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Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #1 
I will post evidence here for FBI  agents assassinating Martin Luther King and other people of color.


WHYTV – The FBI, Blacks, and Cointelpro

Recently we ran an article, based on FBI documents, about snipers targeting leaders of the Occupy movement. Readers wanted more context on the FBI’s history with protest movements. Here, therefore, is a documentary on the FBI’s Cointelpro program aimed at black activists.


 27 176 1reddit1


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #2 
3 reads-let god sort out the truth
1st read-African american FBI  agent teaches students about Martin Luther King non-violence tactics
2nd read taxpayer funded FBI agents found guilty by Memphis jury of assassinating Martin Luther King.
3rd read  taxpayer funded FBI  agents infiltrate Occupy Movement with plan to assassinate it's leaders

1st read

If we teach them, students will embrace Kingian nonviolence
By Alex Hill | September 10, 2013

2nd read

The Martin Luther King Conspiracy Exposed in Memphis

By Jim Douglass

April 5, 2010

According to a Memphis jury’s verdict on December 8, 1999, in the wrongful death lawsuit of the King family versus Loyd Jowers "and other unknown co-conspirators," Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated by a conspiracy that included agencies of his own government. Almost 32 years after King’s murder at the Lorraine Motel in Memphis on April 4, 1968, a court extended the circle of responsibility for the assassination beyond the late scapegoat James Earl Ray to the United States government.

I can hardly believe the fact that, apart from the courtroom participants, only Memphis TV reporter Wendell Stacy and I attended from beginning to end this historic three-and-one-half week trial. Because of journalistic neglect scarcely anyone else in this land of ours even knows what went on in it. After critical testimony was given in the trial’s second week before an almost empty gallery, Barbara Reis, U.S. correspondent for the Lisbon daily Publico who was there several days, turned to me and said, "Everything in the U.S. is the trial of the century. O.J. Simpson’s trial was the trial of the century. Clinton’s trial was the trial of the century. But this is the trial of the century, and who’s here?"

What I experienced in that courtroom ranged from inspiration at the courage of the Kings, their lawyer-investigator William F. Pepper, and the witnesses, to amazement at the government’s carefully interwoven plot to kill Dr. King. The seriousness with which U.S. intelligence agencies planned the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. speaks eloquently of the threat Kingian nonviolence represented to the powers that be in the spring of 1968.

In the complaint filed by the King family, "King versus Jowers and Other Unknown Co-Conspirators," the only named defendant, Loyd Jowers, was never their primary concern. As soon became evident in court, the real defendants were the anonymous co-conspirators who stood in the shadows behind Jowers, the former owner of a Memphis bar and grill. The Kings and Pepper were in effect charging U.S. intelligence agencies – particularly the FBI and Army intelligence – with organizing, subcontracting, and covering up the assassination. Such a charge guarantees almost insuperable obstacles to its being argued in a court within the United States. Judicially it is an unwelcome beast.

3rd read

 FBI Planned to Kill Occupy Leaders

Murdering political activists is business as usual for ruthless ruling elite

July 2, 2013
Occupy Wall Street was targeted due its popularity and the threat it posed to the elite and their financial system. Photo: Michael Fleshman

Occupy Wall Street was targeted due its popularity and the threat it posed to the elite and their financial system. Photo: Michael Fleshman

According to journalist David Lindorff, the FBI planned to assassinate the leaders of the now moribund Occupy movement “via suppressed sniper rifles.”

Lindorff cites a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request filed by the Washington, DC-based Partnership for Civil Justice Fund.

The redacted document obtained from the FBI in Houston states:

    An identified [DELETED] as of October planned to engage in sniper attacks against protestors (sic) in Houston, Texas if deemed necessary. An identified [DELETED] had received intelligence that indicated the protesters in New York and Seattle planned similar protests in Houston, Dallas, San Antonio and Austin, Texas. [DELETED] planned to gather intelligence against the leaders of the protest groups and obtain photographs, then formulate a plan to kill the leadership via suppressed sniper rifles.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #3 

FBI Director say FBI  needs to reinvent itself every day and in every way
as American Voters and Taxpayers continue to discover the crimes committed by taxpayer funded FBI  agents.

The organization that committed genocide against  african americans for 80 years
plans to use the taxpayer dime to fight genocide.
see link for full story

FBI launches new website to fight genocide

The FBI announces the launch of a website in connection with its Genocide War Crimes Program. The website solicits information from victims and others about acts of genocide, war crimes, or related mass atrocities.

The FBI recently announced  the launch of a website in connection with its Genocide War Crimes Program. “Today, in an effort to raise awareness about these crimes and the FBI’s part in helping to combat them, we’re announcing the launch of our Genocide War Crimes Program website. In addition to educating the public on our role, the website solicits information from victims and others about acts of genocide, war crimes, or related mass atrocities that can be submitted to us through tips.fbi.gov or by contacting an FBI field office or legal attaché office.”

According to the article: “The global community has banded together to help prevent crimes like these and to bring to justice the perpetrators who commit them. The U.S. is part of this international effort—most recently through the creation of an interagency Atrocities Prevention Board. And the FBI supports the government’s efforts through its own Genocide War Crimes Program” (see article: Genocide and War Crimes – New Website Designed to Raise Awareness, Solicit Information http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2012/august/new-genocide-and-war-crimes-webpage/new-genocide-and-war-crimes-webpage [wink].

Genocide is “the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.

According to FBI Special Agent Jeffrey VanNest, who heads up our Genocide War Crimes Unit (GWCU), our mission is to “systematically and methodically help track down perpetrators of genocide, war crimes, and other related atrocities – the worst of the worst -and apprehend them.”


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #4 


see link for full story


Feds drop charges against purported torture victim, secret warrant target

Prosecutors previously indicted Yonas Fikre - a former Portland resident who publically accused federal agents of having him tortured - alongside Seattle resident Abrehaile Haile in a scheme to illegally wire $75,000 to United Arab Emirates and Sudan. Also charged was Fikre's brother Dawit Woldehawariat, of San Diego, Calif.

Court documents show investigators obtained secret warrants meant to investigate espionage and terrorism while investigating the apparent white collar crime.

Now, it appears none of the accused will receive jail time following a series of plea agreements and the prosecution's decision to drop the charges against Fikre, who was out of the country when the indictment came down did not return to the United States to face the charges.

Haile, a manager at money-wiring business in Seattle, received a deferred prosecution that would allow the charges to be dropped entirely from his record if he stays out of trouble for a year. Woldehawariat pleaded guilty to a single misdemeanor - failing to file a tax return - through a plea agreement, the details of which remain under seal.

Prosecutors previously claimed Haile, a Washington State University graduate who emigrated to the U.S. as a child, used his business to make small money transfers designed to avoid reporting the full scope of the transaction to financial regulators, as required by federal law.

The indictment came two weeks after Fikre and Portland attorney Thomas Nelson held a news conference in Sweden - Fikre had been living there since his release from a United Arab Emirates prison - and alleged Fikre had been tortured by U.A.E. police acting at the behest of the FBI.

Speaking with The Associated Press, Nelson and Fikre said Fikre was first contacted by FBI agents in April 2009 while he was traveling in Sudan. A native of Eritrea, Fikre lived in Sudan as a youth before moving to Southern California with his family and ultimately settling in Portland.

Firke told The AP the agents questioned him about Portland's Masjid as-Sabr mosque, a large mosque which has seen several attendees face terrorism-related charges in the past decade. Firke was later arrested while in the United Arab Emirates and held for three months. He that contends he was tortured and that his assailants asked the same questions the FBI agents previously put to him in Sudan.

"It was very hard, because you don't know why you are in there and the only person you speak to is either yourself, or the wall, or when you go to the restroom or when you go to the torture place," Fikre told The AP in April 2012 . "I have never been that isolated from human beings in my entire life."

The FBI and State Department have denied Fikre's claims. (Click the following link for the full Associated Press report on Fikre's allegations.)

Court papers filed in the case indicate investigators obtained materials collected through a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act warrant issued by a secret court.

Created in the late 1970s in an attempt to curtail unjustified surveillance of Americans, the FISA system is a classified forum through which law enforcement agents - chiefly the FBI - obtain search warrants that will never be fully disclosed to their targets or the public. Even the identities of the judges seated on the court remain a closely held secret.

Under the FISA process, agents present the closed court with statements asserting they have probable cause to believe their target is an agent of a foreign government or terrorist organization, and receive a warrant to tap the target's phone or search the target's property. That probable cause statement remains classified, though it must be provided to the U.S. District Court judge hearing the criminal case if prosecutors hope to present evidence obtained through the FISA warrant at trial.

Aspects of the FISA system have drawn criticism in the past decade, in part because the number of FISA warrants has increased dramatically since the Sept. 11 attacks. Congress recently expanded the wiretapping authority available through FISA, notably through the FISA Amendments Act in 2008.

The FISA court almost always accede to law enforcement requests - in the court's 30-year history, just 11 of the 34,000 warrant applications have been rejected. Some have asserted FISA warrants are now being used in criminal investigations that have nothing to do with terrorism or spying.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #5 

FBI Informant Accused Of Killing Lil Phat Appeared With Him In Reality Show Pilot (VIDEO)


Lil Phat photo by: Diwang Valdez of the Motion Pamily

(AllHipHop News) The case surrounding the murder of rapper Lil Phat has more twists and turns than an episode of Law and Order: SVU. The latest revelation comes in the form of video of accused killer and FBI informant Mani Chulpayuev appearing with Phat (born Melvin Vernell III) weeks before the rapper was gunned down in an Atlanta hospital parking lot in 2012.

[ALSO READ: More Details Emerge About Alleged Conspirators In Rapper Lil Phat’s Murder]

WSB got access to the footage of a television show pilot featuring Chulpayuev. In the clip the owner of a luxury car rental service can be seen introducing Phat to the camera and calling him ”one of his good customers.” The former Russian mobster claims the video is evidence that he had no ill will toward Phat and had no reason to kill him.

Authorities believe Phat was murdered in a killing-for-hire plot over stolen drugs. Four other men, including Chulpayuev’s business partner Decensae White, were also charged in Phat’s killing.

Chulpayuev is accused of providing GPS information of the car Phat was driving to the hired gunmen, but he has denied any involvement with the shooting. It was revealed last month that Chulpayuev was an active federal informant tasked with gathering information for suspected drug dealers.

[ALSO READ: Ex-Mobster Accused Of Killing Lil Phat Says He Was Working For The Feds]


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #6 

1st read
see link for full story

Vol. 2 No. 11 (November, 1992) pp. 187-188

CLOAK AND GAVEL: FBI WIRETAPS, BUGS, INFORMERS, AND THE SUPREME COURT by Alexander Charns. Champaign, Illinois: University of Illinois, 1992. 206 pp. Cloth $24.95.

Reviewed by David M. O'Brien, Department of Government and Foreign Affairs, University of Virginia.

This engaging and often disturbing book sheds new light on the illegal and unethical activities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), along with some Supreme Court justices' highly questionable associations and unethical collaboration with the bureau. Based primarily on FBI files, Alexander Charns, a practicing attorney, begins by recounting his eight year-long litigation battle to force the bureau to release under the Freedom of Information Act its files on the Supreme Court and individual justices. In addition, Charns draws on several of the justices' papers at the Library of Congress and, notably, obtained access to Justice Abe Fortas's papers, which are located at Yale University and closed to the public until the year 2000.

The obsession of FBI director J. Edgar Hoover with combating Communism and Left-wing "subversives" through infiltration, wiretapping, and bugging has been well documented elsewhere. But, the extent to which Hoover directed his campaign at the Court has not received much attention. That, of course, has been largely because the FBI's files have remained secret. And that is where Charns's persistence and research makes a genuine contribution. His story of the FBI and federal judges' collaboration remains far from complete, to be sure, due to the bureau's secret filing systems, destruction of records, and censorship of materials that have been made available. Yet, Charns reveals that Hoover made it a practice to try to curry favor with some justices, to promote or cut short the careers of others, and to otherwise influence the federal judiciary. Moreover, between 1945 and 1974 at least twelve justices were overheard in more than 100 wiretapped conversations and Charns establishes some highly inappropriate connections between Hoover and members of the Supreme Court and the federal judiciary.

Not surprisingly, as with much of the Washington community Hoover sought covert access to and influence in the Court. And as the Warren Court moved in more liberal directions when dealing with alleged Communists in the 1950s and then the rights of the accused in the 1960s, Hoover became increasingly concerned. Hoover persuaded Court employees to inform FBI agents about the Court's deliberations, for example, in the case of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. Later, he directed an investigation of Earl Warren and maintained files on Justice William 0. Douglas, among other justices, that included material obtained through unauthorized wiretaps. On the basis the latter material, according to Charns, Hoover may have dissuaded President Harry Truman from elevating Justice Douglas to chief justice in 1946. But, on this score Charns's evidence appears weak and circumstantial. And the competing influences and pressures on Truman when naming his friend Fred Vinson to the Court's center chair are greater and more complex that Charns concedes. In illuminating detail, however, Charns recounts how almost two decades later Hoover armed Representative Gerald R. Ford with his file on Douglas prior to Ford's bungled attempt to impeach the justice in the House of Representatives.

More revealing and disturbing is Charns's reconstruction of events in 1966 when Hoover managed to persuade Justice Abe Fortas, whom he once considered a "sniveling liberal," to keep FBI agents abreast of the Court's deliberations in a pending case. The case involved the bureau's unauthorized bugging of the hotel room of Washington lobbyist Fred Black, a close friend of Bobby Baker, who -- like Justice Fortas -- was one of President Lyndon Johnson's intimate associates. Although Justice Fortas recused himself from the case, this story of judicial impropriety comprises the heart of Charns's book and adds another chapter to the volumes already written about Justice Fortas's indiscretions and improper activities on and off the bench.

Page 188 follows:

Admittedly, as a relentless foe of the FBI and advocate-turned-author, Charns occasionally gets carried away. The significance of the FBI's assisting various justices in making travel arrangements, running background checks on potential law clerks and judicial fellows, or helping Chief Justice Warren Burger bring Oriental rugs back to the United States from England in 1985, for instance, appears highly debatable.

Still, Charns makes a strong case for his claim that "An FBI report on a nominee's background should be viewed with as much skepticism as reports submitted by other interest groups." (p. 130) He does so by revealing Hoover's directives in the 1950s to FBI field offices to identify potential judicial nominees who appear friendly to the bureau, and which turned up the likes of Potter Stewart and Warren E. Burger. Charns also highlights the importance of the FBI's uneven reports on judicial nominees and their selective use by the bureau, as well as the FBI's occasional memos to Department of Justice attorneys suggesting that they forum shop in order to have cases heard by judges known to be sympathetic to the bureau.

Finally, and even more disturbing than Justice Fortas's indiscretions and some other revelations, is the evidence Charns unearths concerning Chief Justice Burger's links with the FBI and federal Judge Edward Tamm (a former FBI assistant director) and their efforts to recruit former FBI agents as court administrators.
Copyright 1992

2nd read
see link for full story

FBI Can Keep Race Data From ACLU, U.S. Appeals Court Says
By Sophia Pearson October 23, 2013

The Federal Bureau of Investigation can withhold data from a civil liberties group on its use of ethnic and racial information, a U.S. appeals court in Philadelphia ruled.

