shall not escape or innocence suffer." Berger v. United States 295 US 78, 88.”

Senator Grassley’s inquiries into the Fast and Furious whistleblower allegations were first made in January 2011 a couple of weeks after the murder of U.S. Border Patrol Agent, Brian Terry. The ATF whistleblower alleged that the government had allowed the transfer of illegally purchased weapons to criminals and that those weapons were found at Agent Terry’s murder scene. “The Department of Justice denied the allegations to Grassley for 10 months before being forced to withdraw its denial in face of evidence to the contrary,” Grassley’s statement said.

“We owe no less to the family of Brian Terry than our best effort to get to the truth,” Grassley demanded. “That has been my primary goal all along. It is what motivated the whistleblowers to risk their careers, and it is why I will continue to insist on answers.”

It’s also very important to remember that ICE Agent Jamie Zapata, along with hundreds of Mexican citizens, have been executed in Mexico by cartel members using Fast and Furious guns purchased with taxpayer money.

The Republican-led investigation has been criticized by the minority Democrats repeatedly, but the GOP and Speaker John Boehner remain united and claim the Department of Justice’s contempt citation is “an important” procedural mechanism built into the Constitution as a system of checks and balances. “Congress has a constitutional responsibility to determine what happened so that there’s accountability and this kind of disastrous government program never happens again.”

The Democrats see things differently. Publically, the Democrat leadership has called the GOP investigation a “witch hunt” and politically motivated. Senate leader Harry Reid (D-NV) says the Republican investigation lacks merit, is only partisan and hopes to win back the White House by disgracing AG Holder.
“What we just witnessed was an extreme, virtually unprecedented action based on election year politics rather than fact,” Elijah Cummings (D-Maryland) Ranking Member of the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee said after the hearing. “Even in the face of an assertion of executive privilege, the Republicans didn’t even pause to consider the law and instead decided to take this extreme step. The House has never held an Attorney General in contempt, and the only precedent for what this Committee did today was in the 1990s when then-Chairman Burton held Janet Reno in contempt. It was so extreme that even then-Speaker Newt Gingrich refused to bring it the floor for a vote. If Speaker Boehner brings this contempt citation to the floor, he will be known as one of the most extreme Speakers in history.”

Boehner’s office countered, “Until now, everyone believed that the decisions regarding Fast and Furious were confined to the Department of Justice. The White House decision to invoke executive privilege implies that White House officials were either involved in the Fast and Furious operation or the cover-up that followed," Michael Steel, the spokesman for House Speaker John Boehner said. "The administration has always insisted that wasn’t the case. Were they lying, or are they now bending the law to hide the truth?”

Yet, after countless Congressional hearings, whistle-blower statements and investigative reporting by dedicated journalists, an avalanche of facts have been placed front-and-center. The disastrous Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) Project Gunrunner investigation “Fast and Furious” gun trafficking program will now make front page of most mainstream newspapers and broaden its audience.

It’s been 18 months since the former decorated Iraq War veteran Marine-turned -Border Patrol agent lost his life at the hands of drug smuggler/rip crews using weapons that ATF purchased with taxpayer money.

Agent Terry’s family who will never hear Brian’s side of the story, have sought the truth from ATF/DOJ and really want to know- who knew what and when. Eighteen months later and the Terry family still is no closer to the truth. For those accustomed to DC politics, it is business as usual. Both parties play the same political games and both have similar outcomes. While Congress may have unleashed a circus-like hearing that makes for compelling political theater, the Terry family is left in the dark.

Nevertheless, law enforcement agencies across the country knew the results of a program like Fast and Furious were foreseeable someone would die. That’s what happens when guns “walk” into the hands of ruthless cartels- they have the propensity to kill people. Regrettably, Operation Fast and Furious successfully did exactly what it was designed to do- make headlines with the murder of a federal agent.

ATF agents have admitted time and time again that supervisors in the Phoenix office wanted to bring down the “bad guys” and make “headlines.” They did. In
fact, ATF agents in the Phoenix office also said Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was not only a part of Fast and Furious, but they too wanted to catch the “big fish.” If one looks back at the ATF press conferences, they will see ICE agents posing for pictures and talking up the flawed gun walking operation. So why has ICE escaped Congressional scrutiny?

It’s also true that this operation started under the Bush Administration with “The Southwest Border Initiative” and from that sprung “Operation Wide Receiver” another gun walking operation run by ATF in Arizona. Unlike Fast and Furious, Operation Wide Receiver worked closely with Mexican counterparts, attempted to trace weapons using RFID tracking devices embedded in the weapons and employed an aircraft to surveil and track the firearms to alleged cartels. But Operation Wide Receiver failed because cartels outsmarted law enforcement and discovered the tracking devices, allowing approximately 400 weapons into the hands of violent cartels. Also, unlike Fast and Furious, Operation Wide Receiver was shut down a short time later.

