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Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #51 

first taxpayer funded FBI agents
threatened Dr King then they murdered him.

How the Southern press foiled FBI’s attempt to smear MLK


Published Nov. 25, 2014 11:52 am
Updated Nov. 25, 2014 12:17 pm
Is it possible that we have to thank the white Southern press of the 1960s – even the segregationist press – for its restraint in resisting FBI attempts to smear the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., with sexual scandal?

That question is raised, but not sufficiently developed, in a Nov. 11 New York Times piece written by Yale historian Beverly Gage. She discovered in the files of FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover an uncensored draft of what has been called the “suicide letter.” The letter was part of an elaborate effort to discredit King, who was about to receive the Nobel Peace Prize.

Based on wire taps and audio tapes, the one-page letter, supposedly sent by an outraged black citizen, described in the vivid language of the day examples of King’s marital infidelities and sexual adventures. The writer, actually an FBI agent, threatened to go public in 34 days with details of King’s affairs. “There is only one thing left for you to do,” it read near the end. “You know what it is.”

The letter is considered one of the low points in the history of the FBI. Tapping phones and bugging hotel rooms, Hoover became outraged at what he considered to be King’s moral hypocrisy. “FBI officials began to peddle information about King’s hotel-room activities to friendly members of press,” wrote Gage, “hoping to discredit the civil rights leader. To their

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Reply with quote  #52 
see link for full story

Learning from Bayard Rustin in Harlem and Beyond: An Interview with Filmmaker Bennett Singer
Posted: 11/28/2014 4:02 pm


Are there any words or images from the film, or your research, that particularly stick with you?
Before his death in 1987, Rustin requested his FBI surveillance file under the Freedom of Information Act. About 10,000 pages arrived on his doorstep, and his life partner Walter Naegle, who appears in the film and was invaluable to the project, shared the entire file with us. We quote it throughout Brother Outsider to remind people that from the official point of view of the federal government, Rustin -- and the entire civil rights movement -- was seen as subversive and un-American. The FBI repeatedly referred to Rustin as a "known sexual pervert." I also think it's chilling to consider the kind of surveillance that was conducted on Rustin -- in which the government wiretaps and monitors a citizen who is not accused of any specific crime -- in light of the revelations that Edward Snowden made about surveillance taking place today.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #53 
see link for full story

Learning from Bayard Rustin in Harlem and Beyond: An Interview with Filmmaker Bennett Singer
Posted: 11/28/2014 4:02 pm


Are there any words or images from the film, or your research, that particularly stick with you?
Before his death in 1987, Rustin requested his FBI surveillance file under the Freedom of Information Act. About 10,000 pages arrived on his doorstep, and his life partner Walter Naegle, who appears in the film and was invaluable to the project, shared the entire file with us. We quote it throughout Brother Outsider to remind people that from the official point of view of the federal government, Rustin -- and the entire civil rights movement -- was seen as subversive and un-American. The FBI repeatedly referred to Rustin as a "known sexual pervert." I also think it's chilling to consider the kind of surveillance that was conducted on Rustin -- in which the government wiretaps and monitors a citizen who is not accused of any specific crime -- in light of the revelations that Edward Snowden made about surveillance taking place today.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #54 

see link for full story


Remembering the Wades, the Bradens and the Struggle for Racial Integration in Louisville

Mon, Dec 1, 2014

This year, many in Louisville have been marking the anniversary of a touchstone event of the Civil Rights era.

It started 60 years ago when white activists, led by Carl and Anne Braden purchased a home on behalf of a young black family.

Andrew, Charlotte and Rosemary Wade stand on the front porch of their new home in Shively the day after someone hurled a rock through the front window.
Credit Al Blunk / The Courier-Journal
That act touched off weeks of racial violence and led to serious criminal charges against the activists.

Today, the neighborhood in Shively seems a most unlikely place for cross-burnings, gunfire and a dynamite attack, but that’s exactly what happened along the street over the course of several weeks in 1954.

The hostility began when an African-American family—Andrew Wade, his pregnant wife, Charlotte and their 2-year-old daughter Rosemary—moved into their new home at 4010 Rone Court.

Andrew Wade was an electrician who wanted to move his family to the suburbs but was turned down by a succession of white real estate agents, who refused to cross the illegal but still highly observed line of segregation.

In an interview from the 1980s featured in the documentary "Anne Braden: Southern Patriot," Wade recalls a piece of advice he received from agent.

"He said 'Wade, let’s be realistic—if you see a house, you like the house, regardless of where it is, get a white person if necessary if it’s in a white neighborhood to buy the house for you and transfer it to you. It’s that simple.'"

So, that’s what he did. Wade enlisted the help of acquaintances Carl and Anne Braden, left-wing activists who had been vocal in their opposition to Louisville’s housing segregation laws.

Jurors in Carl Braden's sedition trial and others look at the Wades' damaged home.
Credit Al Hixenbaugh / The Courier Journal
The transaction was completed but trouble began as soon as the Wades moved in.

"That night, they heard gunshots, and somebody was firing at the house, and Andrew says he told his wife to get down, but it didn’t hit anybody. And they looked out and there was a cross burning in the field next to them," Anne Braden recalled in the documentary.

There would more trouble in the days to come; a stone bearing a racial epithet hurled into a window, the local dairy refused to deliver milk; the Wades’ newspaper subscription canceled because the carrier wouldn’t deliver it.

Police were stationed nearby for protection, but the Wades and their white allies didn’t trust them, so they formed a committee whose members would take turns staying in the house.

One of the guards was Lewis Lubka.

"I was in the back kitchen with a gun. And when we were shot at we shot back. I was working days and helping guard the house at nights," said Lubka, the last surviving activist who's now 88 and lives in Fargo, North Dakota.

Several weeks went by and tensions seemed to ease a bit. But just after midnight on June 27, 1954:

"We was coming in and a bomb went off under the house," Lubka said.

The home was blown up with dynamite. The explosives were placed under Rosemary's room. No one was in the house at the time.

Cate Fosl is a biographer of Anne Braden and heads the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville. She said it was no secret who was responsible for this and other attacks, but:

"No indictments were returned against any of the neighbors, even though they had admitted to burning a cross and being hostile to the idea. But all of the indictments were against the whites who supported the Wades in this quest for a house," Fosl said.

Listen Listening... The story of the Wades, the Bradens and racial integration in Louisville.
Anne and Carl Braden during Carl's sedition trial in Louisville. He was convicted on December 13, 1954.
Credit Charley Darneal / The Courier-Journal
Anne and Carl Braden and the five other whites were charged with sedition, accused of hatching a Communist plot to buy the home, blow it up, touch off a race war and overthrow the Commonwealth of Kentucky.

Today, it sounds outrageous. But in an interview from the collections of the Kentucky Historical Society, Anne Braden provided some context: this happened at the confluence of McCarthyism and the Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling that outlawed school segregation.

"And I always felt that the Wades and us became lightning rods. They couldn’t get at the Supreme Court but that could get to us," Anne Braden said.

Carl Braden was convicted of sedition and spent eight months in prison.

The following year a ruling came down from the U.S. Supreme Court in a Pennsylvania case that said, in essence, sedition is a federal crime, not a state offense.

Carl Braden’s state conviction was later reversed and the charges against the other defendants were dropped.

Branded as Communist troublemakers, all the defendants had trouble finding work in the following years. Carl Braden died in 1975. Anne Braden continued her work opposing housing and school segregation.

The Wade family attempted to repair their home, but amid continuing hostility, sold the house at a loss and moved back into west Louisville, where Charlotte Wade still lives. She no longer speaks publicly about the case. Andrew Wade died in 2005.

Anne Braden, who died in 2006 at the age of 81, told the Kentucky Historical Society she had no regrets about helping the Wades buy their dream home.

"It would have been unthinkable for us to say no, because this is something we believed in. You

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #55 


December 3 2014
Cleveland officer who killed boy, 12, previously deemed unfit for duty
NATION NOW Cleveland officer who killed boy, 12, previously deemed unfit for duty
The officer who shot Tamir Rice as he held a toy gun at a recreation center last month showed a 'dangerous lack of composure' at his previous job, records show.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #56 

School teacher Andrea Pritchett founded Berkeley
She and I are both members of the National Coalition
on Police Accountability
Dan Handelman at Portland Copwatch is also a member.

Andrea just sent me this email.

Copwatch Reportback from the Berkeley Protest 12-7-2014
December 8th, 2014 — Berkeley, Berkeley PD, Excessive Force, Local Law, Militarization, News From the Streets, Occupy, Police Departments, Police State, Racism

Copwatch Reportback from the Berkeley Protest 12-7-2014

(by Andrea Prichett for Berkeley Copwatch)

I was in the streets from 10:30 pm until 2am so I can not speak to all of what happened before I got there. Following the sound of the helicopter above, I was lead to Durant and Telegraph Avenue. The crowd as of 10:15pm was approximately 800-1000 people and approximately 150 police or more.

The protest began on Saturday at 5pm at Bancroft and Telegraph and people marched through the town engaging in a series of non-violent actions and civil disobedience including a “die in” at the Public Safety Building. According to witnesses, the crowd was attacked at various points starting with the Berkeley Police Department (Public Safety Building). Without provocation, BPD officers fired smoke bombs. They shot rubber bullets at protesters. Many people sustained injuries and the crowd was very agitated.

The group stayed together and marched through the streets. Eventually, the people marched past Trader Joe’s on University and MLK, Jr. Way and some broke windows. Windows were also broken at Radio Shack and at Wells Fargo on San Pablo and University. I was told that protesters had made efforts to get onto and block the freeway and were prevented from doing so.

Protesters have since photographed the full range of less lethal munitions used including ricochet rounds, bean bags, rubber bullets and various systems for delivering tear gas into the lungs of those present. One man was struck in the back of his head by a police baton. Another man got a broken leg, possibly from being hit with a round from some “less lethal” device.

The chemical smell of tear gas was still in the air when I arrived and a friend was eager to show me where two police vans had been damaged. One had a flat tire and both large white vans had graffiti written on the side of it. While this damage could be irritating to police, it certainly would not justify the level of violence they unleashed on the crowd.

It was clear that this was a college crowd. It is likely that the spectacle of police officers from Alamada County Sheriffs, Oakland, Hayward, Pleasanton, the city of Alameda, California Highway Patrol, UC Berkeley and Berkeley police officers was enough to keep students and others on a Saturday night engaged and eager to see what the police were intending to do.

After a standoff that lasted until about midnight, police began to move. Officers from many jurisdictions were on the frontline. Oakland officers had body cameras and were clearly identified. Some officers from Hayward, Pleasanton and Berkeley were not identified by a name or number on their uniform as required by Penal Code section 830.10. (It is interesting to notice that many of the officers from various department who were holding munitions and preparing to shoot into the crowd were unidentified by badge numbers and names. This included some BPD officers).

In times of mutual aid, the host city and its policies are used as the standard for the operation. At the end of the day, Berkeley police department is responsible and accountable for the actions of the officers under its command. I witnessed various officers without badge numbers and whose behavior was a violation of policy. I observed one Alameda Police officer with a tear gas gun pointing it directly at a protester who was backing up from him and was less than 4 feet from him. Clearly, a violation of policy. Sadly, of the officers and departments I saw that night, the worst behaved were our own Berkeley cops.

At about midnight, BPD and others maneuvered protesters into a southerly position and the thick line of officers was north of them. At the command of BPD, officers began pushing the crowd south on Telegraph. BPD officers were observed using jabs into people’s stomachs, using overhead strikes and other prohibited maneuvers. The size of the crowd meant that, though cops pushed people, those people were not able to move any faster because they were surrounded by a densely packed crowd. The police panicked the crowd intentionally. There was nowhere to run for many people trapped between the violently advancing police and the dense crowd.

At some point, we were gassed by police as we were walking briskly backwards and away from the police. There was NO reason for officers to have used gas on that crowd. There had been nothing thrown at the police and things had been calming down until the police began their assault on the people. The use of gas on retreating people can not be justified by Berkeley training or policies. Not only did they violently push this crowd down the street past Whole Foods, but the repeated use of gas on a crowd that was doing what the police had asked of them is totally without justification.

They gassed us from behind and we had to keep an eye on the police while we walked because these unidentified officers with munitions made us wonder who would be the next Scott Olson. Would they shoot us in the back? The bizarre behavior of certain Berkeley cops must be addressed by the police department. They were indisciminant in their application of force. They struck people with their hands up who were backing away. These officers must be disciplined and Chief Meehan needs to be held accountable for the way he trains and disciplines his officers.

We were pushed from Durant and Telegraph to the Oakland /Berkeley border. Our right to assemble was abrogated. Our right to commit civil disobedience was denied. We went west on Ashby, then north on Shattuck. By the time we walked up Durant to Telegraph, where we had started four hours earlier there was no one cop to be seen. Our people stayed very united. Experienced activists bonded with Cal students who had just come to the protest because they were in a bar, on the street or near enough to wonder what the hell ALL those cops were for.
Thanks BPD and other agencies for making so many new radicals out of those curious students. Your actions will ensure many nights of protest to come as we protest not only for justice for Mike Brown and Eric Garner, but justice for Kayla Moore and every person in Berkeley who has been bullied by an entitled class of people who represent the Berkeley Police department.

Now, the movement needs to extend the resistance and hold these cops accountable for the way they treated students and the way they treat the people of Berkeley every day.

People of Berkeley, we need to take up local issues. We need to demand the demilitarization of the police force. No tasers! No tanks! No more money for weapons of war and training for war. We need to take our demands to the Berkeley City Council on December 16th. They need to hear from us about the issues of militarization that we have been talking about for quite some time.


Demilitarize Berkeley Police Department- No tasers! No more weapons! No more Urban shield!
Fire police who assault civilians for sport
BPD stop racial profiling
Justice for Kayla Moore-jail killer cops!

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #57 

Being the smart criminal justice consumer you already
know FBI Voter Fraud Whistleblower Leonard Gates
who was committing voter fraud for the FBI

two stories about voter fraud and media spin.
Did I mention political malpractice?



Missouri Elections Integrity Task Force meets for the first time
Posted Dec. 10, 2014 @ 1:28 pm

A new Elections Integrity Task Force convened Tuesday in Jefferson City. Organized by Missouri Secretary of State Jason Kander, the task force aims to bring together local, state and federal law enforcement and election authorities to open new lines of communication and establish best practices for responding to alleged violations in the elections process.
"[The] meeting was the first time these agencies met at the same table to coordinate efforts that will protect the integrity of Missouri’s elections," Kander said. "Together we’ve proactively defined clear roles for addressing elections-related issues, which will ensure a rapid and collaborative response to any future alleged violations."
The task force discussed the 2014 primary and general elections, and will meet each election year going forward to ensure Missouri elections remain fair, secure and accessible.
The Lake of the Ozarks area has a representative on this committee - Chief Laura Wright of the Camdenton Police Department.
Other members of the task force include:
• Secretary of State Jason Kander
• Daniel M. Nelson, Assistant United States Attorney, Western District of Missouri
• John Bodenhausen, Assistant United States Attorney, Eastern District of Missouri
• Special Agent in Charge William Woods, FBI St. Louis Office
• Special Agent in Charge Michael Kaste, FBI Kansas City Office
• Chief Darryl Forté, Kansas City Police Department
• Platte County Prosecuting Attorney Eric Zahnd
• Boone County Prosecuting Attorney Dan Knight
• Carroll County Clerk Peggy McGaugh
• Cape Girardeau County Clerk Kara Clark Summers
• Shelby County Clerk Tracy Smith


Privacy Died Long Ago
In Uncategorized on 06/03/2013 at 9:12 pm

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart of Cincinnati swears in George H. W. Bush as director of the CIA as President Gerald Ford watches. REUTERS/George Bush Presidential Library and Museum.

The great forgotten Cincinnati wiretap scandal

By Gregory Flannery

Americans no longer assume their communications are free from government spying. Many believe widespread monitoring is a recent change, a response to terrorism. They are wrong. Fair warning came in 1988 in Cincinnati, Ohio, when evidence showed that wiretapping was already both common and easy.

Twenty-five years ago state and federal courtrooms in Cincinnati were abuzz with allegations of illegal wiretaps on federal judges, members of Cincinnati City Council, local congressional representatives, political dissidents and business leaders.

Two federal judges in Cincinnati told 60 Minutes they believed there was strong evidence that they had been wiretapped. Retired Cincinnati Police officers, including a former chief, admitted to illegal wiretapping.

Even some of the most outrageous claims – for example, that the president of the United States was wiretapped while staying in a Cincinnati hotel – were supported by independent witnesses.

