Recently we ran an article, based on FBI documents, about snipers targeting leaders of the Occupy movement. Readers wanted more context on the FBI’s history with protest movements. Here, therefore, is a documentary on the FBI’s Cointelpro program aimed at black activists.
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The FBI announces the launch of a website in connection with its Genocide War Crimes Program. The website solicits information from victims and others about acts of genocide, war crimes, or related mass atrocities.
The FBI recently announced the launch of a website in connection with its Genocide War Crimes Program. “Today, in an effort to raise awareness about these crimes and the FBI’s part in helping to combat them, we’re announcing the launch of our Genocide War Crimes Program website. In addition to educating the public on our role, the website solicits information from victims and others about acts of genocide, war crimes, or related mass atrocities that can be submitted to us through tips.fbi.gov or by contacting an FBI field office or legal attaché office.”
According to the article: “The global community has banded together to help prevent crimes like these and to bring to justice the perpetrators who commit them. The U.S. is part of this international effort—most recently through the creation of an interagency Atrocities Prevention Board. And the FBI supports the government’s efforts through its own Genocide War Crimes Program” (see article: Genocide and War Crimes – New Website Designed to Raise Awareness, Solicit Information http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2012/august/new-genocide-and-war-crimes-webpage/new-genocide-and-war-crimes-webpage .
Genocide is “the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.
According to FBI Special Agent Jeffrey VanNest, who heads up our Genocide War Crimes Unit (GWCU), our mission is to “systematically and methodically help track down perpetrators of genocide, war crimes, and other related atrocities – the worst of the worst -and apprehend them.”
(AllHipHop News) The case surrounding the murder of rapper Lil Phat has more twists and turns than an episode of Law and Order: SVU. The latest revelation comes in the form of video of accused killer and FBI informant Mani Chulpayuev appearing with Phat (born Melvin Vernell III) weeks before the rapper was gunned down in an Atlanta hospital parking lot in 2012.
[ALSO READ: More Details Emerge About Alleged Conspirators In Rapper Lil Phat’s Murder]
WSB got access to the footage of a television show pilot featuring Chulpayuev. In the clip the owner of a luxury car rental service can be seen introducing Phat to the camera and calling him ”one of his good customers.” The former Russian mobster claims the video is evidence that he had no ill will toward Phat and had no reason to kill him.
Authorities believe Phat was murdered in a killing-for-hire plot over stolen drugs. Four other men, including Chulpayuev’s business partner Decensae White, were also charged in Phat’s killing.
Chulpayuev is accused of providing GPS information of the car Phat was driving to the hired gunmen, but he has denied any involvement with the shooting. It was revealed last month that Chulpayuev was an active federal informant tasked with gathering information for suspected drug dealers.
[ALSO READ: Ex-Mobster Accused Of Killing Lil Phat Says He Was Working For The Feds]
“I think it also makes sense for me to offer those in training a reminder closer to our own history,” James Comey said. posted on October 28, 2013 at 1:45pm EDT
WASHINGTON — The director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation is adding a mandatory visit to the Martin Luther King Jr. memorial in D.C. to agent training, he said Monday, a move he said will be a warning “of the dangers in becoming untethered to oversight and accountability.”
“As I think about the unique balance represented by fidelity to independence on the one hand the rule of law on the other, I think it also makes sense for me to offer those in training a reminder closer to our own history,” James Comey, who was ceremonially sworn into the FBI director’s job at a ceremony at the bureau’s headquarters Monday. “I’m going to direct that all new agents and analysts also visit the Martin Luther King Memorial here in Washington.”
Comey said that the surveillance of King during his career as a civil rights leader was the “most famous” example of FBI “abuse and overreach” in the bureau’s past, and he said he hoped a visit to the memorial will help some of the FBI’s darker chapters in mind as they go about their work.
Incoming FBI agents have been ordered to visit the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum as part of their training since the Clinton administration, when then-Director Louis Freeh added the requirement to warn new agents about the dangers of government overreach.