The American Civil Liberties Union sued the FBI in May 2011 under the Freedom of Information Act, seeking records that included the use of race and ethnicity by six field offices in New Jersey in conducting investigations. The appeals court upheld a trial judge’s finding that the information the ACLU sought was exempt from disclosure requirements.

“The harm from disclosure lies in revealing, indirectly, the FBI’s targeting preferences and investigative techniques -- not in revealing demographic information that is already available to the public,” the court said in unanimous decision.

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #7 
taxpayer funded FBI  agents assassinate Martin Luther King then ordered to visit his memorial
by new FBI  Director who approved torture while working for President Bush..

In 1999 a Memphis Jury determined FBI  agents had assassinated Martin Luther King.
During that trial attorney for the Martin Luther King family detailed the evidence now available in his two books ORDERS TO KILL and ACT OF STATE.
Taxpayers continue to involuntarily fund the corporate Death Squad called the FBI where FBI  agents,
crank out Orwellian propaganda  24 hours a day seven days a week.

 2 stories

1st story see link for full story  http://www.buzzfeed.com/evanmcsan/fbi-director-orders-new-agents-to-visit-martin-luther-king-j

FBI Director Orders New Agents To Visit Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial

“I think it also makes sense for me to offer those in training a reminder closer to our own history,” James Comey said. posted on October 28, 2013 at 1:45pm EDT


WASHINGTON — The director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation is adding a mandatory visit to the Martin Luther King Jr. memorial in D.C. to agent training, he said Monday, a move he said will be a warning “of the dangers in becoming untethered to oversight and accountability.”

“As I think about the unique balance represented by fidelity to independence on the one hand the rule of law on the other, I think it also makes sense for me to offer those in training a reminder closer to our own history,” James Comey, who was ceremonially sworn into the FBI director’s job at a ceremony at the bureau’s headquarters Monday. “I’m going to direct that all new agents and analysts also visit the Martin Luther King Memorial here in Washington.”

Comey said that the surveillance of King during his career as a civil rights leader was the “most famous” example of FBI “abuse and overreach” in the bureau’s past, and he said he hoped a visit to the memorial will help some of the FBI’s darker chapters in mind as they go about their work.

Incoming FBI agents have been ordered to visit the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum as part of their training since the Clinton administration, when then-Director Louis Freeh added the requirement to warn new agents about the dangers of government overreach.

“We do this early on in their training …


US Government assassinated Martin Luther King youtube


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #8 

Thursday, September 21, 2006

The FBI's Nastiest & Most Criminal Agent

Richard Wallace Held


Posts: 1
Reply with quote  #9 
According to FBI Special Agent Jeffrey VanNest, who heads up our Genocide War Crimes Unit (GWCU), our mission is to “systematically and methodically help track down perpetrators of genocide, war crimes, and other related atrocities – the worst of the worst -and apprehend them.”
Pass Any Exams with cert killer


Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #10 
Originally Posted by zohanx747
According to FBI Special Agent Jeffrey VanNest, who heads up our Genocide War Crimes Unit (GWCU), our mission is to “systematically and methodically help track down perpetrators of genocide, war crimes, and other related atrocities – the worst of the worst -and apprehend them.”

Yea  747. When a FBI  agent talks I listen. The taxpayer funded death squad is constantly trying to re-invent itself while it continues to operate as a death squad on behalf of the Military-Industrial complex.
Wasn't the X-FILES mantra "I want to believe"  ?

The FBI  Genocide War Crimes Unit was created in 2013. Dr Martin Luther King was assassinated by FBI  agents in 1968. When you are the Law Enforcement agency investigating the crime you just committed you can always get away with the crime,eh?

In other news.....
Taxpayer funded members of the FBI Crime Family create the Innocent Images Unit to fight Child Pronography  see   http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/investigate/vc_majorthefts/innocent/innocent

see link for full story
CNN exclusive: FBI misconduct reveals sex, lies and videotape

By Scott Zamost and Kyra Phillips, CNN Special Investigations Unit
January 27, 2011

Washington (CNN) -- An FBI employee shared confidential information with his girlfriend, who was a news reporter, then later threatened to release a sex tape the two had made.

A supervisor watched pornographic videos in his office during work hours while "satisfying himself."

And an employee in a "leadership position" misused a government database to check on two friends who were exotic dancers and allowed them into an FBI office after hours.

These are among confidential summaries of FBI disciplinary reports obtained by CNN, which describe misconduct by agency supervisors, agents and other employees over the last three years


Read the FBI documents obtained by CNN

-- An employee had "a sexual relationship with a source" over seven months. The punishment was a 40-day suspension.
-- The supervisor who viewed "pornographic movies in the office while sexually satisfying himself" during work hours received a 35-day suspension.
-- The employee in a "leadership position" who misused a "government database to conduct name checks on two friends who were foreign nationals employed as exotic dancers" and "brought the two friends into FBI space after-hours without proper authorization" received a 23-day suspension. The same employee had been previously suspended for misusing a government database.
-- An employee who was drunk "exploited his FBI employment at a strip club," falsely claiming he was "conducting an official investigation." His punishment was a 30-day suspension.
-- And an employee conducted "unauthorized searches on FBI databases" for "information on public celebrities the employee thought were 'hot'" received a 30-day suspension.

see link for full story

February 22, 2013
FBI agents caught sexting and dating drug dealers
Dating drug dealers, harassing ex-boyfriends with naked pictures, and pointing guns at pet dogs: these were just a few of the offences committed recently by serving FBI agents, according to internal documents.
The US provided officers from the Egyptian secret police with training at the FBI, despite allegations that they routinely tortured detainees and suppressed political opposition.

Disciplinary files from the Bureau's Office of Professional Responsibility record an extraordinary range of transgressions that reveal the chaotic personal lives of some of America's top law enforcers.

One male agent was sacked after police were called to his mistress's house following reports of domestic incident. When officers arrived they found the agent "drunk and uncooperative" and eventually had to physically subdue him and wrestle away his loaded gun.

A woman e-mailed a "nude photograph of herself to her ex-boyfriend's wife" and then continued to harass the couple despite two warnings from senior officials. The Bureau concluded she was suffering from depression related to the break-up and allowed her to return to work after 10 days.

see link for full story


Buffalo FBI Agent Busted
Dec 10, 2012  

BUFFALO, NY - A Special Agent working in the Buffalo office of the FBI is due in Eden Town Court later this month, after being arrested by New York State Police last Friday night, charged with exposing himself to a fellow motorist on the New York State Thruway.

State Police Lt. David Denz confirmed for WGRZ-TV that John A. Yervelli Jr., 48, of Lakeview, was charged with Public Lewdness, a class B misdemeanor, punishable by up to 90 days in jail.

According to Denz, a truck driver from central New York was traveling in the right lane while east bound on the Thruway near mile marker 442, between Exits 57 and 57A, when he noticed a grey minivan pull alongside him in the passing lane.

The trucker told police that when he looked down, he noticed the driver of the other vehicle (who had turned his dome light on) was not wearing pants.

"At that point the complainant stated that the driver of the minivan was exposing himself and making lewd gestures," Denz told 2 On Your Side.

Denz says the trucker called police, who then intercepted the minivan at the Hamburg toll plaza, where the trucker also went to identify Yervelli. Denz said it appeared Yervelli was wearing pants when he was pulled over.

"He denied exposing himself," Denz told Channel 2, but added that "inconsistencies" in the account given by Agent Yervelli lead State Police to file charges.

A source says Yervelli insisted to the trooper who pulled him over that he was attempting to relieve himself into a bottle while he was driving. However, the location where he said that occurred was within a few miles (or minutes) of the exit he was headed to, and even closer to a Thruway rest stop.

"I don't want to give you too many specifics as far as what he stated, but he made statements that would lead you to believe that the truck driver's story was credible," Denz said.

Child Porn Probe Leads To FBI Headquarters
Target claims inquiry is just a “misunderstanding”
JANUARY 5 2011--The government’s pursuit of suspects trafficking in child pornography recently led federal agents to a familiar address--the FBI’s Washington, D.C. headquarters, where a bureau official is the subject of an ongoing criminal probe, The Smoking Gun has learned.

The investigation by the Department of Justice’s inspector general is focusing on FBI employee Joseph Bonsuk’s receipt of nearly 80 illicit images that were e-mailed to him by an Illinois sex offender whose rap sheet includes felony convictions for bank robbery and solicitation of a minor.

Prosecutors move to dismiss charges against former Scout leader

January 3, 2007

NEW HAVEN, Conn. --Federal prosecutors have moved to dismiss charges against a retired FBI agent who was indicted on child sex charges dating back more than a decade when he was a Boy Scout leader, in response to the death of his accuser.

William Hutton, 63, of Killingworth, was arrested in February on charges he enticed a member of his Scout troop to Maine for the purpose of sexual activity in 1994 and 1995.


Former Scout leader, FBI agent indicted on child sex charges
News-Times, The (Danbury, CT)
Saturday, February 4, 2006

NEW HAVEN (AP) - A retired FBI agent was indicted Friday on federal child sex charges dating back more than a decade when he was a Boy Scout leader.
William Hutton, 63, of Killingworth, was arrested Friday. The federal grand jury indictment accuses Hutton of enticing a member of his Scout troop to Maine for the purpose of sexual activity in 1994 and 1995.

"It's obviously devastating. He was an FBI agent in this district and was reputed in this district," defense attorney Hugh Keefe said.

"The people who worked with him in the U.S. attorney's office and FBI respected him."

Keefe said the investigation has been going on for years. He would not discuss the details of the case or how the allegations surfaced.

Investigators asked anyone who knows anything about the case to call the FBI. U.S. Attorney Kevin O'Connor said that's standard practice whenever there might be more victims.

"In any case that's a concern," O'Connor said. "Whether that's the situation here I can't say."

If convicted on all four charges, Hutton faces up to 30 years in prison and up to $250,000 in fines.

Hutton was released on a $200,00 bond. He may not own any firearms or have any unsupervised contact with children. He was also ordered to stay away from playgrounds, schools, arcades or anywhere children congregate.

Edward Rodgers was in charge of investigating cases of Child Abuse at the FBI

THE DENVER POST - Voice of the Rocky Mountain Empire
May 17, 1990
Sisters win sex lawsuit vs. dad $2.3 million given for years of abuse
By Howard Prankratz
Denver Post Legal Affairs Writer

Two daughters of former state and federal law enforcement official Edward Rodgers were awarded $2.319,400 yesterday, after a Denver judge and jury found that the women suffered years of abuse at the hands of their father.

The award to Sharon Simone, 45, and Susan Hammond, 44, followed testimony of Rodgers’ four daughters in person or through depositions, describing repeated physical abuse and sexual assaults by their father from 1944 through 1965.

Rodgers, 72, who became a child abuse expert after retiring from the FBI and joining the colorado Springs DA’s office, failed to appear for the trial. But in a deposition taken in March, Rodgers denied ever hitting or sexually abusing his children.

Local attorney arrested
On child indecency accusations

Updated: Wednesday, 22 Apr 2009, 1:33 PM CDT
Published : Monday, 20 Apr 2009,
MOBILE, Ala. - Mobile Police arrested 52-year-old Phillip Kent Baxley on child indecency charges. Baxley is a local attorney in Mobile, but he's also a former coach and acting president for the Mobile Soccer Club.

"I'm surprised to hear it," said Mobile Soccer Club Director, Mohammed Elzare. "He's a former FBI agent and attorney. So we're definitely saddened to hear this."

Baxley was arrested at his Dauphin Street office on a fugitive felony warrant out of Harris County, Texas.

Texas police officers say Baxley was involved in an incident with a nine-year-old girl in 2004.
Investigators say it happened at a family member's house in a Houston suburb, but the girl waited some time before saying anything.

"When the victim, the nine-year-old made the outcry she was interviewed in another county and all of the information was forwarded to us and the investigation went from there," said Lt. Wade Conner with the Deer Park, Texas Police Department.

Mobile Soccer Club Board Members say they were blind-sided by the news on Monday. For now, the board likely plans to distance itself from Baxley.

"Stopping ties until this situation is resolved and hopefully it comes out to a good outcome," said Elzare.

But Texas investigators are confident the charges will stick, despite Baxley's background. "If they're a pedophile then we deal with them all the same," said Wade. "It doesn't matter what they do for a living."

Baxley is locked up in the Mobile County Jail. That's where he'll stay until he's extradited to Texas.

FBI Agent Pleads Guilty to Child Abuse


Tuesday February 17, 2004 11:46 PM


Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON (AP) - The former chief internal watchdog at the FBI has pleaded guilty to sexually assaulting a 6-year-old girl and has admitted he had a history of molesting other children before he joined the bureau for what became a two-decade career.

John H. Conditt Jr., 53, who retired in 2001, was sentenced last week to 12 years in prison in Tarrant County court in Fort Worth, Texas, after he admitted he molested the daughter of two FBI agents after he retired. He acknowledged molesting at least two other girls before he began his law enforcement career, his lawyer said.

Monday August 8, 2005 Longtime FBI agent sentenced to prison on child porn count

also see http://www.policeone.com/news/113935-Longtime-Idaho-FBI-Agent-Sentenced-for-Possessing-Child-Porn/
BOISE, Idaho- A longtime FBI agent who helped arrest infamous outlaw Claude Dallas has been sentenced to a year in prison for possessing child pornography.

William Buie, 64, was sentenced Monday after pleading guilty in March. Buie told authorities that he learned to access child pornography Web sites while attending a seminar on preventing child exploitation in 2000 or 2001.

see  link for full story


FIRST ON 5 NEWS: FBI Agent Arrested on Harassment Charges
13, 2013

An FBI agent out of Clarksburg is on the wrong side of the law. That's because on Friday, he was arrested on harassment charges in Monongalia County.

Scott Thomas Ballock is facing the charge after he supposedly continually sent multiple e-mails to a woman after she asked him to stop. State Police allege that this happened from October 2012 through this July of this year. Ballock apparently used his personal and government issued e-mail addresses.

According to some online conferences, Ballock is listed as a supervisory special agent at the FBIi's National Data Exchange Program Office in Clarksburg.

February 22, 2007
Ex-FBI man gets 7 years for child sex
Former FBI analyst sentenced in child sex case

A 17-year veteran of the FBI will serve seven years in prison for having sexual relations with a young girl in Spotsylvania County, a judge ruled yesterday.

Anthony John Lesko, 44, entered an Alford plea yesterday in Spotsylvania Circuit Court to nine counts of felony indecent liberties upon a child.

Lesko, who later moved to Jacksonville, Fla., worked as an intelligence analyst at the FBI for 17 years, according to his attorney, James A. Carter II. He is a major in the U.S. Army Reserves and has received numerous military awards.