National media coverage of the lawsuits, grand jury hearings and investigations by city council and the FBI attracted the attention of U.S. Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vermont) and the late U.S. Sen. Paul Simon (D-Ill.).

As Americans wonder about the extent to which their e-mails, cell-phones and text messages are being monitored, they would do well to look back at a time before any of those existed. Judging by what was revealed in Cincinnati, privacy died long before anyone had ever heard of Osama bin Laden or al Q’aeda.


In 1988 Leonard Gates, a former installer for Cincinnati Bell, told the Mount Washington Press, a small independent weekly, that he had performed illegal wiretaps for the Cincinnati Police Department, the FBI and the phone company itself.

A week after the paper published his allegations, a federal grand jury began hearing testimony.

Gates claimed to have performed an estimated 1,200 wiretaps, which he believed illegal. His list of targets included former Mayor Jerry Springer, the late tycoon Carl Lindner Jr., U.S. District Judge Carl Rubin, U.S. Magistrate J. Vincent Aug, the late U.S. Sen. Howard Metzenbaum (D-Ohio), the Students for a Democratic Society (an anti-war group during the Vietnam War), then-U.S. Rep. Tom Luken (D-Cincinnati) and then-President Gerald Ford.

A second former Cincinnati Bell installer, Robert Draise, joined Gates, saying he, too had performed illegal wiretaps for the police. His alleged targets included the Black Muslim mosque in Finneytown and the General Electric plant in Evendale. Draise’s portfolio was much smaller than Gates’s, an estimated 100 taps, because he was caught freelancing – performing an illegal wiretap for a friend.

Charged by the FBI, Draise claimed he had gone to his “controller” at Cincinnati Bell, the person who directed his wiretaps, and asked for help. If he didn’t get it, he said, he’d tell all. When the case went to federal court, Draise didn’t bother to hire an attorney. He didn’t need one. In a plea deal, federal prosecutors dropped the charge to a misdemeanor. Found guilty of illegal wiretapping, his sentence was a $200 fine. The judge? Magistrate J. Vincent Aug.

If Gates and Draise had been the only people to come forward, they could easily be dismissed as cranks – disgruntled former employees, as Cincinnati Bell claimed. But some police office officers named by Gates and Draise confirmed parts of their allegations, insisting, however, that there were only 12 illegal wiretaps. Other officers not known to Gates and Draise also admitted to illegal wiretaps. Some of the officers received immunity from prosecution in exchange for their testimony. Others invoked their Fifth Amendment right not to incriminate themselves.

“Due to the turbulent nature of the late ’60s and early ’70s, wiretaps were conducted to gather information,” said a press release signed by six retired officers. “This use began in approximately 1968 and ended completely during the Watergate investigation.”

The press release, whose signers included former Police Chief Myron Leistler, listed 12 wiretaps, among them “a black militant in the Bond Hill area” and a house on either Ravine or Strait streets rented by “the SDS or some other radical group.”

The retired cops’ lawyer said there were actually three Cincinnati Bell installers doing illegal wiretaps, but declined to identify the third.

The retired officers denied knowledge of “any wiretaps involving judges, local politicians, prominent citizens and fellow law enforcement officers or city employees.”

Getting rid of Aug

Others had that knowledge, however.

Howard Lucas, former security chief at the Stouffer Hotel downtown, said he caught Gates and three cops trying to break into a telephone switching room shortly before President Gerald Ford stayed at the hotel.

“I said, ‘Do you have a court order?’ and they all laughed,” Lucas told the Mount Washington Press.

The four men left. But they returned.

“A couple days later, in the back of the room, I found a setup, a reel-to-reel recorder concealed under some boxes,” Lucas said.

Ford stayed at the Stouffer Hotel in July 1975 and June 1976 – two years after the Watergate scandal, when Cincinnati Police officers claimed the bugging ended.

Then there was the matter of a former guard at the U.S. Courthouse downtown. He said he had found wiretap equipment there in 1986 and 1987, just a year before the wiretap scandal broke.

“I heard conversations you wouldn’t believe,” he said. “I heard a conversation one time. they were talking about getting rid of U.S. Magistrate Aug.”

The wiretapping started with drug dealers and expanded to political and business figures, according to Gates. In 1979, he testified, he was ordered to wiretap the Hamilton County Regional Computer Center, which handled vote tabulations. His handler at the phone company allegedly told Gates the wiretap was intended to manipulate election results.

“They had the ability to actually alter what was being done with the votes. … He was very upset through some of the elections with a gentleman named Blackwell,” Gates testified.

J. Kenneth Blackwell is a former member of Cincinnati Council, and 1979 was an election year for council.

Something went wrong on Election Night, Gates testified. His handler at the phone company called him.

“He was panicking,” Gates testified. “He said we had done something to screw up the voting processor down there, or the voting computer.”

News reports at the time noted an unexpected delay in counting votes for city council because of a computer malfunction.

Cincinnati Bell denied any involvement in illegal wiretapping by police or its own personnel. Yet police officers, like Gates, testified the police received equipment – even a truck – and information necessary to effectuate the wiretaps. The owners of a greenhouse in Westwood even came forward, saying the police stored the Cincinnati Bell truck on their property.

‘Say it louder’

Gates claimed that his handler at Cincinnati Bell repeatedly told him the wiretaps were at the behest of the FBI. He named an FBI agent who, he said, let him into the federal courthouse to wiretap federal judges.

Investigations followed – a federal grand jury, which indicted no one; a special investigator hired by city council, the former head of the Cincinnati FBI office; the U.S. Justice Department, sort of.

U.S. Sen. Paul Simon asked then-Attorney General Richard Thornburgh to look into the Cincinnati wiretap scandal. Federal judges, members of Congress and even the president of the United States had allegedly been wiretapped. Simon’s effort went nowhere. His press secretary told the Mount Washington Press that it took three months for the Attorney General to respond.

“The senator’s not pleased with the response,” Simon’s press secretary said. “It didn’t have the attorney general’s personal attention, and it said Justice (Department) was aware of the situation, but isn’t going to do anything.”

The city of Cincinnati settled a class-action lawsuit accusing it of illegal wiretapping, paying $85,000 to 17 defendants. It paid $12,000 to settle a second lawsuit by former staffers of The Independent Eye, an underground newspaper allegedly wiretapped and torched by Cincinnati Police officers in 1970.

Cincinnati Bell sued Leonard Gates and Robert Draise, accusing them of defamation. The two men had no attorneys and represented themselves at trial. Hamilton County Common Pleas Judge Fred Cartolano refused to let the jury hear testimony by former police officers who had admitted using Gates and Draise and Cincinnati Bell equipment. In a 4-2 vote, the jury ruled in the phone company’s favor, officially adjudging the two whistleblowers liars.

During one of the many hearings associated with the wiretap scandal, an FBI agent was asked what the agency would do if someone accused the phone company of placing illegal wiretaps. He testified the FBI would be powerless; it needed the phone company to check for a wiretap.

“It would go back to Bell,” the agent testified. “We would have no way of determining if there was any illegal wiretapping going on.”

The FBI agent was the person Gates had accused of opening the federal courthouse at night so he could wiretap federal judges.

One police sergeant offered no excuses for the illegal wiretapping. Asked why he didn’t bother with the legal niceties, such as getting a warrant, as required then by federal law, he said, “I didn’t deem it was necessary. We wanted the information, and went out and got it.”

At one point, covering the scandal for the Mount Washington Press, I received a phone call from a sergeant in the Cincinnati Police Department. He invited me to the station at Mount Airy Forest, where he proceeded to wiretap a fellow police officer’s phone call. I listened as the other officer talked to his wife.

“Say hello,” the sergeant told me.

I did. There was no response.

“Say it louder,” the sergeant said.

I did. No response.

“You can hear them, but they can’t hear you,” the sergeant said. “Any idiot can do a wiretap. You know that’s true because you just saw a policeman do it.”

Privacy is dead. Its corpse has long been moldering in the grave.

DOJ and FBI - TheLandesReport.com
Why won't the Department of Justice (DOJ) investigate electronic vote fraud? ... The Cincinnati Bell-FBI scandal: Leonard Gates, a Cincinnati Bell employee for 23 .... Another Cincinnati Bell employee, named Bob Draise, admitted to being ...

election wire-tap alleged - Vote Fraud
Leonard Gates, a 23-year Cincinnati Bell employee until he was fired in 1986, ... computer program through the FBI that gave it access to the county computer used ... The commercial also features former Bell employee Robert Draise, who was ...

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #58 

see link for full story


DECEMBER 11, 2014

Who will Protect and Defend Black Life?
The Black Panthers Had the Right Idea
It’s kind of fitting that police officers Darren Wilson and Daniel Pantaleo, murderers of Mike Brown in Missouri and Eric Garner in New York, were cleared of criminal wrong-doing in the last several weeks. The eruption of protest, activism and organizing in response to the (bad) decisions of legal bodies to not hold these officers accountable for their crimes has occurred at a time of special significance for the legacy of the Black Panther Party (BPP).

October 15th saw the 48th anniversary of the birth of the BPP in Oakland, CA. Originally named the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, the BPP had a self-defense strategy against the brutal terror of the police. The strategy unashamedly and unapologetically maintained that Black people have human rights that are to be respected, including the right of armed self-defense, and BPP members had a right to intervene with those arms if necessary when law enforcement – those touted as the ones whose job was allegedly to protect and serve – violated those rights. In Los Angeles, the month of October also saw the deaths of Ronald and Roland Freeman, brothers who were co-founders and leading members of the Southern California Chapter of the Black Panther Party. Ronald and Roland, who were born one year apart and died one week apart, were also survivors of the Dec. 8, 1969 shootout with the Los Angeles Police Department’s SWAT team on 41st Street and Central Avenue. The pre-dawn attack, the SWAT team’s first major engagement, lasted 5 hours and saw 13 members of the BPP stand trial for attempted murder of police officers. All 13 of the Panthers would eventually be acquitted of all charges in December, 1971 due to the illegal actions of the LAPD.

One day after the New York grand jury failed to indict Pantaleo (Dec. 4) came the 45th anniversary of the murders of Mark Clark and Fred Hampton by Chicago Police. The pre-dawn “shoot in” was the result of collusion between the local police, the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Illinois State’s Attorney’s office to neutralize Hampton and the work of the Illinois Panther Party.

Images from films and popular culture saturate our consciousness of stern-looking, black leather-jacketed and black beret-wearing young men (predominantly) holding shotguns, some with bandoliers strapped across their chest. Those images are intended to instill fear and, in today’s climate, a bit of incredulousness. Along with those images are the mischaracterizations and outright lies that the BPP wanted to kill whites and police officers. Racist white police officers – overzealous in the performance of their “duties” – often bore the brunt of the Panthers’ strategy but the BPP understood it was not about individual officers but a system that allowed...


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Reply with quote  #59 


Lawyers lie down in the rain to protest killings by police
Joseph Serna
More than 100 lawyers, law students and others stage a 'die-in' outside a downtown Los Angeles courthouse, arguing that the legal system in which they operate is broken.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #60 
see link for full story



Dec 19, 2014

The contents of your pocket gleam up at you from the Newport, Rhode Island sidewalk like a sarcastic wink. You sit on the curb, surrounded by police cars, cuffs slicing your wrists, passersby whispering. You've told the cops you're an FBI agent.

You are, of course, black.

You've heard folks say, "If black folks would just take responsibility, stop blaming slavery, maybe they wouldn't be getting arrested and killed in the numbers they are." But how much more personal responsibility can you take? You grew up without a dad and still became an undercover FBI agent.

After the above incident, M. Quentin Williams, author of the upcoming "A Survival Guide: How Not to Get Killed by the Police," went on to become a federal prosecutor, then in-house counsel for the NFL and NBA.

How much more responsibility could Professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr. have taken -- beyond becoming one of the world's pre-eminent intellectuals -- that would have stopped officers arresting him at his own front door?

How much more responsibility could President Barack Obama have taken -- beyond making history and achieving policy goals unrealized by his white predecessors -- that would stop some people from portraying him with a bone through his nose and calling him a terrorist?

Where was St. Louis County Prosecutor Bob McCulloch's personal responsibility to say, "call a prosecutor from the other side of the state to build the case against a local officer?" Where was the personal responsibility of Officer Daniel Pantaleo to stop choking Eric Garner when he kept saying he couldn't breathe? Why did he arrest him for the finable offense of selling loose cigarettes, or "loosies?"

It's racism, whether we want to admit it as a society or not, that says: "It's legal to kill unarmed black men." The people marching aren't making it up. This is real.

I know because I'm married to a black man. A man, who numerous times, has had an officer's gun on him, though he attended Harvard and has never been accused of committing a crime.

The impunity with which officers (and even members of the neighborhood watch) can brutalize and kill black people reeks of the past. I can't sleep thinking my mixed-race girls will grow up in a society that values their lives less than mine.

Still, I have friends and family who are officers. I see what they sacrifice to serve. I respect them and I need their protection. We have nowhere to go if each side paints the other with a broad and tainted brush. Dialogue is the only way forward. So I spoke to Williams, as well as to a white officer, Graham Campbell, a high school classmate of mine who became an NYPD officer in Harlem.

Campbell vouches convincingly for the vast majority of officers: "In the Academy, my lieutenant said to us: 'Ten percent of you are born to be officers. For 80%, this is a job. Ten percent of you are criminals.' "

Quentin Williams corroborates this: "Ninety-nine-point-nine percent of cops are good." He adds a caveat: "But there are bad cops, like in any other profession. You should be able to indict a bad officer. With video evidence, you (should) get an indictment probably 100% of the time."

"I don't think he meant to kill Eric Garner," Campbell says. "Guys say they can't breathe all the time, especially if there's a crowd. It's a tactic."

This difference in perception makes me curious: Is there racial tension within the police force itself? Campbell states, "There's no silent war between races on the job."

Williams parses the matter: A few minority officers "might put their heads in the sand, but from my experience, a vast majority understand the issues very well" and they're very concerned. But minority officers have to approach these issues with "some sensitivity" for fear of being "accused of using the 'race card,' " he said.

Campbell admits that occasionally, he would hear casual use of the word "animals." He elaborates: "No matter where you work, you're going to end up resenting that community because you play referee far more often than you end up playing police officer."

He adds: "There are criminal cops. I wouldn't hesitate to report them: Cops who abuse, cops who steal and do drugs. But a cop who ends up spinning scenes up? I might not want him at my crime scene ... but I'm not going to ask him to be indicted."

But isn't it criminal to lose control to the point of killing an unarmed citizen? Not indicting officers who kill the civilians they've vowed to protect sends a message that they're above the law they've sworn to enforce. To make matters worse, when black people protest injustice, they're further vilified.

The night of McCulloch's announcement of the Grand Jury decision, Campbell posted on Facebook that Ferguson dispatch said a white male with a flag bandana had set fire to a police car. Meanwhile, on the news, all I saw were images of black kids walking up to convenience stores with uncertain intent. Campbell acknowledges that the white male could have set fires to frame black protestors. We'll never know. The point is, white people overwhelmingly get the benefit of the doubt from our society, while black people's benefit to society gets doubted.

When pressed if he thinks profiling exists, Campbell replies, " If anything, it looks like white folks get the benefit of much more discretion. If you got locked up, you could have your parents call a high-powered attorney to get you out. ... Whereas if you're locked up in the bullpen with a public defender," it's a diferent story.

A racial double standard exists in policing practices. According to ProPublica, black men are 21 times more likely to be killed by police than white men. White America must face how its own prejudices inform whom they perceive as criminals and whom as victims.

Campbell nails the heart of where white and black America diverge: "In these discussions we don't have: 'If I stop a black guy on a drug block because I think he's buying, and he wasn't doing anything, it wounds his soul.' This is me doing my job. I don't think about the im

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Black Women who were Lynched in America | Henrietta Vinton ...

August 1, 2008 by Henrietta Vinton Davis ..... Belle Hathaway, John Moore, Eugene Hamming, and “Dusty” Cruthfield were in jail after being charged with ...... In 1991, Clinton Adams, a witness to the murders, told his story to the FBI

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U.S. cops kill at 100 times rate of other capitalist countries

But participation in reporting homicides to the FBI by police and sheriff's departments is voluntary. Of approximately 18,000 police agencies, only about 800 ...