The picture of the country's top law enforcement agency that emerges from Powers' eloquent prose reveals an organization beset by the same problems of racism that plague the rest of American society. Powers describes sheet-clad students at the FBI Academy impersonating Ku Klux Klansmen. He reports on FBI Agents in Detroit raising funds for white Detroit policemen charged with (and later convicted of) second degree murder in the death of Black motorist Malice Green. White agents on one occasion substituted the face of an ape on the photo of an African American agent's children, displayed on their Black colleague's desk.
White agents, according to Powers' narrative, urinated on photographs of President Bill Clinton and Vice President Al Gore. Powers provides eyewitness evidence of the agency's extralegal harassment of African American mayors Coleman Young (Detroit), Marion Barry (Washington, DC) and Harold Washington (Chicago).
http://www.stetsonkennedy.com/Stetson Kennedy October 5th, 1916 - August 27th, 2011
Stetson Kennedy was an author, folklorist, environmentalist, labor activist, and human rights advocate. He was also known for his infiltration of the Ku Klux Klan during the 1940s. Kennedy authored eight books, including Palmetto Country, Southern Exposure, and The Klan Unmasked.
In Kennedy's early years, he became one of the country's pioneering folklorists. As a teenager, he began gathering white and African American folklore material while he was collecting "a dollar down and dollar a week" accounts for his father, a furniture merchant. He left the University of Florida in 1937 to join the WPA Florida Writers' Project, and at the age of 21, was put in charge of folklore, oral history, and ethnic studies. While he was with the WPA, he oversaw the work of African American writer Zora Neal Hurston.
After World War II, Kennedy and another informant infiltrated the Ku Klux Klan and related white supremacist groups, exposing their secrets, helping Georgia authorities revoke the Klan's corporate charter, and testifying against a fascist Klan offshoot known as the Columbians. Kennedy made public such information as secret code words and details of Klan rituals, including a stint where he supplied Klan secrets to the writers of the Superman radio program, culminating in a series of four episodes in which Superman battled the KKK.
A founding member and past president of the Florida Folklore Society, Kennedy was a recipient of the Florida Folk Heritage Award and the Florida Governor's Heartland Award, and was inducted into the Florida Artists Hall of Fame. In addition to his passion for folklore, Kennedy has become friends with many literary giants, including Erskine Caldwell, who became so interested in his work during an essay competition, that he went on to edit Kennedy's book on Floridian folklore, Palmetto Country. While he was living in Paris in the mid 1950's, Jean Paul Sartre published his The Jim Crow Guide. Kennedy also maintained a close friendship with musician Woody Guthrie, who wrote numerous songs while staying at Beluthahatchee, Kennedy's home in Fruit Cove, FL.
Stetson Kennedy has been discovered and re-discovered by authors, young scholars, academics, film makers, and journalists alike. Until the very last days of his life, Kennedy continued to champion the causes that drove his decades of activism. His advice to young people was always to "pick a cause and stick to it." Kennedy's legacy lives on through his writings, Beluthahatchee Park, and the remarkable impact he made on all those who knew him.
By Ken Silverstein -- Harper's Magazine, November 2000
How the Southern Poverty Law Center profits from intolerance
Ah, tolerance. Who could be against something so virtuous? And who could object to the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Montgomery, Alabama-based group that recently sent out this heartwarming yet mildly terrifying appeal to raise money for its "Teaching Tolerance" program, which prepares educational kits for schoolteachers? Cofounded in 1971 by civil rights lawyer cum direct-marketing millionaire Morris Dees, a leading critic of "hate groups" and a man so beatific that he was the subject of a made-for-TV movie, the SPLC spent much of its early years defending prisoners who faced the death penalty and suing to desegregate all-white institutions like Alabama's highway patrol. That was then.