An Alford plea means Lesko doesn't admit guilt but believes there is enough evidence for a conviction. Under the terms of the plea, he was sentenced to seven years in prison with another 15 years suspended.

Lesko engaged in a sex act with a girl, 9 and 10 at the time, at least nine times in 2003-2004, according to evidence put forth by Spotsylvania Commonwealth's Attorney William Neely.

The girl told a member of the Spotsylvania Department of Social Services about the activity in February 2004, according to the evidence. Lesko at first denied the allegations, but later spoke with a U.S. Navy counselor about them.

Lesko told the counselor that he was the victim of the sexual assault; he said the girl initiated the contact, according to the plea. Lesko entered the plea partly to spare the girl the pain of a trial, his attorney said.
on for 12 months after pleading guilty to possession of child pornography.

William Buie, 64, of Boise, most recently worked as an investigator for the Idaho attorney general's office.

FBI Agent Accused Of Masturbating In Public
May 25, 2007
FBI Agent Accused Of Masturbating In Public

Posted by, Marissa Pasquet KOLD News 13 News Editor

FBI Special Agent Ryan Seese, 34, is facing sex offense charges after a cleaning woman said she found him masturbating in a women's lavatory on campus, according to a University of Arizona police spokesman.

FBI Workers Suspected of Secretly Taping Teens in Dressing Room

 April 20, 2009


Two FBI workers are accused of using surveillance equipment to spy on teenage girls as they undressed and tried on prom gowns at a charity event at a West Virginia mall.

The FBI employees have been charged with conspiracy and committing criminal invasion of privacy. They were working in an FBI satellite control room at the mall when they positioned a camera on temporary changing rooms and zoomed in for at least 90 minutes on girls dressing for the Cinderella Project fashion show, Marion County Prosecutor Pat Wilson said Monday.

see link for full story

April 9, 2013
Former FBI agent files petition to enter guilty plea for child pornography charges

A local former Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agent arrested on child pornography charges filed a petition to enter a guilty plea.

Donald Sachtleben was arrested in May 2012, following an investigation into the distribution of child pornography. Authorities said they were able to trace online activity back to Sachtleben’s Carmel home.

According to court documents, Sachtleben hid behind the email ‘pedodave69@yahoo.com’ and openly traded child porn. In one email he attached nine images of child pornography and child erotica and wrote:

“Saw your profile… Hope you like these and can send me some of (y)ours. I have even better ones if you like.”

Police obtained a search warrant on May 3. During an initial forensic examination of Sachtleben’s laptop computer, approximately 30 images and video files containing child pornography were reportedly discovered.

Former top FBI agent charged with child porn distribution
By Bill Mears, CNN
 May 15, 2012

(CNN) -- A former supervisory FBI agent has been arrested and jailed on child pornography charges.

Donald Sachtleben was taken into custody and charged Monday after a nationwide undercover investigation of illegal child porn images traded over the Internet.

A federal complaint alleges 30 graphic images and video were found on Sachtleben's laptop computer late last week when FBI agents searched his home, about 23 miles north of Indianapolis.

Sachtleben is currently an Oklahoma State University visiting professor, according to his online resume. He is director of training at the school's Center for Improvised Explosives, but all references to his work have now been removed from the university's website. There was no indication from the school as to whether it had suspended him. Calls to the university and his Indianapolis attorneys were not immediately returned.

He had been an FBI special agent from 1983 to 2008, serving as a bomb technician. He worked on the Oklahoma City bombing and Unabomber investigations, according to his university biography.

A separate LinkedIn profile filled out by Sachtleben says he is an "accomplished investigator with more than 25 years of experience in FBI major case management, counter terrorism investigations, bombing prevention, post blast investigations and public speaking."

FBI agent arrested on child sexual assault charge

Associated Press - January 15, 2008 6:14 PM ET
PUEBLO, Colo. (AP) - An FBI agent is under arrest in Pueblo for investigation of sexual assault on a child by someone in a position of trust.

Authorities say 53-year-old David Allan Johnson is being held in the Pueblo County jail today on a $100,000 bail.

Former Great Falls FBI  agent sentenced on child sex charges

Jan 23, 2008

A man from Great Falls who's accused of sexually assaulting five underage girls will be spending the next 10 years behind bars.

Stanley Perkins, 64, changed his plea to guilty after police began investigating him for child molestation in August 2006.

The former educator, who also served two years as an FBI agent, was sentenced on one count of felony sexual assault.

see link for full story
Jail for former FBI worker from Va.
Washington Post Editors

A 65-year-old former FBI employee from Prince William County was sentenced to nearly four years in prison Friday for possessing child pornography.

Samuel I. Kaplan, of Gainesville, who pleaded guilty June 2 in U.S. District Court in Alexandria, was sentenced to 46 months behind bars.

Kaplan was an information technology program manager at an FBI facility in Chantilly when authorities discovered that he had used the FBI's computer network to "facilitate sexually explict communications," the Justice Department said.

Investigators said they later found 10 to 20 images on Kaplan's home computer showing juveniles involved in sex acts.


Ex-FBI agent gets 2 1/2 years for assault on marshal
A federal judge today sentenced retired FBI special agent Gary L. John
to 2 ½ years in prison for assaulting a U.S. marshal trying to place him
 under arrest.
John, formerly of 110 Post Rd., Westerly, had been on the lam for two
months, when U.S. marshals working with Rhode Island Sheriffs
Department, tracked him to Stratford, Conn., in December 2005. He was
wanted in Rhode Island at the time for allegedly violating orders
barring him from contacting his ex-wife and for failing to appear in

see link for full story
FBI agent convicted of daughters' abuse
July 11, 1993|By Traci A. Johnson | Traci A. Johnson,Staff Writer

An FBI agent who lives in Carroll County has been convicted of sexually abusing his daughters over a 14-year period.

The agent, as part of an agreement with prosecutors, pleaded guilty Friday before Circuit Judge Francis M. Arnold to two counts of second-degree sexual offense and two counts of child abuse.

The agent's name is being withheld to protect the privacy of the victims.

In exchange for the agent's plea, the state dropped 18 other counts against him, ordered a presentence investigation and agreed to let him remain free on $125,000 bond pending sentencing Sept. 10.

The agent was suspended from the FBI's Baltimore field office when he was arrested in December.

The original indictment also charged the man with fondling his oldest daughter's friend several years ago when the girl had slept over at the agent's home.

An investigation began after one of the man's daughters told a county child-abuse investigator of at least five incidents of molestation from 1980 to 1987, court documents said.

The victims said their father performed sexual acts ranging from fondling to intercourse beginning when each was preschool age. The abuse lasted until the girls were in their early teens, said Assistant State's Attorney Kathi Hill in a statement of facts presented in court.

In February, defense attorney John E. Harris Sr. tried unsuccessfully to have the case moved out of Carroll on the grounds that pretrial publicity had damaged the defendant's chance for a fair trial.

Ms. Hill said the state will recommend a sentence of 35 years in state prison, with 15 years suspended.

Although Ms. Hill said she once argued that the agent should be incarcerated until his trial, she said Friday she was not worried about whether he will return for his sentencing.

"Even if he'd take a walk, when he eventually comes back he wouldn't have to be tried again. He'd just be sentenced," Ms. Hill said. "There's not so much fear on our part, because we don't have to prove the case again."

The state will ask the court, as part of the agent's sentence, to impose five years of supervised probation and order him to have no contact with females under 18 and to undergo psychological therapy.

Judge Arnold also accepted a plea agreement Friday in which a Mount Airy hairdresser admitted sexually abusing a teen-age boy he befriended in 1990.

David Curtis Flynn of Grimes Court in Mount Airy was immediately sentenced to four years in prison for a second-degree sexual offense.

From January 1991 to November 1992, Flynn had a sexual relationship with the boy, whose family knew and trusted the man, according to a statement of facts that Ms. Hill read in court.

The victim told authorities that Flynn talked to him before the incidents, saying he had been abused as a child, Ms. Hill said.

"I am deeply sorry . . . in my soul," Flynn said. "None of my attentions were meant as wrongdoing. I showed [the victim] the kind of love and affection I was brought up with. I'm deeply sorry for upsetting his childhood."

Judge Arnold sentenced Flynn to 10 years in state prison, then suspended six years of the term.

The judge also ordered five years of supervised probation for the defendant after the prison term and ordered him to participate in all recommended treatment programs.

Mystery Over FBI Agent's Firing
Government shrouds details of why top child porn prober got canned


    Mystery Over FBI Agent's Firing

AUGUST 20--The lead FBI investigator on several of the government's highest profile child porn prosecutions has recently been fired in connection with her work on those cases, though details of why the agent was terminated have been sealed by a federal judge.

The canning of Monique Winkis, 40, was just disclosed by federal prosecutors to a Tennessee defense lawyer who represents Timothy Richards, who was convicted in a case in which Winkis was the lead FBI agent. In an August 8 U.S. District Court filing, defense lawyer Kimberly Hodde stated that prosecutors had informed her that Winkis was canned due to her 'conduct in the investigation of cases related to Defendant Richards' prosecution.'

Specific details of Winkis's firing are contained in a court filing made by Department of Justice officials, a submission that was ordered sealed last week by Judge Aleta Trauger. In her court filing, Hodde argues that Richards, pictured at left, is entitled to details about the Winkis firing since the ex-prober was the FBI case agent assigned to his prosecution.

The Winkis firing was apparently first disclosed by government lawyers during a late-June status conference, at which Trauger set dates for court pleadings 're: FBI Wincus,' according to a court filing. Winkis did not respond to a detailed message left with her mother, and the federal prosecutor handling the Richards case did not return a message left at her office. An FBI spokesperson declined comment, noting that the agency is prohibited from discussing personnel matters.

According to court records, Winkis worked for the FBI for about 13 years, most recently from the bureau's Washington, D.C. headquarters where she was a supervisor in the Innocent Images Unit. In that capacity, Winkis developed cases based on information provided by Justin Berry, who began operating an X-rated Webcam business while still a teenager. Berry's cooperation was, in large part, arranged in late-2005 by Kurt Eichenwald, then a New York Times reporter investigating online child porn businesses.

According to a December 2005 Eichenwald story, the Times 'persuaded Justin to abandon his business and, to protect other children at risk, assisted him in contacting the Justice Department.' That Times report also quoted Winkis commenting on the breadth of potential targets identified as a result of Berry's cooperation and how 'hundreds of other kids that we are not aware of yet' could be saved from sexual abuse and exploitation.


By Ryan McBride - The Sun Staff

WAKEFIELD - A former FBI agent from Westerly has returned to prison
after a series of recent arrests for violating a court order to stay
away from his ex-wife.

John served 15 months at the ACI for a criminal conviction of violating a
 restraining order in March 2002. His suspended sentence and probation
from the conviction end in 2012.

According to court records, state police arrested John in February 2002
on a disorderly conduct charge for exposing himself in public.

Calif. FBI agent accused of paying for prostitutes

GREG RISLING | September 24, 2012
LOS ANGELES — An undercover FBI agent has been accused in court documents of spending U.S. taxpayer dollars on prostitutes in the Philippines for himself and others during an international weapons trafficking probe last year.

Deputy Federal Public Defender John Littrell filed a motion last week asking a judge to toss an indictment against his client, Sergio Santiago Syjuco, for "outrageous government misconduct." Syjuco, 25, and two other Philippine nationals have been charged with conspiracy and face up to 20 years in prison.

The agent, who wasn't identified in court documents, paid up to $2,400 each time he went to brothels with Syjuco and others to reward them for their work to secure weapons to ship to the U.S. without a license, court documents show.

"I have never seen anything like this during my career as a criminal defense lawyer," Littrell told The Associated Press on Monday. "I hope that the Department of Justice takes these allegations seriously, does a complete investigation, and ensures that whoever authorized this outrageous misconduct is held accountable."

FBI spokeswoman Laura Eimiller declined comment Monday, but federal prosecutors acknowledged in court documents that the agent sought nearly $15,000 in reimbursements for "entertainment" and other expenses related to the investigation. The prosecutors said they don't have any receipts from the clubs, but two of them listed in the filing, "Air Force One" and "Area 51," are suspected brothels.

No charges have been filed against the agent.

Syjuco, Cesar Ubaldo and Arjyl Revereza, a Philippines customs official, were charged earlier this year with violating arms import laws by selling a grenade launcher, a mortar launcher and other weapons to the undercover agent who said he was interested in buying high-powered weapons that could be used by drug cartels in the U.S. and Mexico.

The case was part of a federal investigation of Asian organized crime groups involved in the illicit trafficking of firearms.

The weapons were eventually loaded onto a ship that arrived at the Port of Long Beach in June 2011 and the items were seized by authorities.

Littrell argues that the agent – and none of the three defendants – arranged importing the weapons to the U.S. He also questioned why the weapons were first shipped from the Philippines to China, where it wasn't known whether officials there checked the container, before arriving in the U.S.

Littrell and an investigator recently visited the Philippines and interviewed several people who claim the agent, using an alias "Richard Han," paid for himself and others to have sex with prostitutes. Alex Escosio, who worked at Area 51, told defense attorneys that Han "always paid for everything, including alcohol, private rooms, food and girls for the entire group of people he brought in," court documents show.

"Although the government represents that these expenditures were for `entertainment and cocktail (tips included),' it is impossible that the agent could not have known that they money went toward prostitutes," Littrell wrote in court documents.

Area 51 was raided in May by Philippine authorities where 60 victims of sex trafficking were rescued, some of whom were underage girls, Littrell said. At least seven people were arrested.

 see link for full story


Keith Dietterle, FBI analyst, accused of distributing child pornography
By Jennifer Donelan
December 3, 2012 - 05:37 pm

An FBI analyst has been accused of distributing child pornography in a disturbing case that's left his neighbors wanting answers.

A task force made up of FBI agents and D.C. police officers busted Keith Dietterle. The 28-year-old will appear for a preliminary hearing Tuesday.

Dietterle is accused of sending child pornography to another man he met in a chat room frequented by individuals who have a sexual interest children. But the person Dietterle was allegedly speaking with was a D.C. police detective.

According to court documents, agents say Dietterle thought he was communicating with a man who claimed to be sexually abusing a 3-year-old nephew and 12-year-old daughter. The detective wrote he and Dietterle discussed a possible meeting with the "children" for sex. Over a two week period, Dietterle sent three images via Yahoo instant messenger depicting child pornography, court documents state.

Dietterle is accused of later sending multiple links, including a 13-minute video, images and six separate videos of underage children all being sexually abused.

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Eyes to My Soul: The Rise Or Decline of a Black FBI Agent

Front Cover
The Majority Press, 1996 - Biography & Autobiography - 487 pages
Former FBI Special Agent Tyrone Powers, a veteran of the Maryland State Police, spent nine years as an FBI agent, with postings in Cincinnati and Detroit. He resigned in August 1994.