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How the FBI Conspired to Destroy the Black Panther Party
The assassination of BPP leader Fred Hampton 44 years ago was just the beginning.
On Dec. 4, it will have been 44 years since a select unit of 14 Chicago police officers, under the direction of Cook County State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan, executed a predawn raid on a West Side apartment that left Illinois Black Panther Party (BPP) leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark dead, several other young Panthers wounded and seven raid survivors arrested on bogus attempted murder charges. Though Hanrahan and his men claimed there had been a shootout that morning, physical evidence eventually proved that in reality, the Panthers had only fired a single shot in response to approximately 90 from the police.
In the wake of the raid, Illinois BPP Minister of Defense Bobby Rush stood on the steps of the bullet-riddled BPP apartment and declared that J. Edgar Hoover and the Federal Bureau of Investigation were responsible for the raid. At the time, Rush had no hard proof to back up his claims. Over the course of the next eight years, however, activists and lawyers, myself included, would eventually discover the truth: The FBI had, in fact, played a central role in the assassinations, and Hanrahan’s initial lies were only the top layer of what proved to be a massive cover-up.
The first evidence to support Rush’s allegation surfaced in March 1971, when a group of anonymous activists who called themselves the “Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the FBI” broke into a small FBI office in Media, Pa. to expropriate more than 1,000 documents. In doing so, the Commission exposed the FBI’s “COINTELPRO” program, a secret counterintelligence program created to, as the L.A. Times put it in 2006, “investigate and disrupt dissident political groups in the United States.“ According to the Commission’s purloined documents, Hoover had directed all of the Bureau’s offices to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit and otherwise neutralize” African-American organizations and leaders, including the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Nation of Islam, Martin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown.
Two years later, it was publicly revealed in an unrelated case that Chicago Black Panther Party Chief of Security William O'Neal was a paid informant for the FBI. At the time, I was a young lawyer working with my colleagues at the People’s Law Office on a civil rights lawsuit we had filed on behalf of the Hampton and Clark families and the survivors of the December 4th raid. We quickly subpoenaed the Chicago FBI’s Black Panther Party files. In response, the FBI produced a small number of documents that included a detailed floor plan of the BPP apartment specifically identifying the bed where Hampton slept, which O’Neal had supplied to Hanrahan before the raid by way of his FBI control agent.
For the following two years, we focused on unearthing further details about the FBI's involvement in the conspiracy and sought the Chicago office's COINTELPRO file in order to establish a direct link between the FBI's program and the raid. When the government would not produce the file—and District Court Judge Joseph Sam Perry refused to compel them to do so—we turned to the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations for help.
A staff member of the Committee, which was created in the wake of the Watergate scandal to investigate rampant abuses by all United States intelligence agencies, including the FBI, informed us in late 1975 that there were several documents in the Chicago office definitively establishing the link we sought. Armed with this information, we were able to persuade Judge Perry, who had previously declared those documents irrelevant after privately reviewing them, into ordering the FBI to produce the file. And just as the Select Committee had promised, the documents revealed the FBI's efforts to foment violence against Fred Hampton and the Chicago Panthers. One document, dated Dec. 3, 1969, specifically classified the anticipated raid on the West Side apartment as part of the COINTELPRO program.
In January of 1976, our team embarked on what would turn out to be one of the longest civil trials in federal court history. Two months in, O'Neal's FBI control agent, Roy Mitchell, blundered on the witness stand and inadvertently indicated that the FBI had not actually produced all of the Chicago Black Panther files Judge Perry, likely not knowing what was about to happen, ordered that they do so. The next day, a shaken Justice Department supervisor wheeled into court shopping carts, on which were stacked almost 200 volumes of FBI files on the BPP.
The government spent the next two weeks producing several volumes of d


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see link for full story


Florida Police Were Caught Using The Worst Possible Pictures for Target Practice
Tom McKay's avatar image By Tom McKay January 15, 2015 SHARETWEET
Florida police have some tough questions to answer after a group of National Guardsmen made a galling discovery at a local shooting range.

NBC 6 reports that cops in North Miami Beach were caught using photographs of real people for target practice. All of them were "mug shots of African American men," at least one of which belonged to a suspect that had previously been arrested by the department.

The background: National Guard troops discovered the practice when they entered the City of Medley-owned Medley Firearms Training Center to find bullet-riddled targets of black men apparently left by a group of North Miami Beach Police snipers.

Sgt. Valerie Deant told NBC that she was left "speechless" after finding one of the targets was her brother Woody Deant, who had been arrested and sentenced to four years of jail in 2000 for involvement with a illegal drag race that killed two people. Woody Deant was outraged.

"Now I'm being used as a target?" he told NBC. "I'm not even living that life according to how they portrayed me as. I'm a father. I'm a husband. I'm a career man. I work 9-to-5."

North Miami Beach Police Chief J. Scott Dennis said using real faces was necessary for facial recognition drills and added that "there is no discipline forthcoming" for any officers involved. Chief Dennis added that he was "very, very concerned" about the inclusion of an actual resident of North Miami Beach, but said that the agency used similar sheets of all-Hispanic or all-white targets.

However, NBC spoke with federal, state and five local law enforcement agencies and discovered all used commercially-produced targets (typically computer-generated) rather than printed mugshots.

"The use of those targets doesn't seem correct," retired FBI agent Alex Vasquez told NBC. "The police have different options for targets. I think the police have to be extra careful and sensitive to some issues that might be raised."

Why you should care: With tensions between police and minorities rather heated right now, it's more than a little suspect that out of all the options available to Miami Beach's police-sniper community, they chose to print out and shoot at targets of real young black men.

Evidence heavily suggests that officers are quicker to shoot at African-American suspects than those of other races, while federal data likely only captures a fraction of local police killings. CNN/ORC polls have found that just one quarter of non-whites think "none or almost none" of their local police are prejudiced against blacks, while just 21% think that the criminal justice system treats whites and blacks equally.

Another USA Today poll released in August 2014, hot on the heels of the Michael Brown shooting, found that 9 out of 10 African-Americans "say the polic

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Florida Army National Guard Sgt. Valerie Deant was reduced to tears Saturday after she arrived at a firing range and found that target photos left behind by a local police sniper team were live mug shots, including a photo of her brother.

The North Miami Beach, Fla., Police Department is under fire after a woman

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Stockton police fired more than 600 rounds at SUV, attorney says

January 20 2015

Law and Justice Crime
A lawyer for a woman killed in shootout between Stockton cops, robbers says city won't take responsibility

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Racial gap in local, US arrest rates: 'Staggering disparity'
WCNJanuary 20 2015
More than half of the people Dearborn police arrested in 2011 and 2012 were black, ac

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Memphis Jury say FBI agents assassinated MLK


The Martin Luther King Conspiracy Exposed in Memphis ...
Apr 5, 2010 - The Martin Luther King Conspiracy Exposed in Memphis. By Jim Douglass. April 5 ... unknown co-conspirators," Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was ...
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To build relationships: FBI Milwaukee Division launches “Adopt-A-School” program at MLK School


JANUARY 21, 2015, — To build relationships and trust between young people and law enforcement officials, the FBI has launched an “Adopt-A-School” program.

On Wednesday, January 21st, Robert Shields, Special Agent in Charge of the Milwaukee Division of the FBI joined Dr. Marcus L. Arrington — principal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (MLK) School for the launch of the FBI’s Adopt-A-School Program for middle school students.

The Adopt-A-School Program is a nationwide initiative that puts FBI special agents and staff members in local schools building relationships and trust between youth and law enforcement. The FBI Milwaukee Division worked with Milwaukee Public School officials in designating MLK School for the 15-week Junior Special Agent program, January 21st through April 29th, 2015.

Throughout the program, FBI representatives will talk to students about the history and mission of the FBI, reinforce basic academic principles, help students practice responsible behavior, Internet safety, and encourage them to stay away from drugs and violence.

“The FBI is honored to work with MLK School on this new partnership. The goal of the Adopt-A-School Program is to have a positive impact on the lives of students today and the decisions they make for their futures, reinforcing good choices and setting goals,” SAC Shields said.

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Moyers, Johnson, and King
Feb 2, 2015


The film Selma, which chronicles the pivotal battle in the civil rights movement, is currently in theaters and has even garnered an Academy Award nomination for Best Picture. The film has an unlikely critic, however—PBS host and former White House aide to Lyndon Johnson Bill Moyers. Moyers accuses the film of an “egregious and outrageous portrayal [of Lyndon Johnson’s conduct] that is the worst kind of creative license.” Specifically, Moyers is upset that the film suggests LBJ was behind Coretta Scott King receiving a recording of her husband having sex with another woman.
As an icon of the American left, Bill Moyers is unlikely ever to be held accountable for the sins he committed as Lyndon Johnson’s White House hatchet man. Nonetheless, we never fail to be amazed at Moyers’s arrogance and willingness to wade into civil rights debates given his own participation in the Johnson administration’s persecution of Martin Luther King Jr. The Weekly Standard’s own Andrew Ferguson first dragged Moyers’s misdeeds back into the light two decades ago in the New Republic:
As the campaign against King progressed, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover routinely forwarded to the White House summaries of the King wiretaps, which were placed not only in King’s home and office but also in his hotel rooms around the country. The summaries covered not only King’s dealings with associates but also his sexual activities. After receiving one such summary, Moyers instructed the FBI to disseminate it widely throughout the executive branch, to Dean Rusk, Robert McNamara, Carl Rowan, and many others. Moyers was also aware at the time of Hoover’s efforts to leak the King material to the press.
Story continues below

That wasn’t the full extent of it. In 2009, the Washington Post reported that Moyers had also made inquiries regarding the sexual preferences of Jack Valenti and others working in the White House. When the Post asked about these allegations, it reported: “Moyers said by e-mail yesterday that his memory is unclear after so many years.”
Moyers’s reputation in the LBJ White House at the time was such that veteran journalist Morley Safer had this to say in his memoir: “I find it hard to believe that Bill Moyers would engage in character assassination. .  .  . But I co

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Also looming is a $5 million defamation lawsuit against Johnson Publishing and a freelance writer filed in August by a Georgia FBI agent and his wife, claiming a series of articles that ran in Ebony magazine falsely implicated their sons in the death of a high school classmate.

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News 19.12.2014 18:03 | updated 8.1.2015 15:28
Finnish police fired guns only six times in 2013
Chief Inspector Jukka Salminen says that the Finnish Police use guns very infrequently on a comparative scale. Last year in Finland, the police fired their weapons in an official capacity a total of six times.

Finnish Police fired their guns on duty only six times in 2013, reports the Finnish news agency STT.

“The Finnish Police respond to slightly more than one million different kinds of emergency situations per year, so in light of this fact, it is very rare that we resort to using firearms,” says Jukka Salomaa, an instructor in the use of force and strategies of engagement at Finland’s Police University College.

The UK magazine The Economist reported in August that British police officers fired their weapons three times in total in 2013. In 2012 the figure was just one.

The high-profile shooting case of Michael Brown, an 18-year-old unarmed African-American, by a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, has generated headlines around the world that show civilians in the US are far more likely to be killed by police than in the rest of the world.

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Kendrick Johnson's parents go on trial for protest


Jan 27, 2015 11:11 AM EST

- Opening statements were slated to begin Tuesday in the trial of seven relatives of Kendrick Johnson, the Georgia teen found dead inside a rolled-up gym mat in his high school two years ago.

Johnson's parents, Jacquelyn and Kenneth Johnson, along with 5 other family members, are facing charges of civil disobedience for allegedly unlawfully blocking access to government property when they held a protest at the entrance of the Lowndes County Judicial Complex in April 2013.

Each of the seven defendants could reportedly face up to a year in prison and/or a $1,000 fine. They have all pleaded not guilty, according to their lawyer, Chevene King.

King said the protest was part of an effort to obtain official findings pertaining to the death of the 17-year-old Johnson.
"It wasn't until seven days after that protest that the Lowndes County Sheriff's Department released the investigative file of the teen's death," said King.

The Lowndes County Sheriff's Office ruled Johnson's January 10, 2013 death was a freak accident, saying he fell head-first into an upright mat in the gymnasium at Lowndes High School while trying to retrieve a shoe, and became trapped. An autopsy conducted by the Georgia Bureau of Investigation agreed, citing asphyxiation as the cause of death.

Johnson's family, however, insisted there was foul play involved and had their son's body exhumed for a second autopsy. It was then that a private pathologist concluded the teen died of blunt force trauma to the neck and said his organs were missing and the teen's body had been stuffed with newspaper.

Since then, Johnson's family and their attorneys have zeroed in on two brothers - the sons of a local FBI agent - who the family contends were on campus when Johnson was last seen alive, and who they say had motive to harm their son since one of the brothers had previously been in a fight with Johnson on a school bus about a year before his death.

The Lowndes County Sheriff's Department has stood by its finding that Johnson's death was accidental and maintains at least one of the brothers was not on campus when Johnson was last seen alive, and the other was in another part of the building. No charges have been brought in the case.

In October 2013, U.S. Attorney Michael Moore initiated a federal probe into Johnson's death. Moore said last week that the investigation has "proven more complicated and taken longer" than he had anticipated.

Johnson's parents have several lawsuits pending related to their son's death. Earlier this month, they filed a $100 million lawsuit alleging the local FBI agent encouraged his sons to "violently assault" the teen, leading to his death. The suit names a total of 38 defendants, including several officials with the Georgia Bureau of Investigation, the Valdosta Police Department, the city of Valdosta, the Lowndes County Sheriff's Department and the Lowndes County School District, all of whom the parents allege conspired to cover-up their son's murder.

Brice Ladson, an attorney for the FBI agent and the agent's sons, called the lawsuit "frivolous," according to the Associated Press.

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January 27, 2015 | 8:57 AM
During Super Bowl XXXI's Media Day in 1997, Green Bay Packers Defensive End Reggie White delivered a passionate speech about the state of race relations in the United States.
"I think we have a major problem in our country that we don't want to admit and that has to do with racism," White said. "We kind of shove that aside. We shoved it aside with the church bombings. People's lives have been devastated, mainly because federal investigators have tried to indict some of the ministers, and some of the members."
Read More: Inside an Elite High School's Culture of Hazing and Bullying
White was speaking on the subject for a reason. Just over a year earlier, his Knoxville, Tennessee ministry, Inner City Church, was the target of one of those church firebombings. That season, White—known as "The Minister of Defense"—had notched 12 sacks in 13 games for the Packers and been elected to his tenth straight pro bowl. He had also led the Packers' defensive line to their best performance of the season in the NFC divisional playoffs, a 27-17 victory over Steve Young and the San Francisco 49ers.
The blast at Inner City Church came two days after the game, as the Packers prepared to take on the Cowboys for a shot at the Super Bowl. The perpetrators had placed kerosene and gasoline inside the empty church before lighting it ablaze with molotov cocktails. They spraypainted "DIE NIGGERS" and "DIE NIGGER LOVERS" on an outside wall and left a typewritten letter at the scene with an ominous warning:
1996 shall be the year of white triumph and justice for the master supreme race. We will no longer tolerate the following situations to take place in our region: Integrated communities, schools, organizations and churches, interracial marriages, the NAACP and detractors of the white master race.
Another copy of the letter was found at the Knoxville Community Investment Bank, which White had helped found in order to extend lines of credit to black businesses and bring black families out of poverty. The signers of the letter called themselves "Skinheads for White Justice" and "BFI Brotherhood."

A bunch of idiots. Image via WikiMedia Commons
Investigators from the FBI claimed that they had never heard of either hate group. Nobody was ever arrested in association with the bombing. But newspaper reports from the days after the attack reveal something curious about the whole thing: Green Bay Packers security director Jerry Parins received a phone call the day before the Packers-Niners game—three days before the attack—warning him that White's church would be burned down. White, however, was not informed of the threat.
Parins told reporters, "We're looking into it, and so are the FBI and ATF," but refused to offer much else of substance. "This all happened, and that's all I can say," Parins said. Neither the Packers nor Parins' charitable foundation responded to requests for comment from VICE Sports.
But White was certainly aware of the rash of church bombings that preceded the attack on Inner City Church. By May 1996, federal agents were reportedly investigating 23 such church fires all set in the previous year and a half, including the one at Inner City. According to the National Church Action Task Force, 99 suspects were arrested in "150 burnings, bombings or attempted bombings of houses of worship of all sorts" between January of 1995 and June of 1997. The Martin Luther King Jr. Center in Atlanta showed 45 southern black churches attacked between 1990 and 1996. By then, the attacks had spread as far north as New York and New Jersey.
The bombing of White's church only days before the NFC Championship brought the epidemic of racial violence to America's attention. Even then-President Clinton spoke out on the subject: "We need to come together as one America to rebuild our churches, restore hope, and show the forces of hatred that they cannot win." In June of 1996, he asked Congress to allocate $12 million for investigations. Meanwhile, the investigation of the Inner City fire led to nothing but suspicion and stress.
In a press conference a few days after the attack,White told reporters he suspected that "maybe the police department is not taking this seriously enough." He elaborated in an interview with the New York Daily News. "My stepfather got murdered four years ago and the Chattanooga police department said they're doing their best," White said. "There's a murderer on the loose. I'm getting tired of hearing, 'We're doing our best.' If anything is making me mad more than anything, it's that instead of pointing the finger in the right direction and trying to figure out what happened, it's somewhat been swept under the rug and the finger's been pointed at people who have nothing to do with it."