Conversely Fast and Furious involved much greater detail and left behind a significant paper trail. Arizona US Attorney Dennis Burke requested at least seven wiretap applications on behalf of ATF supervisors. Those applications exceeded 50-pages in length and it’s been alleged that they were recently leaked to Chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Darrell Issa (R-CA).

The aforementioned wire taps were approved after a Washington DC DOJ committee met to ensure ongoing investigations from other departments like the FBI, CIA, DEA and ICE did not interfere with each other or hinder ongoing operations.

At a previous hearing, Congressman Patrick Meehan (R-PA) affirmed that point by asking AG Holder directly if Fast and Furious would need approval from Organized Crime and Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDEF); the answer was “yes.”

Which brings us back to the unanimous Supreme Court ruling in Nixon v. U.S. regarding the vital importance of the “rule of law.” When AG Holder became the nation’s top law enforcer he uttered these words: “It’s about trust…transparency and the rule of law for our administration.” Yet the self-described most transparent administration in U.S. history finds itself hiding behind executive privilege. Why?

Congressman Trey Gowdy (R-SC) summed up the Obama Administration and Fast and Furious. “The President claims he knew nothing abou

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Updated: 12:00 PM ET October 28, 2014
Dallas Morning News Reporter Ignores The Facts
By Roger Stone

This past Saturday I confronted former Nixon Counsel John Dean about his true role in Watergate. Dean was a featured speaker at the Texas Book Festival, an event dominated by the Texas establishment. As you can see I listed an substantial amount of evidence and testimony that Dean himself ordered the Watergate break-in. The Daily Caller called it a "fiery exchange"

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The best non extradition countries to become invisible
by Andrew Henderson | Jun 3, 2013

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Federal courthouse expected to reopen Monday

see link for full story

Nov. 28 2014
Marshal Robert Almonte on Friday said authorities are still assessing the damage to the downtown Austin federal courthouse, one of three government properties targeted in early morning shootings, but the building is expected to reopen next week.
Almonte said the gunman, an Austin resident described by police as a white man in his 50s, fired several bullets at the top windows of the courthouse and into the guard shack behind the building at 501 West Fifth Street. FBI and Marshal’s authorities had cordoned off Fourth and Fifth streets between San Antonio and Nuec

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Colchester cop released from drug rehab

December 10 2014

see link for full story

Colchester Detective Cpl. Tyler Kinney arrives at federal court in Burlington for a hearing last month.
Colchester Police Detective Cpl. Tyler Kinney, who is facing federal heroin and gun charges, has been released from a drug treatment center in southern Vermont.

Kinney was admitted Nov. 17 to Serenity House for up to 28 days after being released from federal court on conditions by U.S. Magistrate Judge John M. Conroy.
Conroy agreed to the residential treatment plan provided Kinney successfully complete

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Anonymous attacks city website over 2010 Columbia SWAT team killing of dog, city official says
Saturday, December 27, 2014 at 12:00 am
The hacker group Anonymous has taken credit for shutting down the city of Columbia website, said Tony St. Romaine, deputy city manager. But St. Romaine acknowledged he can’t be sure the group is behind the attack.

Its motivation is the Feb. 11, 2010, Columbia Special Weapons and Tactics raid of Jonathan Whitworth’s home, St. Romaine said. The SWAT team found a misdemeanor amount of marijuana and shot two dogs in the home, killing one. Release of a video of the incident in May 2010 sparked outrage and spurred changes in police policies and procedures governing such raids.

After KOMU television reported the Anonymous connection, the station also suffered a DDOS attack that shut down its website, said Josh Kranzberg, executive producer. He said that was around 2:30 p.m. Friday. A message on KOMU’s Twitter feed said the website was to be down for 24 hours, but it was back up shortly after the tweet. Kranzberg said the information technology staff found a solution. He said he is not aware of anyone taking responsibility for the attack.

“I hope it doesn’t happen again,” Kranzberg said.

Anonymous is a loosely organized network of activist hackers. The group is known for sporting Guy Fawkes masks.

St. Romaine said city information technologies staff members were alerted around 11 p.m. Wednesday to what is known as a distributed denial of service, or DDOS, attack on the city website at gocolumbiamo.com. He said network security issued an alert that the site was under attack.

The attack flooded the website server with requests from multiple sources. The website remained offline Friday afternoon.