The picture of the country's top law enforcement agency that emerges from Powers' eloquent prose reveals an organization beset by the same problems of racism that plague the rest of American society. Powers describes sheet-clad students at the FBI Academy impersonating Ku Klux Klansmen. He reports on FBI Agents in Detroit raising funds for white Detroit policemen charged with (and later convicted of) second degree murder in the death of Black motorist Malice Green. White agents on one occasion substituted the face of an ape on the photo of an African American agent's children, displayed on their Black colleague's desk.

White agents, according to Powers' narrative, urinated on photographs of President Bill Clinton and Vice President Al Gore. Powers provides eyewitness evidence of the agency's extralegal harassment of African American mayors Coleman Young (Detroit), Marion Barry (Washington, DC) and Harold Washington (Chicago).


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Reply with quote  #12 


Stetson Kennedy
October 5th, 1916 - August 27th, 2011

Stetson Kennedy at Desk circa 1945 - 1955Stetson Kennedy was an author, folklorist, environmentalist, labor activist, and human rights advocate. He was also known for his infiltration of the Ku Klux Klan during the 1940s. Kennedy authored eight books, including Palmetto Country, Southern Exposure, and The Klan Unmasked.

In Kennedy's early years, he became one of the country's pioneering folklorists. As a teenager, he began gathering white and African American folklore material while he was collecting "a dollar down and dollar a week" accounts for his father, a furniture merchant. He left the University of Florida in 1937 to join the WPA Florida Writers' Project, and at the age of 21, was put in charge of folklore, oral history, and ethnic studies. While he was with the WPA, he oversaw the work of African American writer Zora Neal Hurston.

After World War II, Kennedy and another informant infiltrated the Ku Klux Klan and related white supremacist groups, exposing their secrets, helping Georgia authorities revoke the Klan's corporate charter, and testifying against a fascist Klan offshoot known as the Columbians. Kennedy made public such information as secret code words and details of Klan rituals, including a stint where he supplied Klan secrets to the writers of the Superman radio program, culminating in a series of four episodes in which Superman battled the KKK.

A founding member and past president of the Florida Folklore Society, Kennedy was a recipient of the Florida Folk Heritage Award and the Florida Governor's Heartland Award, and was inducted into the Florida Artists Hall of Fame. In addition to his passion for folklore, Kennedy has become friends with many literary giants, including Erskine Caldwell, who became so interested in his work during an essay competition, that he went on to edit Kennedy's book on Floridian folklore, Palmetto Country. While he was living in Paris in the mid 1950's, Jean Paul Sartre published his The Jim Crow Guide. Kennedy also maintained a close friendship with musician Woody Guthrie, who wrote numerous songs while staying at Beluthahatchee, Kennedy's home in Fruit Cove, FL.

Stetson Kennedy has been discovered and re-discovered by authors, young scholars, academics, film makers, and journalists alike. Until the very last days of his life, Kennedy continued to champion the causes that drove his decades of activism. His advice to young people was always to "pick a cause and stick to it." Kennedy's legacy lives on through his writings, Beluthahatchee Park, and the remarkable impact he made on all those who knew him.


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While U.S. Attorney General speaks in Detroit
Activists protest killing of Muslim leader
By Abayomi Azikiwe
Editor, Pan-African News Wire
Published Nov 29, 2009 10:58 PM

U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder was the keynote speaker in downtown Detroit on Nov. 19 at the first awards dinner for the Advocates and Leaders for Police and Community Trust, an organization that consists of 50 groups representing the Arab, Muslim, African-American, Asian and civil-rights constituencies along with 50 officials from local, state and federal law-enforcement agencies.

For 13 years, ALPACT has promoted itself as a medium for dialogue between the Detroit community and law-enforcement officials. The ALPACT dinner was co-chaired by FBI Special Agent in Charge Andrew Arena of the Detroit Field Office and Nabih Ayad, chair of the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee.

The dinner came in the aftermath of the assassination of African-American Muslim leader Imam Luqman Ameen Abdullah, who was killed by FBI agents in Dearborn, Mich., on Oct. 28.

Another 10 members of the Masjid Al-Haqq mosque, led by Imam Abdullah, have been indicted on criminal charges alleging illegal firearms possession, dealing in stolen goods and tampering with vehicle identification numbers. A 44-page criminal complaint issued by the FBI and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District contained language which described Imam Abduallah as a radical with links to political prisoner Imam Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin, formerly known as H. Rap Brown.

Imam Al-Amin is currently serving a life sentence in federal prison after being framed in 2000 for the killing of a deputy sheriff in Georgia. Al-Amin was the former chair of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee during 1967-68, and was a victim of the FBI’s counterintelligence program—COINTELPRO.

Outside the ALPACT dinner, Michigan Emergency Committee Against War & Injustice members, the Detroit MLK Committee, Latinos Unidos, family and friends of Imam Abdullah, members of Masjid Al-Haqq and others protested against the killing of the Muslim leader and the government prosecution of the other defendants.

Imam Luqman’s son, Omar Regan, expressed his appreciation for the work being done by MECAWI in organizing a political response to the assassination. Members of the family of Imam Luqman have set up a Web site, Detroit10.org, to build a legal defense campaign in support of the defendants.

In its call, MECAWI proclaimed: “We Don’t Dine With FBI Killers! The ALPACT dinner at the Ren Cen comes at a time when the FBI has shot down a respected Detroit Muslim leader. ... They have arrested 10 other Muslims on wild charges and media hysteria reminiscent of the Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) that tried to destroy Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement and others.”

This statement went on: “United States jails are filled with victims of frame-ups, and death row inmates are legally lynched. Political prisoners languish in lock-up such as Mumia Abu-Jamal, Leonard Peltier and the Cuban 5—all victims of police frame-ups. This is no time to break bread with the FBI.”

The MECAWI statement demanded justice for Imam Abdullah and a real independent investigation into his death; freedom for the Detroit 10; an end to the ICE raids and deportations; freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal, Leonard Peltier, the Cuban 5 and all political prisoners; and the end to racial profiling, harassment and police killings.

The Nov. 19 protest was covered by the Detroit Free Press, Michigan Public Radio, the Michigan Citizen, the Huffington Post and a film crew from Eastern Michigan University that is shooting a documentary on the life of Imam Abdullah.

Inside the ALPACT dinner, Attorney General Holder was reported to have emphasized the Obama administration’s opposition to racial profiling and the targeting of Muslims for selective prosecutions and frame-ups. However, Holder refused a request from the Council on American-Islamic Relations for a special meeting to discuss the killing of Imam Luqman and other issues. Holder said that he had a scheduling conflict that did not allow him to meet with the community leaders.

Imam Dawud Walid, the executive director of the CAIR Michigan office, stated on the “Fighting for Justice” Nov. 22 radio program aired over 1310 AM, “We had sent a letter to Attorney General Holder requesting a meeting.”

MECAWI is working with the Abdullah family to launch an online petition campaign demanding justice for the late Muslim leader as well as dropping all charges against the Detroit 10. http://detroit10.org/

Read more at panafricannews.blogspot.com.
Articles copyright 1995-2009 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

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Clyde Kennard

Veteran, Student, Civil Rights Activist: 1927 - 1963

"What happened to me isn´t as bad as what happened to the guard [the prison guard who abused me], because this system has turned him into a beast, and it will turn his children into beasts."


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Reply with quote  #15 
Southern Poverty Law Center another bedfellow with the FBI.

The Church of Morris Dees

By Ken Silverstein -- Harper's Magazine, November 2000

How the Southern Poverty Law Center profits from intolerance

Ah, tolerance. Who could be against something so virtuous? And who could object to the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Montgomery, Alabama-based group that recently sent out this heartwarming yet mildly terrifying appeal to raise money for its "Teaching Tolerance" program, which prepares educational kits for schoolteachers? Cofounded in 1971 by civil rights lawyer cum direct-marketing millionaire Morris Dees, a leading critic of "hate groups" and a man so beatific that he was the subject of a made-for-TV movie, the SPLC spent much of its early years defending prisoners who faced the death penalty and suing to desegregate all-white institutions like Alabama's highway patrol. That was then.

Today, the SPLC spends most of its time--and money--on a relentless fund-raising campaign, peddling memberships in the church of tolerance with all the zeal of a circuit rider passing the collection plate. "He's the Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker of the civil rights movement," renowned anti- death-penalty lawyer Millard Farmer says of Dees, his former associate, "though I don!t mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye." The Center earned $44 million last year alone--$27 million from fund-raising and $17 million from stocks and other investments--but spent only $13 million on civil rights program , making it one of the most profitable charities in the country.

The Ku Klux Klan, the SPLC's most lucrative nemesis, has shrunk from 4 million members in the 1920s to an estimated 2,000 today, as many as 10 percent of whom are thought to be FBI informants <http://www.servtech.com/~grugyn/kkk-5.htm> . But news of a declining Klan does not make for inclining donations to Morris Dees and Co., which is why the SPLC honors nearly every nationally covered "hate crime" with direct-mail alarums full of nightmarish invocations of "armed Klan paramilitary forces" and "violent neo-Nazi extremists," and why Dees does legal battle almost exclusively with mediagenic villains-like Idaho's arch-Aryan Richard Butler-eager to show off their swastikas for the news cameras.

In 1987, Dees won a $7 million judgment against the United Klans of America on behalf of Beulah Mae Donald, whose son was lynched by two Klansmen. The UKA's total assets amounted to a warehouse whose sale netted Mrs. Donald $51,875. According to a groundbreaking series of newspaper stories in the Montgomery Advertiser, the SPLC, meanwhile, made $9 million from fund-raising solicitations featuring the case, including one containing a photo of Michael Donald's corpse.

Horrifying as such incidents are, hate groups commit almost no violence. More than 95 percent of all "hate crimes," including most of the incidents SPLC letters cite (bombings, church burnings, school shootings), are perpetrated by "lone wolves." Even Timothy McVeigh, subject of one of the most extensive investigations in the FBI's history-and one of the most extensive direct-mail campaigns in the SPLC's-was never credibly linked to any militia organization.

No faith healing or infomercial would be complete without a moving testimonial. The student from whose tears this white schoolteacher learned her lesson is identified only as a child of color. "Which race," we are assured, "does not matter." Nor apparently does the specific nature of "the racist acts directed at him," nor the race of his schoolyard tormentors. All that matters, in fact, is the race of the teacher and those expiating tears. "I wept with him, feeling for once, the depth of his hurt," she confides. "His tears washed away the film that had distorted my white perspective of the world." Scales fallen from her eyes, what action does this schoolteacher propose? What Gandhi-like disobedience will she undertake in order to "reach real peace in the world"? She doesn't say but instead speaks vaguely of acting out against "the pain." In the age of Oprah and Clinton, empathy--or the confession thereof--is an end in itself.

Any good salesman knows that a products "value" is a highly mutable quality with little relation to actual worth, and Morris Dees-who made millions hawking, by direct mail, such humble commodities as birthday cakes, cookbooks (including Favorite Recipes of American Home Economics Teachers), tractor seat cushions, rat poison, and, in exchange for a mailing list containing 700,000 names, presidential candidate George McGovern-is nothing if not a good salesman. So good in fact that in 1998 the Direct Marketing Association inducted him into its Hall of Fame. "I learned everything I know about hustling from the Baptist Church," Dees has said. "Spending Sundays on those hard benches listening to the preacher pitch salvation-why, it was like getting a Ph.D. in selling." Here, Dr. Dees (the letter's nominal author) masterfully transforms, with a mere flourish of hyperbole, an education kit available "at cost" for $30 on the SPLC website into "a $325 value."

This is one of the only places in this letter where specific races are mentioned. Elsewhere, Dees and his copywriters, deploying an arsenal of passive verbs and vague abstractions, have sanitized the usually divisive issue of race of its more disturbing elements-such as angry black people-and for good reason: most SPLC donors are white. Thus, instead of concrete civil rights issues like housing discrimination and racial profiling, we get "communities seething with racial violence." Instead of racially biased federal sentencing laws, or the disparity between poor predominantly black schools and affluent white ones, or the violence against illegals along the Mexican border, the SPLC gives us "intolerance against those who are different," turning bigotry into a color-blind, equal-opportunity sin. It's reassuring to know that "Caucasians" are no more and no less guilty of this sin than African Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Hispanics. In the eyes of Morris Dees, we're all sinners, all victims, and all potential contributors.

Morris Dees doesn't need your financial support. The SPLC is already the wealthiest civil rights group in America, though this letter quite naturally omits that fact. Other solicitations have been more flagrantly misleading. One pitch, sent out in 1995-when the Center had more than $60 million in reserves-informed would-be donors that the "strain on our current operating budget is the greatest in our 25-year history." Back in 1978, when the Center had less than $10 million, Dees promised that his organization would quit fund-raising and live off interest as soon as its endowment hit $55 million. But as it approached that figure, the SPLC upped the bar to $100 million, a sum that, one 1989 newsletter promised, would allow the Center "to cease the costly and often unreliable task of fund raising. " Today, the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising-$5.76 million last year-as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses. The American Institute of Philanthropy gives the Center one of the worst ratings of any group it monitors, estimating that the SPLC could operate for 4.6 years without making another tax-exempt nickel from its investments or raising another tax-deductible cent from well-meaning "people like you."

The SPLC's "other important work justice" consists mainly in spying on private citizens who belong to "hate groups," sharing its files with law-enforcement agencies, and suing the most prominent of these groups for crimes committed independently by their members-a practice that, however seemingly justified, should give civil libertarians pause. The legal strategy employed by Dees could have put the Black Panther Party out of business or bankrupted the New England Emigrant Aid Company in retaliation for crimes committed by John Brown. What the Center's other work for justice does not include is anything that might be considered controversial by donors. According to Millard Farmer, the Center largely stopped taking death-penalty cases for fear that too visible an opposition to capital punishment would scare off potential contributors. In 1986, the Center's entire legal staff quit in protest of Dees's refusal to address issues-such as homelessness, voter registration, and affirmative action-that they considered far more pertinent to poor minorities, if far less marketable to affluent benefactors, than fighting the KKK. Another lawyer, Gloria Browne, who resigned a few years later, told reporters that the Center's programs were calculated to cash in on "black pain and white guilt." Asked in 1994 if the SPLC itself, whose leadership consists almost entirely of white men, was in need of an affirmative action policy, Dees replied that "probably the most discriminated people in America today are white men when it comes to jobs."

Contributors to Teaching Tolerance might be surprised to learn how little of the SPLC's reported educational spending actually goes to education. In response to lobbying by charities, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants in 1987 began allowing nonprofits to count part of their fundraising costs as "educational" so long as their solicitations contained an informational component. On average, the SPLC classifies an estimated 47 percent of the fund-raising letters that it sends out every year as educational, including many that do little more than instruct potential donors on the many evils of "militant right-wing extremists" and the many splendid virtues of Morris Dees. According to tax documents, of the $10. 8 million in educational spending the SPLC reported in 1999, $4 million went to solicitations. Another $2.4 million paid for stamps.