Aftermath of the 1963 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, which took decades to prosecute. Image via WikiMedia Commons
Dissatisfaction would become a theme of the investigation. Nearly a month after the bombing, ATF agent Grant McGarrity told the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel that the motive for the attack remai

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Cop caught planting drugs (VIDEO)
Published time: January 04, 2012 21:49
Edited time: January 07, 2012 19:57 Get short URL

Ultica cops in hot water after video of a search went viral
Download video (11.34 MB)
Drugs, Law, USA
Two cops in Upstate New York are under investigation for allegedly planting narcotics in the car of a couple pulled over in the city of Utica.

The incident, which occurred on February 11, 2011, is being reexamined nearly a year later after the cops involved in the caper have been caught on tape creating “evidence” and placing narcotics in the suspects’ automobile.

The recording of the incident, unbeknownst to the officers, was being made by the camera in their own squad car.

The Utica Phoenix newspaper has come in possession of the recording and has since uploaded an excerpt of the footage to the Web. In the clip, a Utica Police Department officer is seen ushering a suspect in handcuffs away from his vehicle, then approaching the driver-side door, reaching into his back pocket and pulling out a small baggie. The officer then crawls into the car, appears to drop the item in question and shortly thereafter exits the vehicle with the drugs that were allegedly confiscated from the car.

According to the Venice Ervin of a local NAACP chapter, the clip clearly shows Officer Paul Paladino, a white officer, planting evidence in the car of two black suspects.

The video has gone vir

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2 stories


Large turnout at police-community forum

JAN 30, 2015

Jim Jackson, president of the Sandusky chapter of the NAACP, speaks during Thursday's “What to Do When Stopped by Police” forum at Quality Inn in Sandusky.

Thursday's forum hosted by the Toledo-based Buffalo Soldiers Motorcycle Club included Sandusky police Chief John Orzech, Erie County Sheriff Paul Sigsworth, a representative from the FBI's civil rights division, as well as Jim Jackson, president of the Sandusky chapter of the NAACP, Darryl Gant, president of the local minister's association, and local attorneys, including Geoff Oglesby.
Register photo/ANGELA WILHELM Local attorney Geoff Oglesby speaks during Thursday's forum.

PART II video available below

Community members, law enforcement and local leaders alike gathered together Thursday evening to discuss police behavior and how citizens respond to it.
Roughly 70 people convened at the Quality Inn on Cleveland Road for “What to do when stopped by police,” a program put on by local officials in conjunction with the Toledo chapter of the Buffalo Soldiers Motorcycle Club.
The event kicked off with comments by Sandusky police Chief John Orzech and Sandusky man Geral Garrett, a diversity and management consultant. It then quickly segued into a presentation by Earl Mack Jr., the club's president and a former high-ranking state agent.
From there, several speakers shared their knowledge on various subjects related to police-community relations and attendees asked the group questions.
Two out-of-town officers —Lt. Morris Hill, an assistant district commander with the Ohio State Highway Patrol, and Captain Thomas Walker, of the Lucas County Sheriff's Office — touched on what can, or should, happen during traffic stops or other interactions with police.
Sandusky police Assistant Chief Phil Frost detailed the complaint-filing process at the Sandusky department and Lisa Kaplan, a special agent with the FBI, discussed what constitutes a civil rights case.
Jim Jackson, president of the Sandusky chapter of the NAACP, and Geoff Oglesby, local attorney, gave the group an alternative, non-law-enforcement perspective and also responded to audience questions about police's treatment of minority communities — namely, young black men.



Danger Will Robinson! DANGER!!!
This has the potential for being bad. Very bad:
In a case some argue could throw open the long-standing secrecy behind police internal investigations, the 4th District Court of Appeals in Springfield has ruled internal affairs files are a public record regardless of the outcome of the probe.

Attorneys specializing in Illinois public records law said Thursday it is the first such ruling of its kind in the state and therefore binding on trial courts statewide. It could also have repercussions for long-running complaints about Chicago police brutality.

Great. Compelled testimony rears its ugly head again. Remember, you have less rights in an administrative investigation than a criminal one. You are ordered to answer questions. You are ordered to testify give information against your own self interests. You are assumed to be in possession of facts and recollections of incidents merely by your presence on a scene.

And if a single error or omission can be attributed to anything you put on paper, you will be fired.

Not only that, the bottom-feeders are going to use this civilly to ruin cops across the board. Anything you own, anything you've worked for, anything you've accomplished by dint of hard work serving and protecting is going to have to be sold, pawned or given away to defend yourself in a Crook County courtroom with a juries who already give felons millions.
The Sangamon County Sheriff and the State Attorney’s Appellate Prosecutor—who argued the case—have 35 days to decide whether to appeal the ruling to the Illinois Supreme Cou

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Local History: Civil rights worker with ties to Carbondale murdered in ...
February 1 2015
Mr. Johnson immediately ordered the FBI to work round the clock to catch her killer. Mrs. Liuzzo was the third person killed since civil rights leaders descended ...

Four Klan members ­— Eugene Thomas, 42; William Orville Eaton, 41; Gary Tommy Rowe Jr., 34; and Collie Leroy Wilkins Jr., 21 — were arrested in Birmingham and charged with federal conspiracy for Ms. Liuzzo’s death. Alabama Attorney General Richmond Flowers “said he would insist on a first-degree murder indictment against the men if the evidence warranted it,” according to a March 27, 1965, AP article published in The Scranton Times.

But none of the four were ever convicted of murder. Mr. Wilkins, Mr. Eaton and Mr. Thomas were all found guilty of conspiracy. Mr. Rowe, later revealed to be an FBI informant, was indicted in 1978 after two of his co-defendants said he was the shooter. He denied the allegations. In 1980, a federal judge permanently blocked Alabama from prosecuting him.

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NY Cop Draws Gun On Kids Over A Snowball Fight

Feb 1, 2015
NY Cop Draws Gun On Kids Over A Snowball Fight
A police officer in New Rochelle, New York, a suburb of New York City, was caught on video drawing his gun on a group of black teenagers having a snowball fight. An unidentified woman who filmed the incident, shows an unnamed police officer pointing his gun at the teenagers with their hands in the air, while they are kneeling on the ground. On the video you can hear the officer yelling at the group saying: “Don’t f*@$%&g move, guys!”
Later, the woman recording the video says, “They were having a snowball fight. This gro

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The other speakers on hand, Attorney Robert Boyle, Suffolk University Law Professor Michael Avery, and Tarek Mehanna Support Committee organizer, Laila Murad, all offered scandalous tales about the ways in which the US Attorney’s office and the FBI have abused their respective positions of power to grossly distort the law and, in turn, dispense with civil rights.

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SPD Chief to make changes to social media policy after officer's racially-charged posts


Seattle police chief Kathleen O’Toole said Tuesday she is making changes in how the department handles social media after launching an investigation into an officer who posted racially-charged comments on Facebook.

“There’s no place for racial bias in policing,” O’Toole said “I’ve been a champion for civil rights my entire career so I certainly won’t tolerate it.”

O’Toole is creating a new social media policy for officers.

It’s been in the works since last summer after an officer posted comments in support of Ferguson, Missouri, police Officer Darren Wilson.

The importance of putting itthe policy in place surfaced again when posts by Officer Cynthia Whitlatch surfaced that include statements like, “I am tired of black people’s paranoia that white people are out to get them.”

“How do you characterize those Facebook comments?” KIRO 7 asked.

“Well, I was very disturbed by them,” O’Toole said, “but the officer is entitled to tell her side of the story when she comes in over the course of the investigation and I certainly don’t want to do anything to jeopardize the disciplinary process.”

Brian Davis filed a complaint in August with the Office of Professional Accountability when he saw those posts.

The new policy, O'Toole said, will flag posts that might damage an officer's ability to serve, put him or her at risk, or harm the reputation of the department and its community relations.

Whitlatch is also under review for her arrest of 69-year-old William Wingate, as he used his golf club as a cane at 12th Avenue and Pike Street.

She accused him of swinging it at her, though her cruiser's dashcam video never shows it.

“I’m a black man walking down the street doing nothing,” Wingate told KIRO 7, “and I got stopped and sent to jail by a white police officer. That's all I can say. I guess you can add that up yourself.”

SPD apologized in September but took months to connect the incidents and pull Whitlatch off patrol.

O’Toole pointed to systemic failure: she was unaware of the Facebook complaint with OPA and OPA was unaware of SPD's apology.

“We were going along two parallel tracks,” she said.

O’Toole said a dramatic overhaul is in the works, which she describes as an “early identification system” that will catch patterns of behavior.

“All complaints, whether they're made to the police department or they're made to OPA, will go into one system and it will trigger early warnings,” she said.

O’Toole would not

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FBI Watch
Joseph Baltar to you & 6 more
F.B. Eyes,’ by William J. Maxwell
By Glenn C. Altschuler Published 10:27 am, Thursday, February 5, 2015

see link for full story

In “The FB Eye Blues” (1949), Richard Wright, a renowned black writer
and a frequent target of J. Edgar Hoover’s G-men, satirized the agency
he deemed the most invasive, pervasive and powerful arm of the
American surveillance state: “Woke up this morning/ FB eye under my
bed/ Said I woke up this morning/ FB eye under my bed/ Told me all I
dreamed last night, every word I said.”
According to William Maxwell, an associate professor of English and
African American studies at Washington University in St. Louis,
African American writers were high on Hoover’s most-wanted list. In
“F.B. Eyes,” Maxwell draws on the bureau’s files of dozens of them
(obtained through the Freedom of Information Act), its publications
and its covert activities to argue that the FBI became a purveyor of
“lit.-cop federalism,” crossing the line between state power and civil
society to insert itself in as a shaping presence in the nation’s
print public sphere, and producing a “counter-literature” designed to
“police black writing with some of its imaginative medicine.”
Maxwell makes the provocative (and counterintuitive) claim that by
maintaining an uneasy — and perverse — obsession with African American
letters, the bureau became “the most dedicated and influential
forgotten critic of African American literature.”
Maxwell demonstrates that the FBI paid considerable attention to the
poems, plays, essays and novels of African American writers. Released
in 1919, “Radicalism and Sedition Among the Negroes as Reflected in
Their Publications” was the bureau’s “first major work of book-talk”
and an early survey of the Harlem Renaissance.
Aspiring to total literary awareness, the FBI amassed one of the
world’s largest libraries of radical writing. In 1943, the FBI’s
Internal Security Division completed a 730-page Survey of Racial
Conditions, compiled from 77,000 pages of raw data. During World War
II, the bureau designated many black writers as candidates for
“Custodial Detention.”
A year before the Broadway premier of Lorraine Hansberry’s “A Raisin

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Prominent L.A. minister apologizes for sermon comparing cops to the Klan


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see link for full story


FBI monitored and critiqued African American writers for decades
A new book reveals the extent to which J Edgar Hoover’s bureau kept files on well-known black writers between 1919 and 1972

Lorraine Hansberry’s play A Raisin in the Sun was one of the many works the FBI reviewed before publication.
Alison Flood
Monday 9 February 2015 10.37 EST

Newly declassified documents from the FBI reveal how the US federal agency under J Edgar Hoover monitored the activities of dozens of prominent African American writers for decades, devoting thousands of pages to detailing their activities and critiquing their work.

Academic William Maxwell first stumbled upon the extent of the surveillance when he submitted a freedom of information request for the FBI file of Claude McKay. The Jamaican-born writer was a key figure in the Harlem Renaissance, author of the sonnet If We Must Die, supposedly recited by Winston Churchill, and Maxwell was preparing an edition of his complete poems. When the file came through from the FBI, it stretched to 193 pages and, said Maxwell, revealed “that the bureau had closely read and aggressively chased McKay” – describing him as a “notorious negro revolutionary” – “all across the Atlantic world, and into Moscow”.

Maxwell, associate professor of English and African American studies at Washington University in St Louis, decided to investigate further, knowing that other scholars had already found files on well-known black writers such as Langston Hughes and James Baldwin. He made 106 freedom of information requests about what he describes as “noteworthy Afro-modernists” to the FBI; 51 of those writers had files, ranging from three to 1,884 pages each.

“I suspected there would be more than a few,” said Maxwell. “I knew Hoover was especially impressed and worried by the busy crossroads of black protest, leftwing politics, and literary potential. But I was surprised to learn that the FBI had read, monitored, and ‘filed’ nearly half of the nationally prominent African American authors working from 1919 (Hoover’s first year at the Bureau, and the first year of the Harlem Renaissance) to 1972 (the year of Hoover’s death and the peak of the nationalist Black Arts movement). In this, I realised, the FBI had outdone most every other major institution of US literary study, only fitfully concerned with black writing.”

Maxwell’s book about his discovery, FB Eyes: How J Edgar Hoover’s Ghostreaders Framed African American Literature, is out on 18 February from Princeton University Press. It argues that the FBI’s attention was fuelled by Hoover’s “personal fascination with black culture”, that “the FBI is perhaps the most dedicated and influential forgotten critic of African American literature”, and that “African American literature is characterised by a deep awareness of FBI ghostreading”.


Princeton said that while it is well known that Hoover was hostile to Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement, Maxwell’s forthcoming book is the first exposé of “the extent to which the FBI monitored and influenced African American writing” between 1919 and 1972.

Taking its title from Richard Wright’s 1949 poem The FB Eye Blues, in which the Native Son novelist writes that “every place I look, Lord / I find FB eyes / I’m getting sick and tired of gover’ment spies”, the work also posits that for some authors, suspicion of the surveillance prompted creative replies.

Digital copies of 49 of the FBI files have been made available to the public online. “The collected files of the entire set of authors comprise 13,892 pages, or the rough equivalent of 46 300-page PhD theses,” Maxwell writes in the book. “FBI ghostreaders genuinely rivalled the productivity of their academic counterparts.”

The academic told the Guardian that he believes the FBI monitoring stems from the fact that “from the beginning of his tenure at the FBI ... Hoover was exercised by what he saw as an emerging alliance between black literacy and black radicalism”.


“Then there’s the fact that many later African American writers were allied, at one time or another, with socialist and communist politics in the US,” he added, with Wright and WEB Du Bois both becoming Communist Party members, Hughes a “major party sympathiser”, and McKay “toasted by Trotsky and published in Russian as a significant Marxist theorist”.

The files show how the travel arrangements of black writers were closely scrutinised by the FBI, with the passport records of a long list of authors “combed for scraps of criminal behaviour and ‘derogatory information’”, writes Maxwell. Some writers were threatened by “‘stops’, instructions to advise and defer to the Bureau if a suspect tried to pass through a designated point of entry” to the US.

When McKay went to the Soviet Union, a “stop notice” instructed that the poet should be held for “appropriate attention” if he attempted to re-enter the US. In Baltimore, writes Maxwell, FBI agents “paraded their seriousness in a bulletin sent straight to Hoover, boasting of a clued-in ‘Local Police Department’ on the ‘lookout’ for one ‘Claude McKay (colored)’ (23 Mar. 1923)”.

They also reveal how, with the help of informers, the agency reviewed works such as Lorraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun and Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man before publication.

“What did the FBI learn from these dossiers? Several things,” said Maxwell. “Where African American writers were travelling, especially during their expatriate adventures in Europe, Africa, and Latin America. What they were publishing, even while it was still in press.” In the 1950s, he said, the FBI aspired to “a foreknowledge of American publishing so deep that literary threats to the FBI’s reputation could be seen before their public appearance”.

The bureau also considered “whether certain African Americans should be allowed government jobs and White House visits, in the cases of the most fortunate”, and “what the leading minds of black America were thinking, and would be thinking”.

