9:12PM EDT October 7. 2012 - WASHINGTON — The nation's top drug and gun enforcement agencies do not track how often they give their informants permission to break the law on the government's behalf.
U.S. Justice Department rules put strict limits on when and how agents at the FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives can authorize their informants — often drawn from the ranks of the criminals they are investigating — to commit a crime. But both the ATF and DEA acknowledged, in response to open-records requests and in written statements, that they do not track how often such permission is given.
That routine, if controversial, tactic has come under renewed scrutiny in the wake of the bungled "Fast and Furious" gun-trafficking investigation, which allowed 2,000 weapons to fall into the hands of Mexican drug cartels and other criminals. A report by the Justice Department's Inspector General found that ATF agents failed to get authorization from their superiors before they allowed gun dealers to sell weapons to suspected cartel operatives.
The report, delivered in September, is the latest internal probe to find agents ignoring the rules. And the department continues to face accusations that its agents overlook crimes by their informants, including one case this year involving an alleged Boston mob captain who was working for the FBI.
"The way we use confidential informants is a huge aspect of the daily operation and also the legitimacy of the criminal justice system," said Alexandra Natapoff, a professor at Loyola Law School Los Angeles. "It's insane that even the law enforcement agencies that actually carry out this policy may not always know how their operatives are doing it."
The ATF and DEA said in written statements that they are "in compliance'' with the rules for using informants, and that information about crimes by individual informants is "collected at both the field division and headquarters levels." The rules do not require the agencies to tally authorizations to engage in what the department calls "otherwise illegal activity" to determine how often it happens.
The FBI, by comparison, is required to collect information on how often each of the bureau's 56 field offices allows informants to break the law, though the bureau would not release those figures. (The FBI initially said in response to a request by USA TODAY that it, too, had no reports that would indicate how often informants are allowed to commit crimes.)
"There has to be some new accountability," said Rep. Stephen Lynch, D-Mass., who introduced a bill last year to force federal law enforcement agencies to tell Congress about crimes by their informants. "There can be a big upside when informants are used and the FBI actually pulls bad people off the street. But no one is looking at the collateral damage."
Informants' work is a closely guarded secret, in large part because of the danger involved. But records suggest the government's network of cooperators is vast: In 2005, the DEA estimated it had 4,000 informants, and two years later the FBI said in a budget request that its agents had 15,000 more. DEA officials told the inspector general's office that "without confidential sources, the DEA could not effectively enforce the controlled substances laws of the United States."
As part of that work, agents have authorized their informants to do everything from buying and selling drugs to participating in Medicaid fraud rings. Agents are supposed to get supervisors' approval before they permit informants to commit even minor crimes; in more serious cases — involving violence or big drug shipments — they must also get permission from Justice Department lawyers.
The department tightened those rules a decade ago, after the FBI acknowledged that its agents had allowed accused Boston mobster James "Whitey" Bulger to run a crime ring responsible for extortion and murder in exchange for information about the mafia.
Although Project Monarch information has to date not been declassified as it is a research umbrella from DOD HUMINT control communication systems. It was revealed from my source Shalayne N. Lighty that she was an entrainment, linguist specialist working for Rockwell Collins at the time of her involvement with the program. This program was not only a continuation of old protocols that were to be improved upon from The Montauk Project but also the merging of the CIA with the Catholic church via programming lodges in the United States. These programming lodges were used to enhance generational programming sets in the chosen participants. I will list the names of these programming lodges as well as the networks and businesses associated here when I hear more from my source Shalayne N. Lighty.It is unclear whether these original agents are still loosely affiliated at this time as my source stated. Some previously used programmed HUMINT agents are being used for further entrainment claiming to receive preferential treatment if they decide to remain loyal to their handlers and agents. The house posted below was the most recently used safe house. This is the last known safe house from the original 2009 operation below at this time. It was used by agents to enhance animal/human and HUMINT breeder/sexual bonding protocols to hide the birth identity in an elaborate cover up for the CIA and NSA programming linguists to produce a HUMINT product for use years into the future. This HUMINT that was produced is currently being entrained via family to continue the Monarch Project even though it appears that the identity is unknown.HUMINT subjects are released, terminated or further entrained. There is no escape from the CIA or NSA. It is possible that they would stop under certain conditional orders but it is unknown as to why they choose to stop. Exposure is what they fear the most. If a program is stopped, these agencies will either terminate the individuals or stop the entrainment socialization process that ensues after HUMINT induction and reprogramming. Agents that have blown cover assignments are transferred or reprimanded.Shalayne N. Lighty also known at this residence as Slyvia Brown or Ms. Brown16 Slyvia StreetLexington MA, 02421
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