In the early 1960s, Morris Dees sat on the sidelines honing his direct-marketing skills and practicing law while the civil rights movement engulfed the South. "Morris and I...shared the overriding purpose of making a pile of money," recalls Dees's business partner, a lawyer named Millard Fuller (not to be confused with Millard Farmer). "We were not particular about how we did it; we just wanted to be independently rich." They were so unparticular, in fact, that in 1961 they defended a man, guilty of beating up a journalist covering the Freedom Riders, whose legal fees were paid by the Klan. ("I felt the anger of a black person for the first time," Dees later wrote of the case. "I vowed then and there that nobody would ever again doubt where I stood.") In 1965, Fuller sold out to Dees, donated the money to charity, and later started Habitat for Humanity. Dees bought a 200-acre estate appointed with tennis courts, a pool, and stables, and, in 1971, founded the SPLC, where his compensation has risen in proportion to fund-raising revenues, from nothing in the early seventies to $273,000 last year. A National Journal survey of salaries paid to the top officers of advocacy groups shows that Dees earned more in 1998 than nearly all of the seventy-eight listed, tens of thousands more than the heads of such groups as the ACLU, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and the Children's Defense Fund. The more money the SPLC receives, the less that goes to other civil rights organizations, many of which, including the NAACP, have struggled to stay out of bankruptcy. Dees's compensation alone amounts to one quarter the annual budget of the Atlanta-based Southern Center for Human Rights, which handles several dozen death-penalty cases a year. "You are a fraud and a conman," the Southern Center's director, Stephen Bright, wrote in a 1996 letter to Dees, and proceeded to list his many reasons for thinking so, which included "your failure to respond to the most desperate needs of the poor and powerless despite your millions upon millions, your fund-raising techniques, the fact that you spend so much, accomplish so little, and promote yourself so shamelessly." Soon the SPLC win move into a new six-story headquarters in downtown Montgomery, just across the street from its current headquarters, a building known locally as the Poverty Palace.


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see link for full story



The FBI COINTELPRO Program and the Fred Hampton Assassination

  12/03/2013 10:40 am

Fred Hampton
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On December 4th it will be 44 years since a select unit of 14 Chicago Police officers, on special assignment to Cook County State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan, executed a pre-dawn raid on a west side apartment that left Illinois Black Panther Party leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark dead, several other young Panthers wounded, and the seven raid survivors arrested on bogus attempted murder charges. The physical evidence soon exposed the claims of a "shootout" that were made by Hanrahan and his men to be blatant lies, and that the murderous reality was that the police fired nearly 100 shots while the Panthers fired but one.
But those lies were only the first layer of a massive cover-up that was dismantled and exposed over the next eight years -- a cover-up designed to suppress the central role of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and its COINTELPRO program in the assassination.
The first documentation that supported Rush's insightful allegation surfaced in March of 1971 when the Citizens Commission to Investigate the FBI broke into a small FBI office in Media Pennsylvania and expropriated over 1000 FBI documents. These documents exposed the FBI's super-secret and profoundly illegal COINTELPRO program and its focus in the 1960s on the black liberation movement and its leaders. Citing the assassinated Malcolm X as an example, Hoover directed all of the Bureau's Offices to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, and otherwise neutralize" African American organizations and leaders including the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Nation of Islam, Martin Luther King, Stokley Carmichael, and H. Rap Brown.
In Chicago, the first major breakthrough came in 1973 when U.S. Attorney James Thompson revealed that Chicago Black Panther Party Chief of Security William O'Neal was a paid informant for the FBI. At that time I was a young lawyer working with my colleagues at the People's Law Office on a civil rights lawsuit that we had filed on behalf of the Hampton and Clark families and the survivors of the December 4th raid. We quickly subpoenaed the Chicago FBI's Black Panther Party files and a grand total of 33 documents were produced. However, an honest Assistant U.S. Attorney included in those documents an FBI memorandum that incorporated a detailed floor plan of the interior of the BPP apartment which specifically identified the bed on which Hampton slept. The face of the memo also revealed that the floor plan, together with other important information designed to be utilized in a police raid, was based on information communicated by O'Neal to his FBI control agent who later supplied it to State's Attorney Hanrahan before the raid.
We then focused on unearthing more details about the FBI's involvement in the conspiracy, identified the FBI conspirators, joined them as defendants in the lawsuit and sought the Chicago office's COINTELPRO file in order to establish a direct link between the FBI's illegal program and the raid. When the Government refused to produce the file and the Judge refused to compel them to do so, we turned to Senator Frank Church's Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations. The Committee, which was created in the aftermath of the Watergate scandal, was investigating rampant abuses by all U.S. Intelligence Agencies, including the FBI. In late 1975 a Church Committee staffer informed us that there were several Chicago documents which definitively established the link. Armed with the content of the still secret documents, we were able to embarrass the Judge, who had privately reviewed the documents and previously declared them irrelevant, into ordering the FBI to produce the file. Among the documents provided were several that revealed the FBI's efforts to foment violence against Fred Hampton and the Chicago Panthers, and one dated December 3, 1969 that claimed the impending raid as part of the COINTELPRO program.
In January of 1976 we embarked on what would turn out to be the longest civil trial in federal court history. Two months into the trial, O'Neal's FBI control agent blundered on the witness stand and inadvertently established that the FBI had not produced all of the Chicago Black Panther files, and the Judge, not knowing what was about to happen, ordered that they do so. The next day a shaken Justice Department supervisor wheeled into court shopping carts on which were stacked 200 volumes of FBI BPP files that had been suppressed by the Chicago office since we had first requested them three years before. The Judge commenced a hearing on the FBI's misconduct and the Government produced several sanitized volumes of documents each day for a month. The produced files contained directives to destroy the Panther's Breakfast for Children Program and disrupt the distribution of the BPP newspaper, evidence that the charismatic Hampton was a targeted BPP leader, and massive wiretap overhears, including conversations between BPP members and their attorneys.
At the very end of its month long document production, the Government produced O'Neal's control file. In it was yet another smoking gun -- memos to and from FBI headquarters and the Chicago office that requested and approved payment of a $300 bonus to reward O'Neal for the floor plan. According to the memos, O'Neal's information was of "tremendous value" and, in the words of O'Neal's COINTELPRO supervisor, made the raid a "success."

That same month, on April 23, 1976, the Church Committee released its Final Staff Report on the FBI and CIA's rampant domestic illegalities which included a chapter entitled "The FBI's Covert Action Plan to Destroy the Black Panther Party." The chapter concluded by highlighting the Hampton raid as a COINTELPRO operation and quoting from the bonus documents that we had obtained only weeks before.
The Judge, an ardent supporter of the FBI, exonerated the FBI and its Justice Department lawyers of any wrongdoing in suppressing the documents and later dismissed O'Neal and the other FBI defendants from the case. In April of 1979 the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, in a landmark decision, overturned the trial judge, finding that the FBI defendants and their government lawyers "obstructed justice" by suppressing the BPP files. Most significantly, the Court of Appeals also concluded that there was "serious evidence" to support the conclusion that the FBI, Hanrahan, and his men, in planning and executing the raid, had participated in a "conspiracy designed to subvert and eliminate the Black Panther Party and its members," thereby suppressing a "vital radical Black political organization." The Court further found there to be substantial evidence that these defendants also participated in a post-raid conspiracy to "cover up evidence" regarding the raid, to "conceal the true character of their pre-raid and raid activities," to "harass the survivors of the raid," and to "frustrate any legal redress the survivors might seek." This decision withstood a challenge in the U.S. Supreme Court, and stands today as judicial recognition of outrageous Federal and local conspiratorial criminality and cover-up.
However, it is important not to relegate the Hampton assassination and COINTELPRO to the annals of history. In light of the current revelations concerning the systemic illegal activities of the National Security Agency and the FBI in the name of fighting terrorism, it is well to remember a quote from a 1964 COINTELPRO memorandum sent to the New York, Chicago and Washington FBI Offices by Director Hoover in which he claimed credit for "disrupting" and "neutralizing" the Communist Party:
Over the years, our approach to investigative problems in the intelligence field has given rise to a number of new programs, some of which have been most revolutionary, and it can be presumed that with a continued aggressive approach to these programs, new and productive ideas will be forthcoming. These ideas will not be increased in number or improved upon from the standpoint of accomplishments merely through the institution of a program such as COINTELPRO which is given another name and in fact, only encompasses everything that has been done in the past or will be done in the future.

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Retired detective contradicts his own trial testimony in Omaha Two case

December 5, 2013

Retired police sergeant Robert Pfeffer contradicted his own court testimony in the prosecution of the Omaha Two, Edward Poindexter and Mondo we Langa (formerly David Rice), for the murder of policeman Larry Minard, Sr. On Dec. 5, Nebraskans for Justice released a previously unpublished confidential interview that was conducted over ten years ago with the former detective.

Pfeffer has now given four accounts of his role in the purported discovery of dynamite in the basement of Mondo we Langa’s home. Mondo and Poindexter were officers in Omaha’s affiliate chapter of the Black Panthers and were convicted for the 1970 bombing murder of Minard. The 1971 trial, where Pfeffer’s first version of events was aired, was tainted by the withholding of exculpatory evidence from the FBI crime laboratory under orders of J. Edgar Hoover.

Hoover directed an illegal clandestine counterintelligence operation codenamed COINTELPRO against domestic political activists. As leaders of the local Black Panthers, the Omaha Two, as the men are now known, were targets of Paul Young, the Special Agent-in-Charge of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, acting under orders from Hoover to get the pair off the streets.

Officer Minard had been lured to his death by an anonymous call about a woman screaming in a vacant house. Instead, only a suitcase bomb filled with dynamite waited for the eight responding patrolmen. The FBI role in the case under COINTELPRO operations was to withhold a written report on the identity of the anonymous caller recorded by the 911 system and have the FBI crime laboratory guide the Omaha investigation.

At the1971 trial, Robert Pfeffer testified he never went into the basement and first saw dynamite as fellow detective Jack Swanson was carrying it up the stairs. Swanson said he found the explosives in a cubbyhole in an old coal bin.

Swanson was the Omaha police liaison with the FBI and also maintained his own cache of dynamite at a quarry in rural Council Bluffs, Iowa. Swanson took custody of the dynamite after seven boxes of explosives were seized from three men in July 1970.

The dynamite allegedly found in Mondo’s basement was never photographed in place by the crime scene technicians. The first crime scene photos of the dynamite were on a conference table on the fourth floor of the police headquarters.

The second time Pfeffer testified about the case was in U.S. District Court before Judge Warren Urbom, who ruled that Pfeffer and Swanson’s search of Mondo we Langa’s house was illegal. Once again the basement dynamite was discussed although the location shifted from the coal bin to near the furnace. Judge Urbom did not comment on the credibility of Pfeffer but he did make it clear he did not believe the testimony of Pfeffer’s supervisor, Lt. James Perry.

The third version of events under oath by Pfeffer was in 2009, in post-trial proceedings in Omaha. Pfeffer, who was denied his request to use notes, testified contrary to his trial testimony that he was the first one down in the basement and that he found the dynamite, not Swanson. Neither the judge, who ruled against Ed Poindexter’s bid for a new trial, nor the Douglas County Attorney has ever taken any action over Pfeffer’s contradictory sworn testimony.

Robert Pfeffer’s fourth account of his role in the case was in a recorded telephone interview on Sept. 5, 2002, with private detective Thomas Gorgen of Silverhawk Investigations.

Pfeffer claimed, “I found it down the basement against the furnace behind a door that was leaning up against it and you could just look down and you could see it underneath there.”

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Boston City Council member Charles Turner brought Attorney William Pepper to speak before the Boston City Council several years ago.
Pepper was the Attorney for the Martin Luther King family
in 1999 during the Memphis trial where the King family sued William Jowers, one of the assassins of Dr King, in Civil Court.
The jury returned a verdict in favor of the King family and then held a press conference saying FBI agents were the principal architects behind the assassination of Dr King.
Pepper has written two books presenting the evidence linking FBI agents to the assassination.
they are:


Several years ago Boston City Councilor Charles Turner picketed the FBI Office building in Boston.

December 17, 2008
Turner Watch: Ramsey Clark to appear at press conference on Wednesday
By Jeremy P. Jacobs, PolitickerMA.com Reporter

Embattled Boston City Councilor Chuck Turner plans to hold a press conference Wednesday with controversial attorney Ramsey Clark, according to Turner's campaign website.

Turner, a Roxbury member of the Green-Rainbow Party, currently faces federal charges of conspiracy, accepting a $1,000 bribe and lying to federal officials.

Clark is a controversial figure with a history of criticizing the United States government despite rising to fame as the U.S. Attorney General under President Lyndon Johnson. Following his tenure as Attorney General, Clark became a hero of the anti-Vietnam War movement. In 2008, Clark was awarded the United Nations Human Rights Prize.

The release does not say whether Clark will represent Turner in his impending trial. Instead, it simply says that Clark is in Boston "to voice his support in the defense of Chuck Turner and demand that the government immediately drop the frame-up charges." Clark will focus on the U.S. Attorney and FBI's role in the case, which the release says is "politically motivated."

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The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago ...

Jeffrey Haas - 2011 - ‎History
... attorney Tom Todd, and Mary Powers. Dick Gregory and former Black Panther Party leader Elaine Brown also protested Hampton's assassination to a national ...

Justice Advocates: Citizens Alert and Police Accountability Timeline.

at 2337 West Monroe Street, Chicago, and kill Fred. Hampton and Mark ... Fred Hampton's bedroom after the ... points Mary Powers, a CA board member, to the.

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Did FBI  agents murder Luna?

see link for full story



A decade later, prosecutor Luna’s death still a mystery

 Thursday, December 12,2013

Remembering Jonathan Luna: FBI Cover-up of a Murdered Federal Prosecutor Ties in with the DC Madam Murder

Sunday, February 27, 2011 15:05

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Dansby bullet evidence challenged
The scientific basis of testimony by a Federal Bureau of Investigation bullet science expert in the 1997 murder trial of a Nevada County man has been disavowed by the FBI after the science was discredited and the analyst found guilty of lying about results in a Kentucky case.
 Dec. 16, 2013
    The scientific basis of testimony by a Federal Bureau of Investigation bullet science expert in the 1997 murder trial of a Nevada County man has been disavowed by the FBI after the science was discredited and the analyst found guilty of lying about results in a Kentucky case.

    Those facts have been introduced in an appellate brief in behalf of Joe Louis Dansby, 61, of Redland in Nevada County, who has been on Arkansas' Death Row for 16 years after his conviction in Miller County Circuit Court in 1997 for the 1992 shooting deaths of Jeff Lewis and Malissa Clark, both of Nevada County.

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Teens arrested in NY for ‘waiting while black’ at bus stop


Three African-American teenagers arrested and charged with disorderly conduct last week believe they were unfairly targeted by police.

The basketball players said they were waiting for a bus in Rochester, NY, to take them to a scrimmage when police asked them to leave the area. When 17-year-old Deaquon Carelock and 16-year-olds Raliek Redd and Wan’Tauhjs Weathers pushed back against the officer’s request, saying they were following instructions from their coach, police arrested them.

“You’re just downtown minding your own business and the next thing you know, anything can happen,” Carelock said in video captured by NBC station WHEC.