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Published on
Tuesday, February 10, 2015
Common Dreams
NYPD Officer Indicted in Shooting of Akai Gurley: Reports

Officer Peter Liang reportedly texted union representative instead of calling for ambulance
Nadia Prupis, staff writer


Akai Gurley was killed by a New York City police officer on November 20, 2014. (Photo: Screenshot)

NYPD Officer Peter Liang, who shot an unarmed Brooklyn man to death in November by firing his gun up a dark stairwell in a housing project, was indicted on Tuesday, according to reports.

A formal announcement by District Attorney Kenneth Thompson is expected to be made Wednesday. It was unclear Tuesday afternoon if charges would include manslaughter.

Liang, who reportedly texted his union representative before calling for an ambulance after shooting Gurley in the chest on November 20, said he had fired his gun accidentally while patrolling the Louis H. Pink Houses in East New York.

Following the shooting, police commissioner Bill Bratton called Gurley a "total innocent."

Gurley's death became one of the focal points of the Black Lives Matter movement, which called attention to institutional racism and police brutality after the police killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri and Eric Garner in Staten Island last year. Neither officer in those cases was indicted.

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see link for full story

organization that assassinated Martin Luther King
will organize celebration of Black History

2 stories


FBI office in SC putting on Black History Month program
Feb 12, 2015 04:07 AM
WEST COLUMBIA, S.C. - The Columbia office of the FBI is putting on a special program to commemorate Black History Month.

Special Agent in Charge Dave Thomas is hosting a program on ThTh

The Martin Luther King Murder Conspiracy – LewRockwell.com
Lew Rockwell Books; Ron Paul Books ... By Jim Douglass ... The seriousness with which U.S. intelligence agencies planned the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. speaks ...


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4. storiesstories see below



FBI director comments on role of race in policing

Washington FBI Director James Comey took on the issue of police and race relations Thursday challenging police to avoid "lazy mental short-cuts" that can lead to bias in the way they treat blacks and other minorities.

While he asked minority communities dealing with issues of high crime to also recognize the inherent dangers officers face in trying to keep them safe, Comey was also critical of the history law enforcement in the country, which he described as "not pretty," but also the racial tensions have plagued American society as a whole.

"I worry that this incredibly important and difficult conversation abou

see link for full story


Alabama policeman charged with assault after Indian man thrown to ground, injured

An Alabama policeman has been charged with assault after a man recently arrived from India said he was left partially paralyzed when an officer threw him to the ground during a morning walk, authorities said on Thursday.

Sureshbhai Patel, 57, sued the city and two officers in a civil rights complaint filed on Thursday, alleging race factored into his treatment, his attorney said. The FBI said it was also investigating.

Police officials in Madison, Alabama, apologized to Patel and his family at a news conference on Thursday afternoon. They said one of the officers involved in the incident last Friday had been arrested on an assault charge, and officials had recommended he be fired.

Patel, who speaks no English, moved from India to northern Alabama about two weeks ago to help his son's family care for a 17-month-old child, said his lawyer, Henry Sherrod.

He was walking on the sidewalk outside his son’s home around 9 a.m., when police said they received a call about a suspicious person, according to the lawsuit in the U.S. Northern District of Alabama.

Patel told police officers who stopped him: “No English, Indian,” and gave the house number for his son, the suit said.

A police officer then tossed Patel, who weighs about 130 pounds, to the ground, according to the complaint.

He was severely injured, requiring surgery to relieve pressure on his spinal cord, the complaint said. He has regained some movement in his arms and legs but remains weak, his attorney said.

“I just can’t believe what they did to this very gentle man who wanted nothing more than to go out for a walk,” Sherrod said.

The police said in an earlier statement that Patel put his hands in his pockets and tried to pull away as officers patted him down.

Police on Thursday released video of the incident, recorded from inside a patrol vehicle. It showed Patel standing with his hands behind his back with two uniformed officers in a residential neighborhood.

Then an officer abruptly flipped him to the ground.

Police also shared a recording of the suspicious person call, which had been questioned by Patel's attorney.

The officer involved "did not meet the high standards and expectationexpectation


Inquiries Find Blatant Racism At FBI
January 25, 1988|
WASHINGTON -- On this one point, the government`s investigators are already agreed: Donald Rochon, an FBI agent, was a victim of often-brutal racial harassment by his white colleagues.

In separate investigations, the Justice Department and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission have found that Rochon was shunned and humiliated by agents in the FBI`s Omaha office in 1983 and 1984 because he is black.

Law-enforcement officials say Rochon`s ordeal is one of the most troubling examples of institutional racism in the recent history of the bureau, which is responsible for enforcement of federal civil rights laws, among others.

In one incident, Rochon returned to his desk to find that a family photograph had been destroyed when someone taped a picture of an ape`s head over his son`s face. His former supervisor told investigators that the pranks were ``healthy.``

The Justice Department is now conducting a criminal investigation into allegations that white agents in the bureau`s office in Chicago, where Rochon was transferred in 1984, made repeated death threats to Rochon and his family.

In April 1985, Rochon said, he received an unsigned, typewritten letter in the mail, threatening him with mutilation and death and threatening his wife, who is white, with sexual assault. Attached was a picture of a black man whose body had been mutilated.

``I couldn`t believe this was happening,`` said Rochon, shaking his head as he recalled the well-documented, three-year campaign of harassment. ``It was like I was in a time machine, and someone had turned the clock back from the 1980s to the 1950s.``

Rochon, 37, now serves in the FBI`s Philadelphia office, where he says he has experienced no ``overt`` racism.

The FBI`s new director, William S. Sessions, has characterized Rochon`s complaints as ``extremely serious.`` ``Racial discrimination has absolutely no place in the FBI and will not be tolerated,`` he said.

Rochon, who is now suing the bureau and the Justice Department, is not the only FBI agent who has taken concerns about racial discrimination to court. In El Paso, one of the bureau`s highest-ranking Hispanic agents filed suit last year alleging that he and other Hispanic agents were routinely denied promotions.

Rochon would seem to be just what the FBI wants in its agents: he is intelligent, well-spoken and polite.

In a report last August on Rochon`s treatment in Omaha, the Justice Department found that he had been subjected to ``racially obnoxious pranks`` and ``blatant racial harassment.``

A 66-page report by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission described a series of incidents in Omaha in which Rochon was harassed because of his race.

The commission and the Justice Department found that the FBI retaliated against Rochon because of his formal complaints to superiors about the harassment.

Investigators said Rochon was improperly denied a hardship transfer to Los Angeles, where his father was ill with diabetes, although white agents were routinely permitted to move to the cities of their choice. Rochon was instead transferred in June 1984 to Chicago, where Dillon, his chief adversary, had been transferred several months earlier. Rochon`s father died las


Pa. Woman: Fbi Tried To Incriminate Black Agent Who Charged Racism
March 23, 1988|
A Pennsylvania woman has accused the FBI of trying to coerce her into making false and damaging statements about a black FBI agent who had brought charges of racism against the bureau.

The woman, Rosemary Coleman Peszko, said two bureau agents subjected her to 20 hours of interrogation and lie-detector examinations earlier this month about her relationship with Donald Rochon, the black agent. Rochon's allegations of racial harassment in the bureau's Omaha office caused a sensation two months ago and have been upheld by two government agencies.

Peszko was questioned after she and Rochon, an agent in the bureau's Philadelphia office, had a violent quarrel. Their lawyers said that Rochon was left with a broken nose and Peszko with a bloody one in the incident March 3 in Pennsauken, N.J., where Rochon lives. Rochon and Peszko filed charges against each other in court and then dropped them.

Lawyers for the two said the FBI was trying to capitalize on the domestic quarrel to open an internal investigation of an agent who has made embarrassing charges against the bureau.

"We have a vendetta against Donald Rochon by the FBI, such that someone he's dating gets interrogated for 20 hours," said his lawyer, David Kairys of Philadelphia. "The FBI is distorting and exaggerating the facts in every way possible to make him look bad."

Peszko's lawyer, Stefan Presser, who is legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union in Pennsylvania, said, "It seems clear to me that there's been a conspiracy by officials of the FBI to damage Mr. Rochon and, in doing so, they have made Peszko a pawn in that game."

The bureau said in a prepared statement that the questioning of Peszko was "professional and in keeping with FBI policy and in no way interfered with anyone's rights."

It said she was interviewed "following the FBI's receipt of information alleging possible criminal wrongdoing by an FBI special agent," apparently a reference to the court charges filed by Peszko.

Bureau officials rejected suggestions that Peszko's questioning had been unnecessarily long and intensive. The "time taken" for the interviews and the "extended intervals were in full recognition of her distress following an apparent assault," the bureau said in its statement.

The bureau would not say if the investigation was continuing.

In what law-enforcement officials describe as one of the most troubling examples of institutional racism in the FBI's recent history, the Justice Department and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission have found that Rochon was the victim of often brutal racial harassment in the FBI's Omaha office in 1983 and 1984.

The Justice Department has said it is still investigating allegations that Rochon was later subjected to other harassment, including death threats, by white agents in the bureau's Chicago office.

It is unclear exactly what Peszko may have told the FBI agents in three days of interrogation that began March 4. In an affidavit dated March 7 and provided to a reporter by Rochon's lawyer, Peszko described the sessions as being "like brainwashing."

"I was so tired, hungry and upset, I do not know what I told them or whether what they wrote down is accurate," she said. "They were often suggesting things and leading me in certain directions, and much of what is in the statements they have may well be inaccurate."

The police were called after the first argument the couple had March 2 in Rochon's home; in the altercation, Peszko bruised her eye. But there was another, more violent dispute the next day. According to Kairys, the lawyer for the FBI agent, the argument involved Rochon's efforts to end the relationship.

Sometime in the fight, Kairys said, Peszko threw a telephone at Rochon and broke his nose. "Don pushed back at her in self-defense, and that may have cause

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couple of stories


Amid race talk, FBI struggles to hire black agents


2/13/15 3:17 PM
FBI Director James Comey’s pointed critique of law enforcement’s rocky dealings with African-American communities indirectly called attention to an uncomfortable fact: The percentage of black FBI agents has actually fallen over the past two decades.

The most recent statistics posted on the website of the nation’s premier law enforcement agency show African-Americans accounted for 4.7 percent of the bureau’s special agents in 2012, down from 5.6 percent in 1997.



WEB POSTED 12-07-1999

Court documents reveal a 1998 FBI plot against Mayor Barry

by Rosalind D. Muhammad
and Nisa Islam Muhammad

WASHINGTON—A federal government plan to entrap former D.C. Mayor Marion Barry in a cash-for-job scheme backfired when the secret arrest of the informant the government was to use against Mr. Barry was leaked to the media, recently unsealed court documents reveal.

The revelation has renewed fears among Black leadership that the government targets Black elected officials more often than whites and that unscrupulous methods are used to bring Blacks down. The recent court documents bring back memories of Cointelpro, the notorious FBI program used against Black leaders and organizations under the late FBI boss J. Edgar Hoover.

"The FBI and federal government have a history of harassing Black public officials. It’s not just me. There is example after example. This is no surprise," said the former mayor in an interview with The Final Call. "I think they (government) never got past 1990 when they weren’t able to put me away in jail for a long time. They’re determined to find a way to harass me for doing something illegal. But that won’t happen," he said.

In 1990, Mr. Barry was videotaped using the drug crack. He was convicted of a drug charge in the case that was brought as a result of a government covert operation.

According to the court papers, the most recent operation went like this:

D.C. police lieutenant Yong H. Ahn, was arrested in February 1998 on charges that he accepted $8,000 in bribes from illegal massage parlor operators. FBI agents approached him about helping them to target Mr. Barry and enlisted the help of Mr. Ahn’s wife Azita. In the court papers Mrs. Ahn quotes a FBI agent as saying "they would get him (Barry) with a felony and he would never get away with this."

The court papers, released by U.S. District Judge Thomas F. Hogan after Mr. Ahn’s trial, detail how Mr. Ahn and his wife agreed to work with investigators. The plan was for Mrs. Ahn to meet privately with Mr. Barry at the home of an acquaintance.

The FBI had prepared a phony resume for her to use to get a job with the city. Mrs. Ahn was to secretly videotape Mr. Barry receiving an envelope with $5,000 from her as down payment for a job. She then was to make him believe that he would receive another $5,000 once she was on the payroll.

According to Mrs. Ahn, the plan was targeted for April 1998 but fell apart when the arrest of Lt. Ahn was leaked to the news media.

As more information about the plot comes to light, law enforcement officials are trying to absolve themselves of responsibility. U.S. Attorney Wilma A. Lewis has said the sting would not have happened even if Mr. Ahn’s arrest had remained secret, saying she never authorized the operation.

However, the lead agent on the case, William H. Spivey Jr., a 16-year FBI veteran, said he had support from top supervisors and kept them informed along the way. "I don’t think anyone believes that just being an agent, I would be able to run or conduct an investigation of this nature on my own," he said.

That kind of cooperation for such an operation from top government brass is what has Black leaders worried.

"The fact that we are paranoid about the FBI doesn’t make us wrong," said retired U.S. Congressman Mervyn M. Dymally (D-Calif.). He pointed out that the investigation of a cover-up of government involvement in the Waco, Texas, fire that killed members of the Branch Dividians offers a "new opportunity to look into this web of deceit and corruption buried within the permanent bureaucracy of the Department of Justice (DOJ)."

A former California lieutenant governor, Mr. Dymally said he was once the target of successive, unsuccessful attempts by the FBI and DOJ to entrap him from 1974, when he was elected to the California State Senate, to 1992, when he retired from Congress. Mr. Dymally now heads his own consulting firm, Dymally International Group, Inc., in Inglewood, Calif.

His experiences with the FBI/DOJ apparatus included office burglaries, surveillances, media investigations that stemmed from "leaked" information, bugged telephones, public records stored by University of California archives removed by the FBI, and investigations by the California state attorney general and state grand jury.

Former FBI agent Dr. Tyrone Powers, a 10-year veteran of the bureau, quit in1994 in part to expose what he characterized as systemic racism within the bureau.

Now a full-time professor at Anne Arundel Community College in Arnold, Md., and author of the book "Eyes to My Soul: The Rise or Decline of a Black FBI Agent," Dr. Powers suggested that one would be naive to believe FBI denials about Operation Fruehmenschen, the alleged government operation that mirrors Cointelpro.

"When we conclude that an agency that has no problem burning white children (in Waco) will have no problem targeting Black people, their leaders, and their organizations, we will know that Cointelpro (Fruehmenschen) is alive," Dr. Powers said. "We keep looking for evidence that the FBI has shown they are experts at hiding. So we continue to be targeted and the FBI maintains their motto of ‘Admit Nothing, Deny Everything, and Use a Pencil.’ "

This isn’t to suggest that Black officials are incorruptible, those interviewed said.

"The problem is that when the government throws a fish net (under Fruehmenschen), it gets some very innocent sardines along with the occasional sharks," Mr. Dymally said.

Observers noted government stings such as Operation Incubator, where Michael Raymond, a convicted killer, was sent into Chicago to try to set-up Harold Washington, the city’s first Black elected mayor.

On January 27, 1988, Mr. Dymally, then chairman of the CBC, testified before Congress about a sworn affidavit given by attorney Hirsch Friedman, who had worked with the FBI in Atlanta. Mr. Friedman alleged that the FBI had an established official policy that initiates investigations of Black officials without probable cause. That policy was called "Operation Fruehmenschen", a German word for "early man."

Mr. Dymally said that while the affidavit offered "irrefutable proof" of government corruption, Congress took no action, which was one of the reasons he left Congress.

According to attorney Friedman, Fruehmenschen holds that Black politicians are inherently immoral, unethical and illiterate, to the extent that they can not lead people of a "high moral" order (Caucasians) and are incapable of high-level governing.

Patterns of harassment of Black officials usually begin with an interplay that takes place between the news media and law enforcement agencies, usually beginning with a rumor started by the FBI or by an ill-founded news report. This usually spirals into a "trial by media," criminal investigations and sometimes culminates in an indictment. The indictment typically results in acquittal, or in a conviction which is ultimately overturned on appeal.

"The reality is that both the FBI and the U.S. Attorney work hand and hand," Dr. Powers said. "If the FBI wants a case prosecuted the U.S. Attorney rubber stamps it."

Concerning Mayor Barry, Mr. Powers noted the bigger issue is why the FBI was even involved in the 1990 case against Mr. Barry since the offense was a misdemeanor crime.

"They never could have answered that question," he said. "That in and of itself is an indication of the continuation of Cointelpro."

In 1994, the FBI ended a five-year probe of alleged political corruption in the predominately Black city of Compton, Calif., that subsequently sent former U.S. Representative Walter R. Tucker III (the former mayor of Compton), and former City Councilwoman Patricia A. Moore to prison for extortion. Both have claimed that the government entrapped them.