Today, the SPLC spends most of its time--and money--on a relentless fund-raising campaign, peddling memberships in the church of tolerance with all the zeal of a circuit rider passing the collection plate. "He's the Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker of the civil rights movement," renowned anti- death-penalty lawyer Millard Farmer says of Dees, his former associate, "though I don!t mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye." The Center earned $44 million last year alone--$27 million from fund-raising and $17 million from stocks and other investments--but spent only $13 million on civil rights program , making it one of the most profitable charities in the country.
The Ku Klux Klan, the SPLC's most lucrative nemesis, has shrunk from 4 million members in the 1920s to an estimated 2,000 today, as many as 10 percent of whom are thought to be FBI informants <http://www.servtech.com/~grugyn/kkk-5.htm> . But news of a declining Klan does not make for inclining donations to Morris Dees and Co., which is why the SPLC honors nearly every nationally covered "hate crime" with direct-mail alarums full of nightmarish invocations of "armed Klan paramilitary forces" and "violent neo-Nazi extremists," and why Dees does legal battle almost exclusively with mediagenic villains-like Idaho's arch-Aryan Richard Butler-eager to show off their swastikas for the news cameras.
In 1987, Dees won a $7 million judgment against the United Klans of America on behalf of Beulah Mae Donald, whose son was lynched by two Klansmen. The UKA's total assets amounted to a warehouse whose sale netted Mrs. Donald $51,875. According to a groundbreaking series of newspaper stories in the Montgomery Advertiser, the SPLC, meanwhile, made $9 million from fund-raising solicitations featuring the case, including one containing a photo of Michael Donald's corpse.
Horrifying as such incidents are, hate groups commit almost no violence. More than 95 percent of all "hate crimes," including most of the incidents SPLC letters cite (bombings, church burnings, school shootings), are perpetrated by "lone wolves." Even Timothy McVeigh, subject of one of the most extensive investigations in the FBI's history-and one of the most extensive direct-mail campaigns in the SPLC's-was never credibly linked to any militia organization.
No faith healing or infomercial would be complete without a moving testimonial. The student from whose tears this white schoolteacher learned her lesson is identified only as a child of color. "Which race," we are assured, "does not matter." Nor apparently does the specific nature of "the racist acts directed at him," nor the race of his schoolyard tormentors. All that matters, in fact, is the race of the teacher and those expiating tears. "I wept with him, feeling for once, the depth of his hurt," she confides. "His tears washed away the film that had distorted my white perspective of the world." Scales fallen from her eyes, what action does this schoolteacher propose? What Gandhi-like disobedience will she undertake in order to "reach real peace in the world"? She doesn't say but instead speaks vaguely of acting out against "the pain." In the age of Oprah and Clinton, empathy--or the confession thereof--is an end in itself.
Any good salesman knows that a products "value" is a highly mutable quality with little relation to actual worth, and Morris Dees-who made millions hawking, by direct mail, such humble commodities as birthday cakes, cookbooks (including Favorite Recipes of American Home Economics Teachers), tractor seat cushions, rat poison, and, in exchange for a mailing list containing 700,000 names, presidential candidate George McGovern-is nothing if not a good salesman. So good in fact that in 1998 the Direct Marketing Association inducted him into its Hall of Fame. "I learned everything I know about hustling from the Baptist Church," Dees has said. "Spending Sundays on those hard benches listening to the preacher pitch salvation-why, it was like getting a Ph.D. in selling." Here, Dr. Dees (the letter's nominal author) masterfully transforms, with a mere flourish of hyperbole, an education kit available "at cost" for $30 on the SPLC website into "a $325 value."