“We tried to tell them that we were waiting for the bus,” Weathers added. “We weren’t catching a city bus, we were catching a yellow bus. He didn’t care. He arrested us anyways.”


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see link for hit allowed by FBI  and funded by your tax dime


Thursday, Dec. 26, 2013

Detective blames FBI agent for hampering a murder investigation

Channel 2 Action News has obtained compelling video in which a Sandy Springs detective blames an FBI agent for hampering a murder investigation.

Consumer investigator Jim Strickland got the video from the defense lawyers working the case.

"You just had an FBI agent on duty lie to me and delay this investigation," says Detective J.T. Williams in the video.

Williams made the comment as he interrogated Mani Chulpayev, an FBI informant charged with helping a hit squad locate Atlanta hip-hop artist Lil Phat. Phat died in a what prosecutors call "an assassination" over stolen drugs.

Williams complained on video that Chulpayev's FBI handler, Special Agent Dante Jackson, refused the let local police question Chulpayev early in the investigation.

"What he does is, he tells a material witness in my case not to talk to us," Williams said.

"That wasn't true. I always wanted to talk," Chulpayev told the detective.

Williams said on video the FBI's Jackson finally admitted that his relationship with Chulpayev was not officially sanctioned, and against FBI rules.

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see link for full story

DA rules out state charges against FBI agent

  Jan 03, 2014

NEW ORLEANS (AP) - Orleans Parish District Attorney Leon Cannizzaro says his office is deferring to federal authorities and will not file any charges against an FBI agent who fatally shot a man in New Orleans in July.


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(1/9/2014) – Former FBI special agent Donald Wilson’s recently published book “evidence withheld” describes Wilson’s visit to the media, Penna. FBI office on March 8, 1971. This visit was within hours of the now infamous burglary, the results of which disclosed to the world a mountain of illegal activity engaged in by the FBI. At the time, Wilson, who was visiting his mother who lived in Morton, Penna., was a FBI special agent assigned to the Cincinnati field office.

Wilson was enroute to a required training session at the FBI academy in Quantico, VA. When he took several vacation days to spend time with his mother in Morton, Penna. Wilson’s book “evidence withheld” describes in one of the chapters his visit to and conversation with one of the agents assigned to the media FBI office regarding the lack of security systems in the small FBI office.

Wilson was given a tour of the office including the location of files containing FBI documents. After Wilson left the media office, unconfirmed rumors have Wilson making a phone call from a gas station in Morton, Penna., to Bill Davidon, who is alleged to have organized the burglary and advising Davidon that “everything is a go.” it is also rumored that Davidon vowed to Wilson that he would disclose to no one Wilson’s role in the break-in. There is also a rumor that Wilson’s only request was to be informed as to the identity of the FBI informant involved in the king assassination should that information be discovered.

Wilson’s book “evidence withheld” deals with his role in the king assassination investigation and the withholding of evidence implicating the FBI in king’s assassination. Wilson was the subject of an investigation in 2000 by the U.S. Department of justice who concluded that Wilson’s account should be discounted as not credible. The evidence, in the form of hand written notes recovered by Wilson from the car of convicted assassin James Earl Ray, however, could not be eliminated by the U.S. Secret service laboratory as being authentic.


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all the evidence in 4 DVD's


What We Want, What We Believe
  • [whatwewantwhatwebelieve]

What We Want, What We Believe

The Black Panther Party Library

Roz Payne (Editor)

  • Publisher: AK Press
  • Format: Mutiple DVD Set
  • Binding: DVD
  • Released: Jan 10, 2006

Published by AK Press



"The invaluable Movement documentaries Newsreel produced furthered the work of the Black Panther Party and now provide the essential visual record of the Party's early days. This new DVD collection offers an extraordinary compilation that includes historic behind the scenes details taken from a wide range of interviews and contemporary events as well as the classic Newsreel films."—Kathleen Cleaver, Communications Secretary, Black Panther Party, 1967–1971

For the first time on DVD, AK Press is proud to present three acclaimed Newsreel Films on the Black Panther Party: Off the Pig; Mayday; and Repression.

Formed in 1967, the Newsreel film collective was dedicated to chronicling and analyzing current events. In their time, they produced more than three dozen films throughout the US and abroad. By working directly with the Black Panthers, Newsreel was able to explore realities often ignored by traditional media outlets, while producing documents that the Panthers and other activists could use in organizing their own communities. The results speak for themselves and stand as true testimonials to the spirit of community self-defense and political savvy the Panthers are celebrated—and were targeted—for.

Accompanying the Newsreel films is a massive quantity of rare and exclusive materials culled from Roz Payne's extensive collection of FBI documents, correspondence, and interviews with Black Panthers and their supporters. It's all here, the government-sponsored repression, the trials, exile, triumph, and reunion.

What We Want, What We Believe is not a straight-forward documentary—the additional materials are like Roz Payne's home movies—but more like a tapestry woven from fragments of cloth. As a whole, these fragments present a rich and provocative history, straight from the mouths of Panthers, their supporters, and even the agents charged with neutralizing them.

These materials—over 12 hours—are crucial to our continuing understanding of the Black Panther Party and their legacy. Any student of American History, Black Studies, Political Science & Law, Film Studies, or Civil Rights struggles will find a wealth of valuable information in the Library.

A portion of the proceeds from this project will go to support Black Panther Prisoners through Books Behind Bars, the Jericho Movement, and the Human Rights Research Fund. We urge you to seek out these groups and donate time and resources to their ongoing work.

This 12-hour DVD features three films on the Black Panther Party and additional footage on their history and legacy.
Special bonus features: Documents from the Roz Payne Archives chronicling the movement and repression against it. English Language, Region Free

Disc One:
Three Newsreel Films, Interviews with Field Marshall Donald Cox, Footage from 35th Anniversary Reunion

Disc Two:
Interviews with Former FBI Agents discussing COINTELPRO tactics, Footage from the Wheelock Academic Conference on the BPP

Disc Three:
Interviews with various movement lawyers discussing Panther cases

Disc Four:
Interviews with Newsreel members, DVD-Rom extras from the Roz Payne Archives

"...a total Black Panther immersion."—Orange County Weekly

"If you have any interest in the history of the Black Panthers, civil rights, sociology or civil disobedience, you need this incredible four-disc DVD collection. With over ten hours of material, it gives even Black Panther experts something new to digest."—Film Threat

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Obama’s Nominee for Civil Rights Post in Justice Department Faces Heated Criticism from Foes

President Obama’s nominee for head of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division has drawn strong criticism from opponents of the appointment of Debo Adegbile, Fox News reports.

They’ve described the former NAACP lawyer as “radical,” “dangerous” and “outside the mainstream.”

Now he’s being criticized for playing a role in overturning the death sentence of Mumia Abu-Jamal, who was convicted in the 1981 killing of a Philadelphia police officer.

Asked about the overturned sentence, Adegbile responded: “It’s important, I think, to understand that in no way does that legal representation, zealously as an advocate, cast any aspersion or look past the grievous loss of Sergeant Faulkner.”

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A Chicago-based agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation has acknowledged that he and other white colleagues planned a campaign of ''retribution'' against a black agent, Donald Rochon, whose case has prompted a national debate over racism in the bureau.

Newly released F.B.I. documents also show that the white agent, Gary W. Miller, has conceded that in 1985 he forged Mr. Rochon's signature on an application for death and dismemberment insurance for the Rochon family.

Mr. Rochon has described the unsolicited insurance policy as a death threat. Mr. Miller, who was suspended without pay for two weeks as a result of that incident and others aimed at Mr. Rochon, has denied that he was trying to harass the black agent. Agents Admit Harassment


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There was a better than even chance FBI  agents supplied the explosives used to assassinate the civil rights leaders Harry and Henrietta Moore.
Also study the Judy Bari case where FBI  agents placed  explosives in Judi Bari's car and blew her up.
see   http://www.judibari.org/

The Most Dangerous Place to Be Black

Posted on Sunday, 25th August 2013


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The FBI War on Tupac Shakur and Black Leaders
U.S. Intelligence's Murderous Targeting of Tupac, MLK, Malcolm, Panthers, Hendrix, Marley, Rappers & Linked Ethnic Leftists
The FBI War on Tupac Shakur and Black Leaders contains a wealth of names, dates and events detailing the use of COINTELPRO style tactics by the FBI against a generation of leftist political leaders and leftist musicians. Based on 12 years of research and includes over 1,000 endnotes. Sources include over 100 interviews, FOIA-released CIA and FBI documents, court transcripts, and many mainstream media outlets. Book is 192 pages of main text, 100 pages of endnotes, 8 pages of photos (incl. government/court documents) and some more pages of preface, foreword, afterword, and bios.
Table of Contents
ContentsChapter Page



Foreword by Pam Africa with Mumia Abu-Jamal

Introductory Summary 1

1-US Intelligence vs. Newton/Seale’s Black Panthers’ Aid to Blacks; Shakurs Lead Harlem 3

2-The U.S. Intelligence Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. 7

3-U.S. Intelligence Murderous Targeting& Harassment Arrests of Panther Leaders 14

4- FBI Agents in LA Cultural Group Attack Panthers:LA Murders & NY 21 Set-up 18

5-FBI/Cops Murder Hampton after He Politicized Gangs,and Shoot at War Vet Pratt 22

6-FBI Sets Up Fugitive Raids &Manufactures East/West Panther Feud in NYC 25

7-Multi-ethnic Revolts in US asAfeni Shakur Leads Panther 21 Tragicomic Trial 28

8-Malcolm X’s Assassination: Panther Infiltrator’s RoleSimilar to Agent in MLK’s 32

9-Cointelpro Continued: Mutulu Called Terrorist,Assata & Black Liberation Army 38

10-FBI Queried Tupac as CIA-Linked Dealer Hooked Afeni,Agent Hooked Newton 43

11-Tupac’s Panther Leadership & Newton’s Panther Renewal,"Anniversary" Murder 47

12-Evidence FBI’s Held Set Up Armed Attacks on Tupacafter Newton & Judi Bari 52

13-LA Riots; FBI Targets Fred Hampton, Jr, NAPO’s Tupac in Marin, & Musicians 55

14-Gang Peace, Monster/Sanyika, & Tupac’s "Thug Life" Plan to Radicalize Gangs 62

15-Tupac’s FBI File, Republican Attacks,Harassment Arrests, Specious Lawuits 65

16-Atlanta Police Shoot at Tupac& Target H. Rap Brown; FBI’s Grisly Cover-ups 70

17-Psychological Profiling of Tupac?Police Profiling Attempt to Murder Mumia 75

18-NYPD Agent: Sex Frame-up, Cover-upand Link to Tupac’s NYC Shooting 81

19-Wealthiest Start CIA Who Hire Nazis and Help Corporations Control Media 87

20-US Intelligence & Mafia Shaped R&B/Rock; CIA & Time Warner’s Rap Grip 95

21-Penal Coercion and FBI Cointelpro Tactics Set Up East/West Rap Feud 100

22-Death Row Signs Him Up:Record Company as U.S. Intelligence Front 104

23-Death Row Police Goals: Target Tupac & Rap,Traffic Drugs, End Gang Truce 108

24-Death Row Lines Him Up:FBI Watch Radical Tupac’s Murder in Mobland 112

25-Knight/Death Row Aid Murder & Police Cover-up,Re-ignite Bloods/Crips War 116

26-Warning Timing in Murder of Top Witness, a Panther’s Son; Suspect Killed 121

27-FBI & ATF Watch Again as Death Row Cops are Nailed in Biggie’s Murder 124

28-Media Aids LAPD Ramparts Cover-up of Death Row Cop Murders, Trafficking 128

29-Despite Knight’s Imprisonment,Death Row Targets Afeni, Snoop Dogg and Dre 132

30-FBI and New York’s National PoliceCointelpro Targeting of Rappers 136

31-Targets: Spearhead, Rage Against the Machine,Wu Tang, Dead Prez, The Coup 138

32-NYPD vs. Hip Hop Summit Rap MogulsRussell Simmons and Sean Puffy Combs: Targeting Public Enemy

33-FBI/Cops Frame & Murder? HSAN’s Jay-Z,DMX, Eminem & Jam Master Jay & Mos Def 146

34-FBI-Fostered Rap Feuds? Shots at Biggie Witnesses,50 Cent, Nas & Lil’ Kim 150

35-Past/Present CIA/LAPD Links in RFK Assassinationand Tupac’s Murder 155

36-CIA/Nazi/Chile Condor & CIA/NYPD vs. Rappers,Activist Black & Latino Gangs 160

37-Police and Federal Agents TargetBlack/Latino Police Groups, Activists & Leaders 169

38-Past Parallel: Jimi Hendrix’s Panther Support,Spy Manager, FBI Targeting 175

39-CIA Links to Reggae Revolutionary Bob Marley and Peter Tosh’s Early Deaths 180

40-Belafonte; Tupac, Hendrix & Marley;

Rep. McKinney & Tupac, Hampton’s POCC 184Endnotes 191

Afterword by Fred Hampton, Jr.

Biographies of authors

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Reply with quote  #31 
Former professor shares civil rights story

By Staff Writer
• September 12, 2014


By Rick Momeyer, professor emeritus

Creative Commons Photo

My FBI file and why it should concern you as a Miami Student today

When I was an undergraduate at Allegheny College, beginning in 1960, I was greatly benefitted by three different opportunities that each in its own way transformed my life. The first was to have some extraordinarily good teachers —teachers who took a very raw, ill prepared, but earnest young person seriously and challenged me to see the world in very different ways than I had acquired in my first 18 years. The second was the occasion when Bayard Rustin visited campus, in the fall of 1961, to enlighten us as to what was happening in the burgeoning civil rights movement. The third, growing directly out of these first two, was to go to Fisk University as an exchange student the second semester of my second year, winter/spring of 1962. Taken together, these three events have led to living a very different, and I believe, far more rewarding, life than the one I had envisioned at 18. It also brought me to being noticed by the FBI and began a long period of surveillance.

It is for good reason John D’emilio, in his biography of Bayard Rustin, subtitles the book “The Lost Prophet.” Rustin was a life long advocate for nonviolence, a close adviser to Dr. King, and the organizing genius behind the great March on Washington in 1963. After he addressed a full house in the Allegheny College chapel, he sat down with about 12 of us for further discussion. Rustin’s opening remark was: “How come you all decided to come to a segregated college?” That was a revelation to us, who had not thought of Allegheny as segregated; merely as lacking a significant population of Negro students.

So some of us set out to change this, mostly by proposing to help the admissions office recruit students of color. In the course of that effort, we learned that other historically white colleges (Colby, Wooster, Grinnell, and more) had for some years conducted one-on-one semester long student exchanges with historically black colleges. At Allegheny, we arranged such an exchange with Fisk University in Nashville, and in January of 1962 three students from each institution changed places.

The fourth day at Fisk, a picnic was held in Nashville’s park with a replica of the ancient Greek Parthenon, and the other two Allegheny exchange students and I were invited. The rather bizarre replica of the Parthenon was of little interest; the other picnickers were so engaging, even captivating, for the persons they were and the stories they had to tell.