"The FBI tried so many times to entrap me," said current Compton Mayor Omar Bradley, 42, whose harassment began six days after he was elected into office in 1993. "They bugged my house, hid transmitters under my cars. Everywhere I went, the same people would show up to try to bribe me."

In the past, the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan has called for a class action suit against the FBI/DOJ by all individuals and organizations that have been wrongfully targeted.

"Government is capable of the most wicked of criminal behavior against the masses of the peop


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Tampa stands with Rasmea Odeh
By staff | February 14, 2015

Tampa protest demands justice for Rasmea Odeh. (Fight Back! News/Staff)
Tampa, FL - On Feb. 13 the Committee to Stop FBI Repression-Tampa held a sign-holding in support of Rasmea Odeh during the National Week of Action to Defend Rasmea Odeh.

Members of CSFR-Tampa, Tampa Bay SDS and Raices en Tampa gathered on the corner of 56th Street and Fowler Avenue during rush hour holding signs that said, “Solidarity is not a crime,” and “Justice for Sami AlArian, Sami Osmakac and Rasmea Odeh.”

Jessica Schwartz, organizer with CSFR-Tampa, spoke of the importance to organize around Odeh’s case: “Rasmea was found guilty for trumped-up immigration charges. This is based on her immigration application, where she supposedly omitted her imprisonment in Palestine over 40 years ago. She was eventually released, but only after enduring torture and rape until confessing to a crime she did not commit. This is strictly a political move to silence Palestinians and activists. We stand in solidarity with Rasmea and all political prisoners."

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FBI agent Paul DiMura behaving like a naughty racist....

Footprint Prank Gets Fbi Agent Suspended - Orlando Sentinel
Jul 19, 1992 - An FBI agent screening a prominent black lawyer for a federal ... was not disclosed, told lawyer Walter Prince that collecting footprints was ...
DiMURA v. F.B.I. | Leagle.com
... the background investigation of Walter Prince, a prominent lawyer in Boston who ... According to plaintiff, Mr. Prince failed to return several phone calls placed to ... Herald identified plaintiff as the FBI agent responsible for taking the footprint.
Sources ID FBI agent who took footprint from judge candidate - The ...
http://www.highbeam.com › ... › Jul - Sep 1992 › July 22, 1992
Jul 22, 1992 - The FBI agent who forced a black Boston lawyer who is a candidate for ... After obtaining the footprint from lawyer Walter Prince, Dimura hung it ...
Jul 19, 1992 - An FBI agent screening a prominent black lawyer for a federal ... was not disclosed, told lawyer Walter Prince that collecting footprints was ...
FBI Agent's Footprint 'Joke' Gets Him Suspended - AP News Archive
Jul 18, 1992 - BOSTON (AP) _ An FBI agent screening a prominent black lawyer for a ... was not disclosed, told lawyer Walter Prince that collecting footprints ...
FBI Watch - Page 260 - UTSanDiego Forums
Jul 22, 2009 - 15 posts - ‎1 author
The foundation filed FOIA requests with the CIA, FBI, Director of National Intelligence, ..... After obtaining the footprint from lawyer Walter Prince.
Boston Lawyer Sues Over Footprint | Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly
Dec 26, 1994 - Boston lawyer Walter Prince, once considered for a federal judgeship, is suing the FBI, saying he was humiliated when an FBI agent took his ...

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NAACP asks FBI agents to solve crimes the FBI has covered up.

I guess they Have not yet heard that a Memphis Jury declared in 1999 that
FBI agents had assassinated Martin Luther King

Google. Mlk Douglass Rockwell fbi

2 stories



FBI investigates claim suspects in 1946 Georgia mass lynching may be alive

16 Feb 2015 at 10:57 ET

US authorities are investigating whether some of those responsible for one of the American south’s most notorious mass lynchings are still alive, in an attempt to finally bring prosecutions over the brutal unsolved killings.

FBI agents questioned a man in Georgia who was among several in their 80s and 90s newly named in connection with the Moore’s Ford Bridge lynching of 1946 on a list given to the US Department of Justice by civil rights activists, he told the Guardian.

Speaking at his home in Monroe, 10 miles west of the lynching site, Charlie Peppers denied taking part in the killings of four African Americans who were tied up and shot 60 times by a white mob.

“Heck no,” said Peppers, 86, when asked if he was involved. “Back when all that happened, I didn’t even know where Moore’s Ford was.” Peppers, who was 18 at the time of the lynching, said: “The blacks are blaming people that didn’t even know what happened back then.”

Related: Jim Crow lynchings more widespread than first thought, report concludes

A report by the Equal Justice Initiative (EJI) published last week found at least 700 more lynchings than had previously been recorded in southern states, renewing calls from campaigners for any suspects still at large to be brought to justice before it is too late.

The Moore’s Ford incident, widely described as America’s last mass lynching, stands out as a particularly brutal case even in Georgia, where more lynchings were recorded between 1877 and 1950 than in any other state, according to the EJI study. The report was the result of almost five years of investigations into lynchings in 12 southern states .

No one was ever prosecuted for the killings on 25 July 1946 of two black couples in their 20s: George and Mae Murray Dorsey, and Dorothy and Roger Malcom. According to unconfirmed claims from the time that are now asserted by campaigners, Dorothy Malcom was heavily pregnant and her unborn baby was cut from her body by the attackers.

An outraged President Harry Truman ordered a federal investigation and rewards totalling $12,500 – worth more than $150,000 today – were offered for information leading to a conviction. A grand jury was convened and heard evidence for three weeks. Yet no indictments were brought for the killings, which have long been linked to the Ku Klux Klan.

However then-Georgia governor Roy Barnes reopened the state’s inquiry in 2000 and the FBI reopened its own case in 2007. Georgia state representative Tyrone Brooks, who leads an annual re-enactment of the lynching as part of a campaign for justice, said the absence of prosecutions still hurts black residents of the area.

“There is a lot of pain, a lot of frustration and a lot of disappointment,” said Brooks. “Because it has always said – like other cases have suggested more recently – that black lives don’t matter”.

Peppers was accused of being involved by his nephew, Wayne Watson. Video of Watson, 57, claiming in 2013 that Peppers and several other men from the area had spoken of their involvement in the killings was given to the US Department of Justice by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

“All through my life, I heard them talk about the Moore’s Ford and the lynching,” said Watson, in an April 2013 interview. “I’m tired of it, when you go through life, and you’re living with lies.”

Watson alleged that several of the men he named were Klan members. When asked this week Peppers denied he is or ever was a member of the Ku Klux Klan.

Watson said he had previously given information on the lynching to the city police and was ignored.

Watson made his remarks to Benjamin Jealous, who was then the NAACP president. Hilary Shelton, the NAACP’s Washington Bureau director, told the Guardian this week that during a meeting he handed a DVD containing the video footage to Thomas Perez, who was then the head of the Justice Department’s civil rights division and is now the US Labor Secretary, and urged him to take action.

“We already knew it was true that some of them were still here, and still alive, but we just needed people who could name names,” said Edward Dubose, an NAACP national board member and former Georgia branch president, who has campaigned for many years on the issue.

Peppers said he was visited at his home by two FBI agents, one man and one woman, last year and was questioned for about 40 minutes. He said he asked them: “Why in the world are y’all bringing stuff up that happened 60 years ago. Why didn’t y’all do something about it then?” The male agent called Peppers a week later asking for further details of his family, he said.

The victims of the lynching, who were sharecroppers, were killed after Roger Malcom was bailed from Walton County Jail on charges of stabbing Barnette Hester, a 29-year-old white farmer. Hester was rumoured locally to be having an affair with Roger’s wife, Dorothy, according to Laura Wexler, the author of Fire In A Canebrake , a 2003 book on the killings.

The couples were seized by a crowd on a dirt road while being driven home in a truck by Loy Harrison, a white farmer who had paid to bail Malcom out of jail. They were beaten, dragged to a clearing beside the Apalachee River and shot. Harrison, who escaped unharmed and said he was ambushed, has been accused by civil rights activists of being a Klan member and helping to set up the lynching.

Investigators at the time reported difficulty in obtaining statements and evidence on the killings. A conspiracy of silence among the white residents of the area was blamed. Bullets and shell casings were recovered from trees and the surrounding area but little other evidence existed at the time.

The killing of George Dorsey, who was a second world war veteran, caused particular outrage. Eventually about 55 suspects or people of interest were identified. Several were called to testify to the grand jury but none was charged.

In July 2008 the FBI and Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) said they had collected material from a home in Walton County that was being investigated further. Watson said in his interview that he had provided the tip-off for that raid.

Special Agent Stephen Emmett, a spokesman for the FBI’s Atlanta field office, declined to discuss the case or Peppers’s questioning.

“We’re not going to be able to confirm or clarify any development that you’re describing,” said Emmett. “It’s still a pending investigation”.

The Department of Justice did not respond to several requests for comment. A spokeswoman for the GBI referred all inquiries to the FBI.

Watson told Jealous he had been shunned by members of his family after entering a relationship with a black woman. “I want it all over with, the racism,” he said.

Watson said in the video that he had spent time in jail. According to public records he was convicted in 1999 of obstructing a law enforcement officer. He could not be reached for comment. Two neighbours at his last known address said he had bee



The Most Dangerous Place to Be Black
For Florida, being at the center of a maelstrom about race and justice for black Americans is nothing new. Especially if you ever had a run-in with Lake County’s brutal seven-term sheriff, Willis McCall.

Aug 7, 2013


“[I]t's just harder for black defendants to assert stand-your-ground defense if the victim is white, and easier for whites to raise a stand-your-ground defense if the victims are black," says Darren Hutchinson, a law professor and civil rights law expert at the University of Florida in Gainesville. "The bottom line is that it's really easy for juries to accept that whites had to defend themselves against persons of color." —Christian Science Monitor, August 6, 2013

* * *

Sixty years before George Zimmerman fired his single shot in Sanford, the people of central Florida lived through one of the most suspicious claims of self-defense in American history. The incident on November 6, 1951, prompted outrage and protest across the country—as well as from the podium at the United Nations, where the Soviet foreign minister Andrei Vishinsky brandished a newspaper with headlines and gruesome photos of two black men who had been shot by a Florida sheriff, as he chided, “This is what human rights means in the United States! This is the American way of life!”

Eight months earlier Thurgood Marshall and lawyers from the NAACP’s Legal Defense and Educational Fund had been able to convince the U.S. Supreme Court to overturn a Florida court verdict that had sentenced to death two of three young black men between the ages of 16 and 22, known as the Groveland Boys, in the alleged rape of a white 17-year-old farm girl that whipped up a frenzy of mob violence against the local African-American community. It was widely thought that the accusations were trumped up in order to rid Lake County of a handful of “uppity” blacks who were not dependent on day work in the citrus groves. (Ernest Thomas was hunted down and killed by a posse, while 16 year-old Charles Greenlee was given mercy and sentenced to life on a chain gang.)

The Groveland case, if up to the Florida justice system of the time, would have ended with the quick and quiet executions of the convicted black youths, and then it would have disappeared, as did so many capital cases in the Jim Crow South. But, unlike the Trayvon Martin shooting in late February 2012, something extraordinary occurred in Lake County, Florida, on that rainy night in November 1951. Like a Shakespearian ghost, a young man, presumed to be dead, rose from a ditch to tell a tale of murder.
Willis McCall continued to serve another 21 years as sheriff. In 1972, he was forced to stand trial for kicking to death a black, mentally retarded prisoner who’d been brought into his jail on a minor traffic offense.

After the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn the verdict, Lake County Sheriff Willis McCall volunteered to transport the two young defendants, Samuel Shepherd and Walter Irvin, from the Florida State Prison back to court for the retrial. McCall, it should be known, was revolted by the high court decision. The two young men didn’t make it back to the town of Tavares, Florida, for court that night. McCall turned down a dark, clay road where, he claimed, the two handcuffed prisoners jumped him in an escape attempt. In self-defense, McCall insisted, he’d been forced to shoot the two assailants.

Samuel Shepherd was killed instantly. Cuffed to his now dead best friend, Walter Irvin took two gunshot wounds to the chest and collapsed beside Shepherd. But Irvin’s evening of horror wasn’t over yet. Summoned to the scene by Sheriff McCall, Deputy James Yates arrived and shined his flashlight down on Irvin. “This nigger is not dead,” Yates mumbled. Then he fired what was supposed to be the coup de grace: a .38 caliber bullet straight through Irvin’s neck.

Miraculously, Walter Irvin survived. While he lay on the roadside, McCall and Yates moved into the glare of the sheriff’s Oldsmobile headlights. They ripped at McCall’s clothes, rumpled his Stetson, and struck a blow to his head that produced a trickle of blood. Thus the two men concocted, and substantiated, their story of an attempted escape.

Then they summoned witnesses to the scene. It was not until a photographer’s flash fired 15 minutes later that a prosecutor on the scene noticed that Walter Irvin was still alive.

From his hospital bed the next morning, Irvin offered Thurgood Marshall and the FBI a version of events very different from McCall’s. Irvin claimed that the sheriff had shot him and his friend Samuel in cold-blooded murder.

But Irvin was black and convicted of rape in the eyes of the state. Next to the testimony of the popular sheriff, Irvin’s version carried little weight. A coroner’s jury made up mostly of McCall’s friends swiftly cleared the sheriff of any wrongdoing, concluding that he had indeed acted in self-defense. Judge Truman Futch, the Groveland trial judge, declined to impanel a grand jury on the grounds that the coroner’s jury had proved to be so thorough there was no need for a grand jury investigation.

FBI agents—men from the South who weren’t necessarily sympathetic to civil rights cases—were nonetheless aghast. They went back to the crime scene and dug into the soil beneath Walter Irvin’s spilled blood. The FBI offered to make their forensic evidence, which supported Irvin’s version of the shootings, available to prosecutors in order to secure indictments against McCall and Yates. But they were rebuffed by Judge Futch. So the incriminating evidence remained sealed in FBI files, hidden from Thurgood Marshall and his NAACP attorneys. Sheriff McCall, with the help of powerful friends in Florida and a supportive public that believed a trial would be a waste of time and money, had escaped ye

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What really happened to Malcolm X?

Updated 5:23 PM ET, Tue February 17, 2015

Malcolm X was assassinated on February 21, 1965
Zaheer Ali: Fifty years later, we still have more to learn from Malcolm X's life

"Zaheer Ali served as project manager of the Malcolm X Project at Columbia University, and as a lead researcher for Manning Marable's Pulitzer Prize-winning Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. He lectures on African American history. The views expressed are his own. Tune into a CNN special report, Witnessed, The Assassination of Malcolm X, tonight at 9p ET."

(CNN)When Malcolm X was assassinated on February 21, 1965, many Americans viewed his killing as simply the result of an ongoing feud between him and the Nation of Islam. He had publicly left the Nation of Islam in March 1964, and as the months wore on the animus between Malcolm's camp and the Nation of Islam grew increasingly caustic, with bitter denunciations coming from both sides. A week before he was killed, Malcolm's home -- owned by the Nation of Islam, which was seeking to evict him -- was firebombed, and Malcolm believed members of the Nation of Islam to be responsible. For investigators and commentators alike, then, his death was an open and shut case: Muslims did it.

Yet although three members of the Nation of Islam were tried and found guilty for the killing, two of them maintained their innocence and decades of research has since cast doubt on the outcome of the case. Tens of thousands of declassified pages documenting government surveillance, infiltration and disruption of black leaders and organizations -- including Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam -- suggest the conclusions drawn by law enforcement were self-serving. Furthermore, irregularities in how investigators and prosecutors handled the case reflect at best gross negligence, and at worst something more sinister.

At the time of his death, Time magazine remembered Malcolm X unsympathetically as "a pimp, a cocaine addict and a thief" and "an unashamed demagogue." But for those who had been paying closer attention to him, Malcolm X was an uncompromising advocate for the urban poor and working-class black America. Instead of advocating integration, he called for self-determination; instead of nonviolence in the face of violent anti-black attacks, he called for self-defense. He reserved moral appeals for other people committed to social justice; the government, on the other hand, he understood in terms of organized power -- to be challenged, disrupted and/or dismantled -- and sought to leverage alliances with newly independent African states to challenge that power.