This is one of the only places in this letter where specific races are mentioned. Elsewhere, Dees and his copywriters, deploying an arsenal of passive verbs and vague abstractions, have sanitized the usually divisive issue of race of its more disturbing elements-such as angry black people-and for good reason: most SPLC donors are white. Thus, instead of concrete civil rights issues like housing discrimination and racial profiling, we get "communities seething with racial violence." Instead of racially biased federal sentencing laws, or the disparity between poor predominantly black schools and affluent white ones, or the violence against illegals along the Mexican border, the SPLC gives us "intolerance against those who are different," turning bigotry into a color-blind, equal-opportunity sin. It's reassuring to know that "Caucasians" are no more and no less guilty of this sin than African Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Hispanics. In the eyes of Morris Dees, we're all sinners, all victims, and all potential contributors.
Morris Dees doesn't need your financial support. The SPLC is already the wealthiest civil rights group in America, though this letter quite naturally omits that fact. Other solicitations have been more flagrantly misleading. One pitch, sent out in 1995-when the Center had more than $60 million in reserves-informed would-be donors that the "strain on our current operating budget is the greatest in our 25-year history." Back in 1978, when the Center had less than $10 million, Dees promised that his organization would quit fund-raising and live off interest as soon as its endowment hit $55 million. But as it approached that figure, the SPLC upped the bar to $100 million, a sum that, one 1989 newsletter promised, would allow the Center "to cease the costly and often unreliable task of fund raising. " Today, the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising-$5.76 million last year-as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses. The American Institute of Philanthropy gives the Center one of the worst ratings of any group it monitors, estimating that the SPLC could operate for 4.6 years without making another tax-exempt nickel from its investments or raising another tax-deductible cent from well-meaning "people like you."
The SPLC's "other important work justice" consists mainly in spying on private citizens who belong to "hate groups," sharing its files with law-enforcement agencies, and suing the most prominent of these groups for crimes committed independently by their members-a practice that, however seemingly justified, should give civil libertarians pause. The legal strategy employed by Dees could have put the Black Panther Party out of business or bankrupted the New England Emigrant Aid Company in retaliation for crimes committed by John Brown. What the Center's other work for justice does not include is anything that might be considered controversial by donors. According to Millard Farmer, the Center largely stopped taking death-penalty cases for fear that too visible an opposition to capital punishment would scare off potential contributors. In 1986, the Center's entire legal staff quit in protest of Dees's refusal to address issues-such as homelessness, voter registration, and affirmative action-that they considered far more pertinent to poor minorities, if far less marketable to affluent benefactors, than fighting the KKK. Another lawyer, Gloria Browne, who resigned a few years later, told reporters that the Center's programs were calculated to cash in on "black pain and white guilt." Asked in 1994 if the SPLC itself, whose leadership consists almost entirely of white men, was in need of an affirmative action policy, Dees replied that "probably the most discriminated people in America today are white men when it comes to jobs."
Contributors to Teaching Tolerance might be surprised to learn how little of the SPLC's reported educational spending actually goes to education. In response to lobbying by charities, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants in 1987 began allowing nonprofits to count part of their fundraising costs as "educational" so long as their solicitations contained an informational component. On average, the SPLC classifies an estimated 47 percent of the fund-raising letters that it sends out every year as educational, including many that do little more than instruct potential donors on the many evils of "militant right-wing extremists" and the many splendid virtues of Morris Dees. According to tax documents, of the $10. 8 million in educational spending the SPLC reported in 1999, $4 million went to solicitations. Another $2.4 million paid for stamps.