St. Romaine said until staff can find a way to filter out the malicious requests, all access to the website has been blocked. He said these types of attacks don’t result in the theft of information.

“We’re 100 percent sure this is a distributed denial of services attack,” St. Romaine said. No damage to the city’s systems is expected, because it’s designed to shut the website down, not to remove or destroy data.

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Idaho student receives official regrets and compensation for post-9/11 arrest


A US citizen who mentioned he was wrongly arrested when the government rounded up Muslim males after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks has settled his lawsuit against the FBI.The American Civil Liberties Union, which represented Abdullah al-Kidd in the lawsuit, announced the settlement on Friday. Beneath the terms of the settlement, the federal government supplied its regrets to the former University of Idaho student and agreed to pay him $385,000 to compensate him for damages incurred when he spent 16 days in detention facilities in 2003.“I am pleased the government has lastly acknowledged the trouble it put me by means of and has compensated me for that difficulty,” al-Kidd mentioned in a prepared statement. “I hope no a single else has to go by means of what I went through.”According to the ACLU, the letter expressing regret that the federal government sent al-Kidd as aspect of the settlement mentioned: “The government acknowledges that your arrest and detention as a witness was a difficult encounter for you and regrets any hardship or disruption to your life that may have resulted from your arrest and detention.”In his lawsuit, al-Kidd contended that he was a single of about 70 Muslim men rounded up under the material witness statute in the months right after the 9/11 attacks. The law is intended to make certain that reluctant witnesses show up for trial, but al-Kidd mentioned he fully cooperated with


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January 22 2015


Detroit cop in probe shot himself outside parents’ home

Detroit News file photo
Chief James Craig disbanded the Narcotics Section in July because of what he more
Sterling Heights — A Detroit police officer, who, according to two police sources, was being investigated by the FBI and Detroit Internal Affairs for narcotics corruption, died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound Thursday morning.

Detective James Napier, 35, of the 12th Precinct, shot himself at about 8:45 a.m., the sources said, while sitting in a car outside his parents’ home in the 34000 block of Maple Lane near 15 Mile in Sterling Heights. Two sources familiar with an investigation into corruption in the former Narcotics Section said he was one of the officers being investigated.

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Mailroom worker at FBI office in Maitland finds suspicious package
FBI office building
A mailroom worker at the FBI office in Maitland found a suspicious package around 4 p.m. today, officials said.

Mailroom worker at FBI office finds suspicious package

A mailroom worker at the FBI office in Maitland found a suspicious package around 4 p.m. Wednesday, officials said.

The building in the Maitland Center N

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see link for full story

Boing Boing
As crypto wars begin, FBI silently removes sensible advice to encrypt your devices

Thu, Mar 26, 2015

The FBI used to publish excellent advice about encrypting your devices to keep your data secure when your stuff is lost or stolen; this advice has been silently dropped now that FBI Director James Comey is trying to stop manufacturers from using crypto by default.

The FBI has joined with others, like UK Prime Minister David Cameron in calls to end the use of effective cryptography because it makes it harder to spy on people.

So, until recently, the FBI was actively recommending you encrypt your data to protect your safety -- and yet, today it's "an affront to the rule of law." Is this guy serious?

More directly, this should raise serious questions about what Comey thinks his role is at the FBI (or the FBI's role is for the country)? Is it to keep Americans safe -- or is it to undermine their privacy and security just so it can spy on everyone?

Not surprisingly, Comey pulls out the trifecta of FUD in trying to explain why it needs to spy on everyone: pedophiles, kidnappers and drug dealers:

“Tech execs say privacy should be the paramount virtue,” Comey continued, “When I hear that I close my eyes and say try to image what the world looks like where pedophiles can’t be seen, kidnapper can’t be seen, drug dealers can’t be seen.”

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Ex-Ludlow Police Lt. Thomas Foye describes descent into drug addiction at Springfield opioid symposium

Former Ludlow Police Lt. Thomas Foye speaking about his addition to pain killers at a forum on the opiate epidemic in Western Massachusetts at the U. S. Courthouse building Thursday, April 2, 2015.
on April 02, 2015 at 6:18 PM, updated April 02, 2015 at 7:53 PM

This is an update to a story first posted at 2:18 p.m.

SPRINGFIELD - Former Ludlow Police Lt. Thomas Foye looks back on his descent into drug addiction with some amazement.

Foye, 50, was in October sentenced to two years in jail for tampering with substances, two counts of possession of a class B substance (cocaine and Oxycontin) and two counts of larceny of a drug. The veteran officer was arrested for stealing drugs from the evidence room. He was arreste
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