It was his challenge to the organized power of the state that appealed to growing numbers of African-Americans, and it was this challenge that also attracted a close following among federal, state and local law enforcement. Under Federal Bureau of Investigation Director J. Edgar Hoover's watch, the FBI kept close tabs on Malcolm's every move through the use of informants and agents. Even before Malcolm began attracting large audiences and widespread media coverage in the late 1950s and early '60s, the FBI reported on his efforts to organize Nation of Islam mosques around the country. One organizing meeting in a private home in Boston in 1954 had maybe a dozen or so people present; one of them reported to the FBI.
Ilyasah Shabazz on learning about her father's life

Ilyasah Shabazz on learning about her father's life 01:24

After Malcolm left the Nation of Islam in March 1964, agents pondered the prospect of a depoliticized more religious Malcolm, but still perceived him as a threat. On June 5, 1964, Hoover sent a telegram to the FBI's New York office that simply and plainly instructed, "Do something about Malcolm X enough of this black violence in NY." One wonders, what that "something" was.

In New York, the FBI's actions were complemented by, if not coordinated with, the New York Police Department's Bureau of Special Services, which regularly logged license plates of cars parked outside mosques, organizational meetings, business


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Google warns against expanding FBI hacking power

02/17/15 06:42 PM EST

Google urged a small government rules committee to block a Department of Justice (DOJ) request that would expand the FBI’s ability to remotely collect electronic information in the U.S. and abroad.

The DOJ filed its request last year to the little-known Advisory Committee on Criminal Rules.

The department wants the committee to give judges the power to authorize warrants for electronic searches in multiple jurisdictions, or when investigators don’t know the physical location of a device.

Such a move, Google said in comments filed to the committee, “substantively expands the government’s current authority,” and “raises a number of monumental and highly complex constitutional, legal and geopolitical concerns.”

The tech giant’s comments put them on the side of civil liberties and privacy advocates, who appeared before the committee in November to strongly protest the proposal.

DOJ has argued such an update is needed to eliminate address changes in technology and ease logistical nightmares. A single computer network, for instance, can span multiple jurisdictions. Having to get a warrant for each jurisdiction instead of just one warrant for the computer network, significantly slows down investigators, authorities say.

But Google countered that this power would create blanket warrants that blindly target wide swaths of people around the world without notice.

Granting a search on one computer network could authorize searches of thousands people whose Internet traffic is routed through that specific server.

That might infringe on Fourth Amendment protections from unreasonable search and seizures, Google said.

The change “weakens” requirements to notify individuals prior to a search, and “expands the practice of covert entry warrants,” Google said.

Federal law enforcement officials have come under fire for their clandestine digital tactics to collect information on suspects.

The Drug Enforcement Agency is being sued after allegedly lifting photos from a woman’s phone to create a fake Facebook account under her name and communicate with other people of interest.

The FBI has also admitted to faking an Associated Press story and planting on a mock Seattle Times website to try and plant tracking software on a suspect’s computer.

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Significance of the Assassination of Malcolm X

Feb 20, 2015

A strong force for the liberation of Africans, African Americans and oppressed people throughout the world was gunned down on Feb. 21, 1965.

At the Audubon Ballroom in the Washington Heights section of Harlem, New York, Malcolm X, El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, was preparing to address an audience of some 400 people at a weekly meeting of the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) at 3:15 p.m. when he was interrupted by an apparent diversionary tactic. Then several men stood up and began firing shotguns and pistols at Malcolm X striking him at least six times in the face, chest and other parts of his body.

This act of public premediated murder deriving from a conspiracy was not surprising to many people. Just one week before, the home of Malcolm X was firebombed in Elmhurst, Queens Long Island where he lived with his pregnant wife and four children.

Malcolm had received countless threats since his departure from the Nation of Islam 11 months before. Members of the NOI security force, the Fruit of Islam, had made attempts to attack him on several occasions since early 1964.

In the aftermath of his assassination the corporate media proclaimed that his death was a direct result of political struggle between Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam led at the time by Elijah Muhammad who was based in the city of Chicago. However, what is often overlooked and not thoroughly examined is the role of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the New York Police Department (NYPD) and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in conducting surveillance and other counter-insurgency operations against the NOI as well as two other organizations Malcolm X formed during the last year of his life, the Muslim Mosque, Inc. and the OAAU.

What the FBI Files Reveal

The FBI kept extensive files on Malcolm X and the NOI over a period of years. Malcolm joined the NOI at the aegis of his family members who had been recruited while he was in prison.

Even prior to Malcolm’s conversion, he had read extensively on numerous topics including history and philosophy while incarcerated in the Norfolk Prison Colony in Massachusetts. By the time he joined the NOI in 1948 he was well versed in logic, historical studies and politics.

Some of the earliest FBI files which have been released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) contain a letter written by him to the-then United States President Harry S. Truman at the beginning of the U.S. intervention in Korea where he stated that “I have always been a communist.”Malcolm expressed his opposition to the invasion of Korea and said during the last war he had attempted to enlist in the Japanese army.

This letter was written even after he had joined the NOI. Malcolm spent over six years in prison for petty crimes such as burglary and larceny during 1946-1952. He had been scheduled for parole in 1951 but was denied.

After his parole he came to live in Inkster and Detroit, Michigan where he had family members. After working in a retail outlet and a factory in Inkster and Wayne, he would soon become a full-time organizer for the NOI.

The files reveal that the FBI in conjunction with the Detroit police monitored his activities thoroughly. They noted in the files that he resided on Williams Street in Inkster and Keystone in Detroit.

Meetings taking place at Temple No. 1 in Detroit on Frederick Street where Malcolm was in attendance and spoke were recorded in the files. It was noted when he travelled to Chicago to meet with Elijah Muhammad and when Malcolm was sent to Philadelphia and Boston to takeover operations there.

In 1954 it is shown that he became the minister at No. 7 in Harlem. The content of his sermons were recorded in the files as well. Efforts were underway to determine whether he was in violation of his parole so that he could possibly be locked up again by the authorities in Michigan or other states.

An office memorandum from the Detroit Special Agent in Charge (SAC) of the FBI to the-then Director J. Edgar Hoover, dated May 10, 1954, says “On May 7, 1954 SA (presumably Special Agent whose name is redacted), contacted the Michigan parole authorities, at which time (redacted) advised that captioned subject was discharged from his parole by the Michigan parole authorities on May 18, 1953 and thus is not currently in violation of his parole.”

By 1955 it is noted in the FBI files that Malcolm was approached and interrogated by at least two government agents. According to the report on the Jan. 10, 1955 “Interview of Malcolm Little”, it says that “The subject was very uncooperative in this interview. He refused to furnish any information concerning the officers, names and members, to furnish doctrines or beliefs of the MCI (Muslim Cult of Islam, the NOI as described and labelled by the FBI) or family background data on himself.”

Malcolm maintained as reported by the agents that “he believes in all the teachings of Elijah Mohammed of Chicago, Illinois, and that Elijah Mohammed was his leader and that he considered Elijah Mohammed superior to all. Subject considered the ‘Nation of Islam’ higher and greater than the United States Government. He claimed that Allah is God, the supreme being, and that Elijah Mohammed is the greatest prophet of all, being the last and greatest Apostle.” (NY 105-8999)

The report went on to describe the physical characteristics, names and aliases of Malcolm X. Little or Malachi Shabazz. It also recorded that in 1943 Malcolm had been turned down by the draft board for induction in the military saying that he had a “Psychopathic Personality and sexual perversion.”

Malcolm X Splits With the NOI and is Assassinated Within One Year

Surveillance of Malcolm X and the NOI continued throughout the late 1950s and 1960s. At the time of the suspension of Malcolm X by Elijah Muhammad, his departure to form two other organizations, the Muslim Mosque, Inc. and the OAAU, the FBI files indicate that close monitoring of both organizations intensified.

One year prior to the departure of Malcolm X from the NOI it was stated in a book by African American journalist Louis Lomax that John Ali, National Secretary of the NOI based in Chicago, was a former FBI agent. The book entitled “When the Word is Given: A Report on Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X and the Black

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Family Of Detroit Mosque Leader Shot 20 Times By FBI Agents Loses Appeal
February 21, 2015


Dearborn, FBI, imam, lawsuit, Luqman Abdullah

- The family of a Detroit mosque leader shot 20 times by FBI agents has failed to persuade a federal court to reinstate a lawsuit against the government.

An appeals court this week upheld a decision to dismiss a lawsuit filed by the estate of Luqman Abdullah. The decision centers on a technical point: The court says a three-year deadline to sue was missed.

Abdullah was killed when agents tried to

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Why Do Good People Become Silent-or Worse-About 9/11?

Part 14: Learned Helplessness

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60 Structural Engineers Cite Evidence for Controlled Demolition of Three WTC High-Rises

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Rutgers students receptive to message from NJ911Aware

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Daughter of woman killed in civil-rights struggle to speak
5:00 AM, Feb 21, 2015
local news

Sally Liuzzo Prado, daughter of slain civil-rights activist Viola Liuzzo, will speak about her mother's legacy at 12:45 p.m. Wednesday in the Lyceum at Walters State Community College's Morristown campus.

The Lyceum is in the Student Services Building.

Liuzzo, a white woman killed in the civil-rights movement, was shot hours after she marched with 25,000 others from Selma to Montgomery in segregated Alabama.

Liuzzo's participation in the march is included in the recent film "Selma."

She also is the subject of a documentary, "Home of the Brave."

The documentary will be shown at 6 p.m. Thursday in the Lyceum.

Both events are free and open to the public.

Liuzzo was shuttling fellow protesters back to Selma when her car drew the attention of four Ku Klux Klan members. After a 20-mile car chase, Liuzzo, 39, was shot twice and killed instantly. Prado was 6 years old.

Gary Rowe, an FBI informant, was one of the four accused men. He testified and was given a new identity and government protection. Separate juries took less than two hours each to acquit Collie Wilkins and Eugene Thomas. The fourth man, William Eaton, died before he could be tried. All were sentenced to relatively short stays in a federal prison for gun charges.

Decades later, Prado said, her family learned the FBI was responsible for the rumors that sullied her mother's reputation.

"In the 1980s, we found out that (then-FBI director) J. Edgar Hoover had initiated a horrible smear campaign against my mom so people would not blame the agency," she said. "They said she had needle marks in her arm. That's the reason I started talking about my moth

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Moving toward revolution
February 23, 2015

In the second part of a SocialistWorker.org feature on the revolutionary politics and enduring relevance of Malcolm X, Lee Sustar moves on from his early years to see how Malcolm's efforts transformed the Nation of Islam--even while setting the stage for a later clash with the organization. Click here to see all the stories in the series.

Malcolm X speaking to a crowd in HarlemMalcolm X speaking to a crowd in Harlem

FOR MALCOLM X and his siblings, the Nation of Islam provided a kind of stability that had long been denied them. Having endured the loss of two houses when racists torched them, the Little family had lost their father when he likely died at the hands of racists and their mother when she was institutionalized for mental illness. Government authorities dispersed the children to various foster homes.

The Nation of Islam (NOI) seemed to fill that void. Malcolm and his siblings found a familiar, uncompromising message of Black nationalism that had been embraced by their parents, followers of Marcus Garvey. What the NOI added were religious dogmas that diverged in many fundamental ways from orthodox Sunni Islam.

The inner world of the NOI was highly structured and deeply conservative. Members had to abide by a strict moral code or face suspension or expulsion. Women recruits were expected to undergo Muslim Girl's Training, which encouraged them to be subordinate to men and become homemakers rather than work. The group was rigidly hierarchical, investing spiritual leader Elijah Muhammad with virtually total authority. The NOI was enthusiastically pro-capitalist, too: The problem, in their view, wasn't the pursuit of profit, but the fact that African Americans were excluded from opportunities to do so.

By focusing on prisoners, the poor and the unemployed, the organization taught African Americans who were among the most marginal and despised in a racist society to be proud of their heritage and to band together to create their own separate society, with their own businesses, schools and social institutions.

The legacy of Malcolm X
Lee Sustar examines the politics of Malcolm X as they were shaped by the world of struggle around him—and their meaning for today's struggles

Malcolm X: A revolutionary life
Moving toward revolution

Malcolm, the one-time zoot-suited hustler, aspiring entertainer, low-wage worker and convict, could speak to the NOI's target audience with authority:

To have once been a criminal is no disgrace. To remain a criminal is the disgrace. I formerly was a criminal. I formerly was in prison. I'm not ashamed of that. You never can use that over my head, and he is using the wrong stick. I don't feel that stick. They charged Jesus with sedition. Didn't they do that? They said he was against Caesar. They said he was discriminating because he told his disciples, "Go not the way of the gentiles, but rather go to the lost sheep." Go to the people who don't know who they are, who are lost from the knowledge of themselves and who are strangers in a land that is not theirs. Go to these people. Go to the slaves. Go to the second-class citizens. Go to the ones who are suffering the brunt of Caesar's brutality.

And if Jesus were here in America today, he wouldn't be going to the white man. The white man is the oppressor. He would be going to the oppressed. He would be going to the humble. He would be going to the lowly. He would be going to the rejected and the despised. He would be going to the so-called American Negro.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

MALCOLM HAD won his first recruits to the NOI while in prison. Upon his release, he soon became close with Elijah Muhammad, who recognized that Malcolm's intellect, energy and unparalleled speaking ability could help the NOI.

Malcolm's first big assignment was to build the NOI's Boston temple. There, he shook up the local leadership and found a protégé, a young calypso singer named Louis Walcott, would become Louis X, and later Louis Farrakhan, the leader of a reconstituted NOI in the 1970s. In the 1950s, with Malcolm's support, Louis wrote and performed a play called The Trial, which was featured at NOI meetings around the U.S.:

I charge the white man with being the greatest liar on earth! I charge the white man with being the greatest drunkard on earth...I charge the white man with being the greatest gambler on earth. I charge the white man, ladies and gentlemen of the jury, with being the greatest murderer on earth. I charge the white man with being the greatest peace-breaker on earth...I charge the white man with being the greatest robber on earth. I charge the white man with being the greatest deceiver on earth. I charge the white man with being the greatest troublemaker on earth. So therefore, ladies and gentlemen of the jury, I ask you, bring back a verdict of guilty as charged!

A film of The Trial became the opening sequence of a 1959 five-part television series on the NOI in New York called The Hate that Hate Produced (now available online), hosted by Mike Wallace, who warned viewers of a rising "Black supremacist" movement. The FBI monitored the program, providing a "substantially verbatim" transcript of parts of the series to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover.

In fact, the FBI had been keeping an eye on Malcolm since he began protesting prison restrictions on the practice of Islam, and twice sent agents to meet--that is, harass--him. Historian Clayborne Carson's edited volume of Malcolm's FBI files recorded two agents' January 1955 "interview" with Malcolm at his home in New York City's borough of Queens:

The subject was uncooperative in this interview. He refused to furnish any information concerning the officers, names of members, to furnish doctrines or beliefs of the MCI [the abbreviation for "Muslim Cult of Islam," the FBI's term for the NOI] or family background data for himself...

When asked if he considered the MCI a government as well as a religion, the subject would not answer. When asked if he considered himself and the Negro race in slavery in the United States by the white man, the subject remarked that you would have to only read the history books in the library to know that they are in slavery.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

BY THE time The Hate that Hate Produced went on the air, Malcolm was a well-known figure across Black America. Now the television show, while broadcast only in New York, made him a national star. A man who a few months earlier had been frenetically travelling the country to run recruiting drives at sleepy NOI temples now found himself as the most visible figure in what had taken the shape of movement.

The NOI didn't have the 250,000 members guessed by Mike Wallace, or even half that number. But it was certainly a phenomenon--one that grew in parallel with the Southern civil rights movement, which had taken shape under very different politics and leadership. Where the Southern movement demanded integration and an end to Jim Crow, the NOI spoke to working class African Americans north of the Mason-Dixon line, whose lives were still constrained and disfigured by racism.

Malcolm's unflinching determination to speak out about racism--and the hypocrisy of Northern politicians--won recruits to the NOI and the sympathy of many more who never considered joining the organization. The African American poet and activist Sonia Sanchez recalled Malcolm's message as this: "'I am not afraid to say what you've been thinking all these years, that's why we loved him. He said it out loud, not behind closed doors. He took on America for us."

Malcolm's success--especially his rapid rise in the NOI and his close relationship with Elijah Muhammad--rankled veteran leaders of the organization, writes Manning Marable in his book Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. In the NOI's command-and-control culture, Malcolm's punishing regimen became the standard by which all others were judged. Those who failed to measure up were pushed aside. Malcolm himself showed little personal ambition, always giving credit to Elijah Muhammad for any success.

But as Malcolm brought in many thous

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Angela Davis equates lynchings with prisons, death penalty

The text of Angela Davis’ lecture is projected on a monitor for the hearing impaired.