Virtually all of the other 20 people at this well-integrated picnic were veterans of the “Nashville Movement,” the anti-segregation campaign that for two years had been one of the largest — and in some ways, most successful — parts of the protest and sit-in movement sweeping campuses and communities throughout the South. Probably half were also veterans of the previous summer’s Freedom Rides, most of whom were fairly fresh from Mississippi’s infamous Parchman Prison where Freedom Riders who made it as far as Jackson were routinely arrested and hustled off to spend the next three months. Their stories were compelling, and after they had been told, someone started playing a guitar and all broke out singing freedom songs that had so empowered and sustained the demonstrators against segregation and its attendant insults to human dignity.

I would venture to suggest that had you been 19 years old in 1962, as I was, and in the presence of people as smart, courageous, committed to justice, energetic and funny, you, too, would have wanted to be part of what they were about. Among those at the picnic were: Rev. James Lawson, a theology graduate student who had been expelled from Vanderbilt University for his Movement activities, and Fisk students Bernard Lafayette and John Lewis. Lawson is the Methodist minister who was a close ally of Martin Luther King and tutored Dr. King in Ghandian philosophy. Lafayette is a long time organizer of peace education and a distinguished professor of religious studies at Emory University. And John Lewis has been Atlanta’s Congressional representative for more than 20 years and is certainly the most admired and respected member of Congress on either side of the aisle.

On my seventh day in Nashville, I went to a workshop on nonviolence taught by Rev. Lawson to learn why all participants in the Movement were expected to return love for hate and how to protect themselves when physically assaulted. I was never entirely persuaded of the first, but learned much from the more practical part of the workshop that proved useful in days to come.

On my 10th day in Nashville, Peter Schwartz, another Allegheny exchange student, and I joined John Lewis and two other black students in seeking service at an upscale downtown restaurant, the Cross Keys. We got no service; instead, we got arrested, ostensibly for disturbing the peace of a racially segregated facility even though all we had done was sit at a table in our best clothes and politely request menus. We spent the weekend in jail (segregated cells) and went before a magistrate for a hearing on Monday morning. But the owner of the Cross Keys failed to appear to testify, and we understood the judge to dismiss the charges. We got back to campus in time to meet our classes.

But the Davidson County District Attorney had other ideas. Unbeknownst to our attorney or us he sought and obtained a Grand Jury indictment on three felony charges, all stemming from laws enacted in the 1890s when racial segregation was being codified in the wake of Reconstruction’s failures. We learned this two months later, but inasmuch as the DA wanted to test the constitutionality of these laws, we were rather pleased. We thought it might become an important case and go to the Supreme Court. But it was not and it did not.

More to the point, this was the beginning of my FBI file. I learned this 14 years later in 1975 when, as a young, still untenured assistant professor at Miami, I exercised my right under the recently enacted “Freedom of Information” (FOI) law allowing citizens access to secret files the government might have kept on their activities. I did not expect to find this five-page indictment in it, but I did expect there would be a file because in 1964 I made a complaint to the FBI and they had promised to investigate and get back to me. They had not gotten back.

When informed that the FBI would send me the file after I sent them $7.60 (10 cents-a-page copying charge), I thought, vaingloriously: “Damn, I’m important! They have 76 pages on me.” But when I got the file and read it, I was considerably less impressed with myself and more impressed with the FBI. Seventy-one of those 76 pages were the full field report filed by the several agents that Burke Marshall, Bobby Kennedy’s chief Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, had assigned to address my complaint.

In 1964, after graduating from Allegheny, I was hired onto the staff of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (at a standard salary of $9.64 a week, when, as it only occasionally did, SNCC had it) and assigned to work with the SW Georgia Project, eventually landing in very rural Colquitt County. (First, however, I came to Oxford, OH to help with the training for Freedom Summer volunteers. That’s a whole other, oft told story).

One early evening in Moultrie, where we lived, Herman Kitchens, the African-American fellow SNCC staff member with whom I was partnered, and I were shot at. We thought we were probably shot at by some young toughs who had been hassling black kids seeking service at the local Dairy Queen. I reported this to the local sheriff; he could have cared less. So with SNCC headquarter’s encouragement, I went to the local FBI agent, Royal McGraw. He did not seem to care any more than the sheriff, but he took my statement and said, “we will get back to you.”

As it happened, the FBI “solved” the case and took it to the local prosecutor. Apparently, he quickly dropped it, judging that he’d never get a conviction. No one told me. Nonetheless, I was impressed with the FBI’s effort.

I should have been less impressed. And this is the first reason you should be concerned about my FBI file and why it is a threat to you. It is not what was in the file that should concern you, but what was left out. For what was left out of the file I was sent in 1976 were 40 pages of surveillance reports on Miami University student groups in 1970, 1971 and 1972. In 1976, those files were stamped “Classified.”

I learned this nearly 30 years later when, at Miami, we were planning to celebrate Freedom Summer and Miami’s contributions to it with a 40th Anniversary Reunion/Conference.

For years, we had been trying to locate a list of volunteers who had come to Oxford for training in order to reach and include as many as were available in the Reunion/Conference. There was reason to think the FBI might have such a list, given their propensity for spying on (and more, through the notorious “cointel” [counter intelligence] program) provoking and disrupting groups seeking social change. So I asked for my file again.

This time, I was stonewalled for nearly a year. I repeated the request. They told me I had no file. I reminded them that in 1976 they had a file. What had happened to it? They found it. This time it was over 200 pages long. And I did not have to pay 10 cents per page to get it!

“Damn,” I thought again, being sometimes a slow learner, “I’m important.” But again, I was mistaken: all the additional pages were not really about me, but consisted of the list of volunteers and staff who came for Freedom Summer training, each identified by name, home town, and religious affiliation in 1964, and the earlier mentioned surveillance of Miami student groups from 1970-73. Both had been withheld in 1976.

Unfortunately, the censors had blacked out all the names on the list, with the exception of mine and, as it happened, Stokely Carmichael. But then, there never was any possibility of hiding the larger than life Stokely, founder of the original Black Panther Party in Lowndes County, Alabama and later a leader of the Black Power Movement.

I suppose every conscientious citizen should be concerned with FBI stonewalling in the light of the FOI Act, both for its slowness of response and more for its refusal to share a list of people who are to be celebrated for their contributions to social progress and their raw courage, especially working in Mississippi for civil rights in 1964. Maybe some few folks would be concerned that the FBI was compiling a dossier on a generally mild mannered professor of philosophy. But these need not be particular concerns to you as a student today; rather, the surveillance of campus groups with the collaboration of other students and university employees should be an ongoing concern and perceived as a direct threat to each of us
still today.

The groups spied upon in 1970-72 were anti-war groups, chiefly the “Student Mobilization Committee,” organizing protests on and occasionally off campus against the war the U.S. government was waging against Vietnamese peoples (and as we learned so painfully in 1970, against Cambodians and Laotians as well). These were groups that held open meetings and invited anyone and everyone to attend, which worked at publicizing and recruiting attendance. There was nothing illegal or nefarious in their very public planning and actions. And yet the government felt entitled to secretly spy on them, and for years, to keep that spying classified as secret.

The names of the spying agents are all blacked out in my file, but a close reading reveals that they had to be either or both other students or student personnel staff employed by Miami University. The reports were regularly submitted to the FBI office in Cincinnati (there was also spies reporting to Cincinnati from Antioch College and Ohio State University). We do not know, and likely will never know, whether some of these spies were also agent provocateurs. We do not know, and will likely never know, how all of this information was used by the government, what opportunities or rights it was used to curtail.

Heavily redacted versions of these reports landed in my file, first, I suppose, because I already had a file, but secondly, because I was the faculty adviser of record to the student organizations. In my 44 years at Miami I was faculty adviser, albeit a rather distant one, to more than half a dozens student organizations, always on the premise that students were entitled to organize around whatever their concerns were and the university required they have a faculty adviser.

But why is my FBI file a threat to today’s students, and not just a matter of possibly interesting historical fact? I would argue it should concern you because it is illustrative of the risk each of us is under from those who would presume themselves entitled to collect all manner of information about us and use it to whatever ends they wish without being accountable to those whose privacy they have so egregiously invaded. These days such monitoring of even our most innocent activities as shopping on line or posting to social media sites or talking on the telephone or writing an email or text are subject to surveillance. What we now call “data collection,” and “megadata mining” rather than intrusive spying in this Brave New World of doublespeak is
nearly ubiquitous.

We know both government and corporations engage in massive data collection and analysis; we know very little about what they do with this information and still less about what they could do with it. We should all regard ourselves as indebted to Edward Snowden for whistle blowing on National Security Administration (NSA) activities. At the same time, most of us appear oddly indifferent to the risks such massive government (to say nothing of corporate) intrusion imposes on our lives, on what use might be made of this information presently and in the future.

Has the world changed so much from the historical spying and the uses and abuses of collected information that I recounted here? In some ways it has, and for the better. We now have better developed protection of privacy policies for both citizens and students. How effective they are in this new era of information technology is an open question. But in some ways, we are clearly far worse off, for the enhanced capacity to spy on each of us — without having to send real people into our classrooms and meetings to do so — is far more powerful than the old ways. Phone tapping, for instance, no longer requires actual physical intrusion on our phones, or even a court order: the NSA can and has tapped virtually all our phones by electronically intercepting signals or coercing or enlisting the cooperation of telecommunications corporations to provide records.

Do we have a government today that is less fearsome than one of yore where “intelligence gathering” was overseen by the likes of J. Edgar Hoover, archenemy of Dr. King who once tried to coerce King into killing himself and with a disposition to see a fearsome “communist” hiding under every bed, in every closet, and manipulating all those who sought progressive change in the status quo?

Well, we aren’t fighting the cold war and Communism anymore, but arguably we have simply substituted the “war on terrorism” and “terrorist” for these perceived enemies. Further, we have a national policy that seems to authorize our secret armies to assassinate even U.S. citizens believed by the “intelligence” agencies to be “terrorists,” or even more problematically, “potential terrorists,” notwithstanding that there has been no due process of law, no trial, no jury of peers, to ascertain these suspicions are well-founded. Just send a drone — not James Bond — to kill suspects.

Perhaps of greatest concern is not what we already know of government and corporate spying but what we don’t know. What is being kept from our eyes today that even Snowden did not have access to? Will we only learn 30 years or more later, as I did, what this is? Will we ever know?

The concern here is not based on a Tea Party rant against big government as such, or a right wing Libertarian notion of freedom as entirely egoistic and individualistic. It is a concern I believe is shared by every conscientious citizen of any society striving for justice, equality and greater democracy.

I and my entire generation bear some responsibility for not being more inquisitive, more proactive, more demanding in countering the spying widely done on us in the past, a set of practices that left insufficiently challenged has helped lead us to the present where spying is still more rampant and the uses to which it is being put even darker. But even more responsibility is borne by those who are the subjects of contemporary invasions of privacy and indifferent to it, who fail to resist or inquire, or assert their right to privacy. Are you and your friends at Miami University at all concerned by constant surveillance of your life? And if you are, what are you doing about it?

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Reply with quote  #32 

Thousands Of FBI Documents About Civil Rights Era Destroyed By Flooding

Thousands Of FBI Documents About Civil Rights Era Destroyed By Flooding

This month marks the 50th anniversary of the launch of COINTELPRO, a major FBI operation to "expose, disrupt and otherwise neutralize" hate organizations, including the Ku Klux Klan. It's just been revealed that many crucial questions about that period will remain forever unanswered, due to archival neglect.

Writing at the blog of the National Security Archive, Trevor Griffey— a lecturer in U.S. history and labor studies at the University of Washington—says that he learned about the loss of the documents when the FBI responded to a FOIA request. Hundreds of thousands of pages were destroyed last year during a hurricane, when the FBI archives in Alexandria, Virginia were flooded.

Among the losses: somewhere between one-fifth and one-third of the FBI's 62,000-page Birmingham, Alabama field office file on the United Klans of America, as well as documents on a Klan chapter created by the FBI to produce a rivalry with an authentic Klan group.

Griffey says those documents could have answered some significant historical questions:

To what degree were FBI agents and undercover informants in the Klan complicit in hate speech and hate crimes in the 1960s? What effect did FBI repression of the Klan during the 1960s have on the history of the right and on American politics more generally? These and other questions related to the history of the FBI's COINTELPRO against the Klan deserve further investigation.

And, Griffey adds, thousands of other historically significant files were destroyed:

Forty-one volumes (likely over 8,000 pages) from the FBI's main headquarters file on the National Negro Labor Council— one of the most important civil rights organizations of the early 1950s, which was driven out of existence by anti-communist pressure.
Twenty-four volumes (almost 5,000 pages) from the FBI's Chicago field office file on Claude Lightfoot, a prominent black communist for almost 60 years.
Nineteen volumes (almost 4,000 pages) from the FBI's Memphis field office file on the Nation of Islam.
Eight volumes (roughly 1,500 pages) from the FBI's massive Detroit field office general file on civil rights issues from the 1940s through the mid-1960s.

Griffey wonders whether news of this flooding will expose other weaknesses in the FBI's records management practices:

A more important question, however, is: why are these archives in the possession of the FBI at all? Why does the FBI continue to retain millions of pages of historically significant files, many of which are over 50 years old, that have no relevance to its contemporary law enforcement mission? Why have these files not already been transferred to the National Archives?

Many of the historically significant files destroyed in the Virginia flooding included a series of files that were supposed to have been transferred to the National Archives during George W. Bush's second term....Almost ten years later, these files should not still be in the FBI's possession.

Other files of major significance to the study of racial justice, the left, and U.S. foreign policy— particularly the FBI's 105 series files, which include hundreds of thousands of pages of files on the Black Panther Party— remain in the FBI's possession and decades away from ever being declassified or transferred to the National Archives.

These and other historically significant files that sit in secret FBI warehouses are vulnerable to more than just flooding. Decades-old standards for determining historical significance that tend to treat local history as unimportant, combined with wide latitude granted to FBI records management staff, have resulted in tragic and reckless destruction of many historically significant files

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Reply with quote  #33 
Color of Change../ one of my favorite groups
Support them


We Want a Future Without Fergusons

Your Take: Why ColorOfChange.org and a coalition of civil rights organizations delivered 900,000 signatures to the White House.
By: Rashad Robinson
Posted: Aug. 28 2014 5:02 PM

Rashad Robinson speaks to ColorOfChange.org supporters outside the White House Aug. 28, 2014.

Diamond Sharp/The Root

Since the tragic police killing of 18-year-old Michael Brown, we have heard time and time again that his brutal death unearthed the pain of old wounds. But those wounds are anything but old.

In Ferguson, Mo., and across the country, systemic racial profiling and nationwide police violence threaten the lives of African Americans—youths and adults—every day. American society is marred by implicit and explicit racial bias, which informs the actions of many police officers, with dangerous and deadly consequences for communities of color. It’s a national crisis that demands immediate federal intervention.