In the early 1960s, Morris Dees sat on the sidelines honing his direct-marketing skills and practicing law while the civil rights movement engulfed the South. "Morris and I...shared the overriding purpose of making a pile of money," recalls Dees's business partner, a lawyer named Millard Fuller (not to be confused with Millard Farmer). "We were not particular about how we did it; we just wanted to be independently rich." They were so unparticular, in fact, that in 1961 they defended a man, guilty of beating up a journalist covering the Freedom Riders, whose legal fees were paid by the Klan. ("I felt the anger of a black person for the first time," Dees later wrote of the case. "I vowed then and there that nobody would ever again doubt where I stood.") In 1965, Fuller sold out to Dees, donated the money to charity, and later started Habitat for Humanity. Dees bought a 200-acre estate appointed with tennis courts, a pool, and stables, and, in 1971, founded the SPLC, where his compensation has risen in proportion to fund-raising revenues, from nothing in the early seventies to $273,000 last year. A National Journal survey of salaries paid to the top officers of advocacy groups shows that Dees earned more in 1998 than nearly all of the seventy-eight listed, tens of thousands more than the heads of such groups as the ACLU, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and the Children's Defense Fund. The more money the SPLC receives, the less that goes to other civil rights organizations, many of which, including the NAACP, have struggled to stay out of bankruptcy. Dees's compensation alone amounts to one quarter the annual budget of the Atlanta-based Southern Center for Human Rights, which handles several dozen death-penalty cases a year. "You are a fraud and a conman," the Southern Center's director, Stephen Bright, wrote in a 1996 letter to Dees, and proceeded to list his many reasons for thinking so, which included "your failure to respond to the most desperate needs of the poor and powerless despite your millions upon millions, your fund-raising techniques, the fact that you spend so much, accomplish so little, and promote yourself so shamelessly." Soon the SPLC win move into a new six-story headquarters in downtown Montgomery, just across the street from its current headquarters, a building known locally as the Poverty Palace.
Over the years, our approach to investigative problems in the intelligence field has given rise to a number of new programs, some of which have been most revolutionary, and it can be presumed that with a continued aggressive approach to these programs, new and productive ideas will be forthcoming. These ideas will not be increased in number or improved upon from the standpoint of accomplishments merely through the institution of a program such as COINTELPRO which is given another name and in fact, only encompasses everything that has been done in the past or will be done in the future.
Thursday, December 12,2013
Three African-American teenagers arrested and charged with disorderly conduct last week believe they were unfairly targeted by police.
The basketball players said they were waiting for a bus in Rochester, NY, to take them to a scrimmage when police asked them to leave the area. When 17-year-old Deaquon Carelock and 16-year-olds Raliek Redd and Wan’Tauhjs Weathers pushed back against the officer’s request, saying they were following instructions from their coach, police arrested them.
“You’re just downtown minding your own business and the next thing you know, anything can happen,” Carelock said in video captured by NBC station WHEC.
“We tried to tell them that we were waiting for the bus,” Weathers added. “We weren’t catching a city bus, we were catching a yellow bus. He didn’t care. He arrested us anyways.”
NEW ORLEANS (AP) - Orleans Parish District Attorney Leon Cannizzaro says his office is deferring to federal authorities and will not file any charges against an FBI agent who fatally shot a man in New Orleans in July.
Jan 9th, 2014
Wilson was enroute to a required training session at the FBI academy in Quantico, VA. When he took several vacation days to spend time with his mother in Morton, Penna. Wilson’s book “evidence withheld” describes in one of the chapters his visit to and conversation with one of the agents assigned to the media FBI office regarding the lack of security systems in the small FBI office.
Wilson was given a tour of the office including the location of files containing FBI documents. After Wilson left the media office, unconfirmed rumors have Wilson making a phone call from a gas station in Morton, Penna., to Bill Davidon, who is alleged to have organized the burglary and advising Davidon that “everything is a go.” it is also rumored that Davidon vowed to Wilson that he would disclose to no one Wilson’s role in the break-in. There is also a rumor that Wilson’s only request was to be informed as to the identity of the FBI informant involved in the king assassination should that information be discovered.
Wilson’s book “evidence withheld” deals with his role in the king assassination investigation and the withholding of evidence implicating the FBI in king’s assassination. Wilson was the subject of an investigation in 2000 by the U.S. Department of justice who concluded that Wilson’s account should be discounted as not credible. The evidence, in the form of hand written notes recovered by Wilson from the car of convicted assassin James Earl Ray, however, could not be eliminated by the U.S. Secret service laboratory as being authentic.
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