John Terhune/Journal & Courier

Angela Davis, social justice activist, author and educator speaks Wednesday at Elliott Hall of Music at Purdue University.

Iconic civil rights leader Angela Davis opened her lecture Wednesday evening at Purdue University by evoking Black History Month — setting the stage for a moving presentation that connected past stories of oppression to today's movements for freedom.

"It is often assumed that Black History Month is primarily for black people, for people of African descent in this country," she said. "But let me say that black history is integral to the history of this hemisphere. One cannot understand the history of North America, or of Central or South America, without understanding black history."

Davis spoke to a crowd of about 2,750 people. The lecture was coordinated by the Division of Diversity and Inclusion. Other Purdue sponsors included the LGBTQ Center, Black Cultural Center, College of Liberal Arts, College of Agriculture's Office of Multicultural Programs, and Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies.

Davis was notoriously placed on the FBI's "10 Most Wanted" list and arrested in 1970 for charges related to a courtroom escape attempt. She was acquitted in 1972 and went on to become a leading writer, activist and educator for feminist issues and prisoners' rights.

She has authored nine books, including, "Women, Race, & Class" "Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture" and "Are Prisons Obsolete?"

At age 71, she is still very much an activist. She continues to travel the country, speaking on issues of police brutality, racism and other forms of discrimination. She is professor emerita in the History of Consciousness and Feminist Studies Departments at University of California Santa Cruz and her recent work focuses on prisoners' rights. She is a founding member of Critical Resistance, a national organization aiming to eliminate imprisonment, policing and surveillance.

During her talk at Purdue, Davis tied the historical tradition of the black struggle against oppression to multiple contemporary movements against racist violence, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, homophobia and able-ism.

"The black radical tradition can be claimed by anyone who believes that freedom is a worthy cause and that the struggle for freedom links our contemporary aspirations with many struggles of the past," she said.

She connected the history of black lynchings to today's issues of mass incarceration and capital punishment.

"The death penalty's roots are sunk deep into the legacy of lynching," she said. "… If we fail to take into account the central role of lynching, then we will never truly understand the way racism worked its way into the criminal justice system."

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Daughter recalls slain civil rights leader

6:01 AM, Feb 28, 2015

In 1965, Viola Gregg Liuzzo was gunned down and killed on an Alabama highway after taking some marchers to the Montgomery airport following the famous march from Selma to Montgomery to demand voting rights for all.

The death of a white woman who felt sympathetic to the Selma cause and had come from her Michigan home to help drew national attention to the civil-rights cause.

Next month, Liuzzo's daughters, Sally Liuzzo Prado and Penny Herrington, will complete the trip back to Selma their mother was unable to finish when they attend the 50th anniversary observance of the historic march.

It will be a trip they are honored to take.

"We know she changed the world, and it took a lot of sacrifice, and we are very proud of her," Prado said.

Prado, now a resident of East Tennessee, was scheduled to speak about her mother's legacy this week at Walters State Community College in Morristown. Because of the snow and canceled classes, the free event has been rescheduled for Monday at 2:30 p.m. in the Lyceum on campus.

In a telephone interview on Wednesday, Prado said she has spent much of her adult life trying to remind people of her mother's positive legacy. Part of the reason, she said, was that the family later learned the FBI had tried to smear her mother's reputation.

"It's been a struggle of 50 years to bring back the mother we know and love and not the creature (former FBI director) J. Edgar Hoover created," she said.

Prado said her life has be

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Homan Square protesters demand answers over Chicago police 'black site'

Crowd gathers outside facility at centre of claims of unconstitutional abuse
Anonymous and Black Lives Matter among groups represented

Saturday 28 February 2015 22.00 EST

The disappeared: Chicago police detain Americans at abuse-laden 'black site'

More than 100 activists and community leaders rallied in Chicago on Saturday to call for official investigations into and even a shutdown of Homan Square, the police facility at the centre of allegations over unconstitutional abuse and a growing protest movement known as #Gitmo2Chicago.

Less than a week after a Guardian investigation uncovered detailed accounts from Chicago citizens who said they were abused and detained without access to legal counsel or basic rights, demonstrators from groups including the hacktivist collective Anonymous and the Black Lives Matter movement chanted “freedom first” and pushed for open access to the secretive police warehouse.

The diverse crowd pressed most directly for answers from Rahm Emanuel, the Chicago mayor who is facing a runoff election in an extended campaign in which police reform has featured prominently.

“Rahm Emanuel says, ‘Trust us, we are doing the right thing,’” said organizer Andy Thayer of the Gay Liberation Network, referring to the mayor’s brief comments about the allegations on Thursday night. “But I’m sorry, Mr Mayor, you have lied to us about enough other things that we are not going to take your word for it that things are just hunky dory in the building behind us. We demand that you shut down this facility.”

Emanuel, who was engaged in a campaign initiative to meet 50,000 voters in a single day, did not address Homan Square on Saturday, as multiple protesters continued to compare it to a CIA “black site”.
Homan Square protest Protesters congregate outside Homan Square. Photograph: Chandler West/the Guardian

This week, multiple witnesses and attorneys detailed to the Guardian claims of police holding people for long periods inside the Homan Square facilty without access to attorneys or their families. Many reported shackling and physical abuse.

Travis McDermott, one of the other lead organizers of Saturday’s protest, spoke about the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which allows for the military detention of persons the government suspects of involvement with terrorism. McDermott said the NDAA was the primary reason sites like Homan Square remained in operation.

“The main issue,” he said, “is that when individuals are empowered by a contract” – the NDAA – “they have no threat of accountability, they can’t be expected to exercise self-restraint. They can deny and then it’s a battle of confidence between the people who have witnessed it and those protecting it.”

McDermott said he wanted real answers to the allegations about Homan Square, not quick dismissals.

“Our object is to get hard evidence,” he said, “because the burden of proof now [rests] on the Chicago police department.”

Brian Jacob Church, the first arrestee to come forward to the Guardian regarding his time inside Homan Square, could not attend the protest but requested McDermott read a statement on his behalf. One of the so called “Nato Three” who travelled to the city to protest a 2012 Nato summit, Church says he was arrested and held for 17 hours at Homan Square in 2012, before being charged and convicted and spending two and a half years in prison.

“Today you are standing here because basic humanity has been disregarded in the grossest fashion,” McDermott read. “We hear about things like this happening in other countries … but we never expect them to hit so close to home.”

Vetress Boyce, a candidate for alderman in Chicago’s 24th ward, said communities in the city had long been aware of the threat of violent treatment by police.

She said she stood “wholeheartedly” with protesters and supported a public investigation into what she called “torture” at Homan Square. “We hear a lot of what goes on in our neighborhood and in some cases we have stopped marching, we have stopped fighting for those that matter,” she said.
'I sat in that place for three days, man': Chicagoans detail abusive confinement inside police 'black site'
Read more

Reverend Gregg Greer, of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, called on more people who had spent time inside the facility to come forward. “If the Chicago police department hasn’t gotten anything to hide,” he said, “then open up the doors!”

The Chicago police have denied multiple requests for comment since the Guardian began reporting on Homan Square. In a statement issued to multiple media outlets on Tuesday, the department said it “abides by all laws, rules and guidelines pertaining to any interviews of suspects or witnesses, at Homan Square or any other CPD facility”. Without saying when records or attorney meetings took place, the police said: “If lawyers have a client detained at Homan Square, just like any other facility, they are allowed to speak to and visit them.”

On Saturday, protesters called for a public inspection of Homan Square. They also called for all people booked by Chicago police to be given access to a phone and a lawyer; for an opportunity for the public to ask questions pertaining to Homan Square; and for informational posters to be posted in Chicago police facilities informing people of their rights and including contact details for legal providers.
Homan Square protest An officer appears to film protesters from a fire escape at Homan Square. Photograph: Chandler West/the Guardian

“I’m hoping you will be back again,” Greer said. “And next week, tomorrow, as long as it takes, we will shut this down if we have to. Because what do we need? We need freedom first.”

As the crowd began chanting Greer’s last phrase one police officer, who had seemed to be holding back laughter, shook his head and cracked a smile.

The crowd then dispersed. Many planned to return on Sunday, ahead of a planned Monday demonstration closer to Emanuel’s office, in an ongoing effort to seek reparations for longtime Chicago poli

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2. Stories



Kelly: Ex-FBI chief tells of cop-killer swap that Cuba rejected
February 28, 2015, 4:39 PM Last updated: Sunday, March 1, 2015, 9:39 AM

Years before Joanne Chesimard was placed on the FBI’s list of most wanted terrorists and the bounty for her capture was increased to $2 million, federal authorities secretly reached out to their Cuban counterparts with a plan to bring the convicted cop killer back to New Jersey.

It was the fall of 1998. The FBI drew up a proposal to trade five captured Cuban spies for Chesimard, who had been convicted two decades earlier of killing a New Jersey state trooper in a turnpike gunfight but had broken out of jail and fled to Cuba, where she was granted political asylum.

Former FBI Director Louis Freeh, above in 2013, said he presented a spies-for-Chesimard trade to Cuba through intermediaries.

Cuban authorities refused to discuss the proposed deal.

Three of those spies were sent back to Cuba in December in exchange for American contractor Alan Gross and a CIA operative. The two others had returned earlier after serving their U.S. prison terms.
Joanne Chesimard lives in Cuba as Assata Shakur.        
Joanne Chesimard's appearance through the years.

The proposed 1998 trade, which has never been publicly acknowledged by either the United States or Cuba, was described in detail in two recent interviews with The Record by one of its originators, former FBI Director Louis Freeh.

Why the plan failed may offer insight about the obstacles facing the state police, the FBI and a host of political figures as they renew efforts to bring back Chesimard. The story also illustrates the legacy of suspicion that permeates U.S.-Cuban relations.

In New Jersey, however, the renewed discussion of Chesimard’s fugitive status has reopened old wounds that date to an unsettling time in America — a time that was punctuated by a horrific confrontation on the New Jersey Turnpike between state troopers and members of the Black Liberation Army who were calling for an armed revolution.

Just before midnight on May 2, 1973, Chesimard, then 25, was traveling south with two male compatriots when two troopers stopped their car. Within minutes a wild gunbattle broke out, leaving Trooper Werner Foerster dead and his partner wounded.

Chesimard, who also was wounded, was later caught, charged with murder and sentenced to a life term. But in 1979, she escaped from the state women’s prison in Clinton and disappeared, only to turn up five years later in Cuba.

Chesimard, 67, and reportedly living in the Havana area under the name Assata Shakur, is regarded as a criminal by U.S. authorities. Cuba has never shown any inclination to rescind her political asylum, which was granted by Fidel Castro in the mid-1980s.

In the fall of 1998, however, Freeh thought he saw an opening for U.S. authorities to get their hands on Chesimard.

As outlined by Freeh in two interviews with The Record, the FBI hoped to start talks to extradite Chesimard and possibly other American fugitives, including William Morales, a Puerto Rican nationalist who was implicated in a series of U.S. terror bombings, including one at Manhattan’s Fraunces Tavern that killed a Fair Lawn resident.

Freeh, who grew up in North Bergen and was a student at Rutgers Law School in Newark in the mid-1970s, said he had long harbored a special interest in the Chesimard case. And with the September 1998 arrest of the five Cuban spies in Florida, Freeh, who became FBI director five years earlier, said he figured he might have enough leverage to persuade the Cubans to return her.

“It always occurred to me that exchange would be a good one,” he said, recalling his enthusiasm.

But Freeh, who now runs a private security consulting firm, said the Cubans wouldn’t consider even the most ordinary of discussions.

“The response was no response,” he said.

Today, that message from Cuba appears unchanged.

Days after President Obama announced plans on Dec. 17 to restore diplomatic relations with the communist nation, Cuba’s foreign ministry, in response to questions from journalists in Havana, defended Chesimard’s status.

“Every nation has sovereign and legitimate rights to grant political asylum to people it considers to have been persecuted,” said the ministry’s head of North American affairs, Josefina Vidal.

“We’ve explained to the U.S. government in the past that there are some people living in Cuba to whom Cuba has legitimately granted political asylum,” she said.

In a recent interview, Guillermo Suarez, a counselor at Cuba’s U.N. mission, said extradition of Chesimard was not part of the talks to reestablish diplomatic ties with the U.S.

Suarez said Cuban officials were “quite surprised” to learn that the announcement of Cuban-American détente was greeted with demands from law enforcement officials and political figures in New Jersey and elsewhere for Chesimard’s return. He added that the $2 million bounty for her capture made Cuban officials “very nervous” about whether an influx of tourists would include bounty hunters.
Deepening tensions

By the fall of 1998, Cuban-American relations had grown very tense.

In February 1996, Cuban Air Force fighters shot down two civilian planes and killed four members of the Miami-based anti-Castro group Brothers to the Rescue, whose planes patrolled waters off Cuba to spot people trying to escape to the United States. Although the Cubans maintained that the planes had entered Cuban territory on the day they were shot down, an investigation showed they were attacked in international airspace.

In June 1998, FBI agents flew to Havana at the invitation of Cuban authorities to hear complaints about bombings in Cuba that had been allegedly orchestrated by anti-Castro dissidents supported by Florida’s large exile community.

Three months later, when FBI agents in Miami arrested the five Cuban spies who had reportedly infiltrated that exile community, Freeh saw an opening.

The arrest of the spies, known as the Cuban Five or the Miami Five, confirmed what the FBI and anti-Castro Cuban-Americans had long suspected: Cuba’s intelligence service had numerous operatives in the United States. One of the alleged spies was later charged with passing along information about Brothers to the Rescue flights.

Freeh sensed that the spies’ capture might also offer an opportunity to gain access to Chesimard. He approached U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno with the idea of a trade.

Freeh said Reno approved the plan, which called for him to reach out to his contacts in a nation with friendly ties to Cuba and the United States. That nation, which Freeh declined to identify, agreed to communicate the proposal to Cuba.

Because the plan was in its early stages, Freeh said neither he nor Reno contacted the White House or the State Department.

“What I did is I contacted the chief of service in another country’s security service,” Freeh said “We asked them to contact their counterparts in Cuba to see if they were interested in a conversation where we would exchange Chesimard for one or more of the Cuban Five. The answer came back: ‘No. Not interested.’Ÿ”

Freeh, who has never publicly discussed the rejected offer until now, said he was doing so to raise awareness of the importance of extraditing Chesimard. Reno could not be reached for comment.

Why the Cubans so hastily rejected Freeh’s overture to trade for Chesimard may have had something to do with how angry they were about the timing of the spies’ arrests — which came only months after the June 1998 meeting with the FBI in Havana to discuss concerns over violence by anti-Castro dissidents.

“When these spies were arrested, from the Cuban point of view, they had just been betrayed,” said Stephen Kimber, a Canadian journalist who wrote a book about them. “Why would they have been interested in a deal at that point?”
Asylum prevails

U.S. Sen. Bob Menendez, the New Jersey Democrat and former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who has emerged as a vocal critic of Obama’s plan to restore ties with Cuba, said he was surprised the Cubans had not agreed to exchange Chesimard for the spies.

“The Cuban government placed a high value on the spies,” said Menendez, the son of Cuban immigrants, noting that for years Cuba has campaigned for their return. “If there had been a deal more than a decade ago that they could have achieved the same thing, for them to say no just tells you what Chesimard means to them.”

Menendez called Chesimard “an enemy of the United States.”

“We see her for what she is — a cold-blooded murderer, who had her day in court and was convicted,” Menendez said. “They see her in some broader struggle for liberation. For them, she is a great propaganda claim.”

Peter Kornbluh, director of the Cuba Documentation Project at the National Security Archive, a non-governmental research institute in Washington, D.C., said the Cubans viewed the granting of political asylum to Chesimard as a matter of sacrosanct honor.

“I’ve discussed these cases, particularly Joanne Chesimard,” said Kornbluh, who returned from Cuba recently. “Their focus is that they made the political commitment of political asylum to her. They made the decision to give her political asylum and they are not going to revisit the issue.”

Lennox Hinds, Chesimard’s attorney and a professor of criminal justice at Rutgers University, said he had been assured by Castro that his client would not be sent back to the United States under any circumstances.

“In my view, Assata would not be viewed as someone who they would trade off,” Hinds said, using the name Chesimard calls herself


The FBI's War on the Black Panther Party's LA Chapter
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] The FBI's War on the BPP's Southern California Chapter ... ultraleft turn of the East Coast BPP (which became the Black Liberation Army).
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