Today I stood at the White House with the Organization for Black Struggle and a number of other progressive groups to deliver the voices of nearly 900,000 people to demand justice for Mike Brown and systemic reforms to end racially motivated police violence.

A movement to transform national policing and create new systems of police accountability is growing and gaining power. These 900,000 people—mothers, fathers, allies, young people, voters and so many across the country—have had enough and are committed to long-term collective action.

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Reply with quote  #34 
see link for all the documents
site is to large to copy

google title if FBI agents change link


The FBI's Covert Action Program to Destroy the Black Panther Party

AUTHOR: US Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities ("Church Committee")
TITLE: Final Report - Book III: Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans
DATE: 23 April 1976
PAGES: 185-223


A. The Effort to Promote Violence Between the Black Panther Party and Other Well-Armed, Potentially Violent Organizations

1. The Effort to Promote Violence Between the Black Panther Party and the United Slaves (US), Inc.

2. The Effort To Promote Violence Between the Blackstone Rangers and the Black Panther Party

B. The Effort To Disrupt the Black Panther Party by Promoting Internal Dissension

1. General Efforts to Disrupt the Black Panther Party Membership

2. FBI Role in the Newton-Cleaver Rift

C. Covert Efforts To Undermine Support of the Black Panther Party and to Destroy the Party's Public Image

1. Efforts To Discourage and To Discredit Supporters of the Black Panthers

2. Efforts To Promote Criticism of the Black Panthers in the Mass Media and To Prevent the Black Panther Party and Its Sympathizers from Expressing Their Views

D. Cooperation Between the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Local Police Departments in Disrupting the Black Panther Party

In August 1967, the FBI initiated a covert action program -- COINTELPRO -- to disrupt and "neutralize" organizations which the Bureau characterized as "Black Nationalist Hate Groups." [1] The FBI memorandum expanding the program described its goals as:

1. Prevent a coalition of militant black nationalist groups....

2. Prevent the rise of a messiah who could unify and electrify the militant nationalist movement ... Martin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael and Elijah Muhammad all aspire to this position....

3. Prevent violence on the part of black nationalist groups....

4. Prevent militant black nationalist groups and leaders from gaining respectability by discrediting them....

5. . . . prevent the long-range growth of militant black nationalist organizations, especially among youth. [2]

The targets of this nationwide program to disrupt "militant black nationalist organizations" included groups such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), and the Nation of Islam (NOI). It was expressly directed against such leaders as Martin Luther King, Jr., Stokley Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, Maxwell Stanford, and Elijah Muhammad.

The Black Panther Party (BPP) was not among the original "Black Nationalist" targets. In September 1968, however, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover described the Panthers as:

"the greatest threat to the internal security of the country.

"Schooled in the Marxist-Leninist ideology and the teaching of Chinese Communist leader Mao Tse-tung, its members have perpetrated numerous assaults on police officers and have engaged in violent confrontations with police throughout the country. Leaders and representatives of the Black Panther Party travel extensively all over the, United States preaching their gospel of hate and violence not only to ghetto residents, but to students in colleges, universities and high schools is well." [3]

By July 1969, the Black Panthers had become the primary focus of the program, and was ultimately the target of 233 of the total authorized "Black Nationalist" COINTELPRO actions. [4]

Although the claimed purpose of the Bureau's COINTELPRO tactics was to prevent violence, some of the FBI's tactics against the BPP were clearly intended to foster violence, and many others could reasonably have been expected to cause violence. For example, the FBI's efforts to "intensify the degree of animosity" between the BPP and the Blackstone Rangers, a Chicago street gang, included sending an anonymous letter to the gang's leader falsely informing him that the the Chicago Panthers had "a hit out" on him. [5] The stated intent of the letter was to induce the Ranger leader to "take reprisals against" the Panther leadership. [6]

Similarly, in Southern California, the FBI launched a covert effort to "create further dissension in the ranks of the BPP." [7] This effort included mailing anonymous letters and caricatures to BPP members ridiculing the local and national BPP leadership for the express purpose of exacerbating an existing "gang war" between the BPP and an organization called the United Slaves (US). This "gang war" resulted in the killing of four BPP members by members of US and in numerous beatings and shootings. Although individual incidents in this dispute cannot be directly traced to efforts by the FBI, FBI officials were clearly aware of the violent nature of the dispute, engaged in actions which they hoped would prolong and intensify the dispute, and proudly claimed credit for violent clashes between the rival factions which. in the words of one FBI official, resulted in "shootings, beatings, and a high degree of unrest in the area of southeast San Diego." [8]

James Adams, Deputy Associate Director of the FBI's Intelligence Division, told the Committee:

None of our programs have contemplated violence, and the instructions prohibit it, and the record of turndowns of recommended actions in some instances specifically say that we do not approve this action because if we take it it could result in harm to the individual. [9]

But the Committee's record suggests otherwise. For example, in May 1970, after US organization members had already killed four BPP members, the Special Agent in Charge of the Los Angeles FBI office wrote to FBI headquarters:

Information received from local sources indicate that, in general, the membership of the Los Angeles BPP is physically afraid of US members and take premeditated precautions to avoid confrontations.

In view of their anxieties, it is not presently felt that the Los Angeles BPP can be prompted into what could result in an internecine struggle between the two organizations. . . .

The Los Angeles Division is aware of the mutually hostile feelings harbored between the organizations and the first opportunity to capitalize on the situation will be maximized. It is intended that US Inc. will be appropriately and discreetly advised of the time and location of BPP activities in order that the two organizations might be brought together and thus grant nature the opportunity to take her due course. [Emphasis added.] [10]

This report focuses solely on the FBI's counterintelligence program to disrupt and "neutralize" the Black Panther Party. It does not examine the reasonableness of the basis for the FBI's investigation of the BPP or seek to justify either the

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Reply with quote  #35 
Maxine Waters Demands Obama's "Star Chamber" Charges Be Made Public
August 6, 2010 • 11:32AM

Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA) is demanding that the House Ethics Committee release the full document charging her with breaking House rules, and that her "trial" be held quickly and finish before the November elections, a source close to Waters told Politico yesterday. Waters is refusing to roll over and play dead before Obama's new Operation Fruhmenschen, which is being conduited through the unconstitutional Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE).

Waters's demands are an "aggressive maneuver ... aimed at picking apart the ethics committee's findings and methods," Politico commented.

Waters was also interviewed on FBI informant Al Sharpton's radio show yesterday morning, in which she said it was time to "stand up and be proud of the fact that we're representing our people, we're representing our issues.... This is the time to take it on."

Sharpton, who is working with the White House to mobilize black voters this year, fretted that the simultaneous attacks on Waters and Rep. Charles Rangel could hurt that effort. "Is this designed to make our community less than enthusiastic?"

In point of fact, there is tremendous backlash growing against Obama in the African-American community, who increasingly consider him a traitor and an Uncle Tom.


Couple of reads about the FBI Fruhmenschen
program and
Boston FBI Supervisors
Warren " ruby ridge sniper" Bamford and
Dickless " Suicided Reddit inventor Arron Schwartz " Deslauriers targeting Black Boston
Activist Diane Wilkerson who was also a State Legislator and Black activist Chuck Turner who
was also a member of the Boston City Council.

The FBI informant they used was then shipped across country.


Leland Yee Craziness / Politics Alleged FBI Agent Recycled Undercover Identity
Tue, Sep 23, 2014

The undercover FBI informant who allegedly contributed to Mayor Ed Lee’s 2011 bid for office may have been involved with another federal political corruption probe in Boston, Massachusetts in 2008, SF Weekly has learned.

Michael Anthony King of Buford, Georgia — aka UCE 4773, who illegally contributed $20,000 to Lee’s campaign, according to a civil lawsuit filed by Raymond “Shrimp Boy” Chow’s lawyers — matches the undercover identity of UC2, who has given $500 to Massachusetts State Sen. Dianne Wilkerson in an official capacity, plus tens of thousands of dollars in cash bribes, according to court documents and campaign records.

On the same date as a $500 donation that Michael King made to Wilkerson, a federal agent known as UC2 wrote a check for that amount at a fundraiser. The same $500 contribution was from a man — likely King — posing as an Atlanta-based real estate developer with real estate interests in Boston, according to court documents from the Massachusetts case.

UCE 4773 has been described in court documents as posing as a real estate developer from Atlanta with interests in the Bay Area. UCE 4733 met with elected officials in Oakland and San Francisco. The agent also introduced another undercover FBI agent, William Joseph, according to a San Francisco Chronicle report. Joseph met with supervisors London Breed and Malia Cohen on several occasions.

Getting back to King and the link to the Massachusetts corruption trial: The address King used to donate in the Boston case matches the one printed in corporate filings by two companies controlled by Michael King — M.A. King and Associates, and the King Funding Group.

M.A. King and Associates is listed as King’s employer in the San Francisco campaign contribution database, and shares the same address — a UPS store in Buford — as the King donation in the Massachusetts corruption trial. Also, the King Funding Group donated $500 from the Georgia UPS store to Sen. Leland Yee in 2011.

UCE 4773 has come under fire from Keith Jackson, a former school board president and political consultant to Sen. Yee and other San Francisco politicians, as of late. Court filings from Jackson's attorney, James Brosnahan, allege that UCE 4773 was booted from the investigation due to “financial misconduct.” Brosnahan has argued that it’s the government’s duty to produce all materials regarding the agent’s service record, including alleged investigation into the agent’s activity, as well as the FBI agent’s true identity.

Sen. Yee, Shrimp Boy, and Jackson have been indicted on 228 counts in the far-reaching federal investigation that alleges political corruption, gun running, extortion, money laundering, and assassination for cash among other crimes. Thus far the feds have captured 27 of the 29 defendants named in the investigation. One of those was Wilson Lim who has died since the feds made their case public in March.

Last week, Shrimp Boy’s lawyers launched a civil lawsuit alleging Mayor Ed Lee of conspiring to accept bribes in the form of campaign contributions from an undercover agent, who they say is Michael Anthony King, aka UCE 4773. Cory Briggs, Shrimp Boy’s lawyer, claims that the mayor failed to comply with a records request for campaign documents that Briggs filed several months ago.

In response, the government accused Jackson of attempting to “deflect responsibility” from his involvement in the alleged racketeering, corruption, and smuggling probe. And, court filings state that agent 4773 — allegedly King — was pulled from the investigation because he wasn’t able to achieve what the feds were aiming to find.

In the Boston case involving the undercover agent that matches UCE 4773‘s description, the government ultimately convicted Wilkerson of public corruption in 2010, and sentenced her to three-and-a-half years in federal prison. Wilkerson has since been released.



Mar 27, 2011
"The FBI FRUHMENSCHEN program is one of the least known of the many illegal FBI black ops programs. FRUHMENSCHEN is a german word that means ape man. This program was created by FBI agents during the 1940's to target black elected officials in sting operations without cause because the FBI feels blacks are incapable of governing. The National Council of Churches of Christ issued a resolution condeming this program during the late 1980's. Dr Mary Sawyer , professor of Religious studies at Iowa State University wrote two books about this program including HARRASSMENT OF BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS TEN YEARS LATER 1987. Former FBI agent Dr Tyronne Powers documents this program in his book EYES TO MY SOUL. Massachusetts filmaker Curtis Henderson of Jamaica Plain documented this program in his 1987 film ALABAMA SUMMER. FBI informant attorney Hirsch Freidman blew the whistle on this program. One offshoot of this program was the assassination of Dr Martin Luther King by FBI agents as documented in two books by King family attorney William Pepper. The books are ACT OF STATE and his earlier book called ORDERS TO KILL. Anyone analyzing the Ford trial must first look at the history of the FBI FRUHMENSCHEN program funded with American tax dollars Eyes to My Soul: The Rise or Decline of A Black FBI Agent by Tyrone Powers " One of the most readable and important of [recent African American autobiographies]....Powers is a compelling writer." William Jelani Cobb - Washington City Paper " The significance of this literary masterpiece has compelled me to violate my most sacred rule: never expose your battle plan to the enemy...with this work of art by Mr. Powers, my collection is now complete." James Wm. Morrison, Esq., Civil Rights Attorney About Eyes to My Soul Former FBI Special Agent Tyrone Powers, a veteran of the Maryland State Police, spent nine years as an FBI agent, with posting in Cincinnati and Detroit. He resigned in August 1994. The picture of the country's top law enforcement agency that emerges from Powers' eloquent prose reveals an organization beset by the same problems of racism that plague the rest of American society. Powers describes sheet -clad students at the FBI Academy impersonating Ku Klux Klansmen. He reports on FBI agents in Detroit raising funds for white Detroit policemen charged with (and later convicted of ) second degree murder in the death of Black motorist Malice Green. White agents according to Powers' narrative, urinated on photographs of President Bill Clinton and Vice-President Al Gore. Powers provides eyewitness evidence of the agency's extra- legal harassment of African American Mayors Coleman Young (Detroit), Marion Berry ( Washington, DC) and Harold Washington


Turner remains defiant ahead of sentencing
Judge to unveil decision today

Chuck Turner appealed for leniency in a recent court filing, but he has never expressed contrition.
January 25, 2011


A federal judge who recently chided corrupt politicians in Massachusetts for operating with impunity will decide the fate of Chuck Turner this afternoon.

US District Judge Douglas P. Woodlock will sentence the former Boston city councilor nearly three months after his conviction for accepting a $1,000 bribe and lying about it to FBI agents. Prosecutors have urged the judge to impose a minimum prison sentence of two years and nine months, saying Turner perjured himself on the witness stand and has amplified his crimes by grandstanding at rallies.

Turner appealed for leniency in a recent court filing, but remained unrepentant even as he asked to be spared prison. The 12-page sentencing memorandum described Turner’s decades of public service and the financial hardship wrought by his conviction, but he maintained his innocence.

Turner’s lawyer suggested in the memorandum that his client was the victim of a government conspiracy against people of color, writing that his case has the appearance of “selective prosecution’’ because the only two public officials charged in the case were “both of African-American descent.’’

“The circumstances of the case have the appearance of an agenda, and leaves open the debate on the existence of what is known as the FBI’s ‘Fruhmenschen’ project,’ ’’ the lawyer, Barry P. Wilson, wrote in the sentencing memorandum filed Friday. “The Fruhmenschen objective, as research suggests, is to target and eliminate black elected officials.’’

Wilson referred to the “Fruhmenschen project’’ in a footnote supporting his contention that the judge should deviate from federal sentencing guidelines and give Turner probation. Wilson could not be reached yesterday for comment.

Fruhmenschen is a German word meaning early man. It apparently refers to an alleged FBI policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s to investigate prominent black officials, according to a 1988 account in the Washington Post from the trial of a former Maryland state senator.

According to a Globe account, the former Maryland state senator, Clarence M. Mitchell III, spoke in 1991 at Boston College about “an orchestrated conspiracy on the part of the Justice Department in this country to do away with outspoken, strong black leadership.’’

Turner has often framed his prosecution in racial terms, comparing himself to “people in the civil rights movement over years that have been targeted.’’

In the sentencing memorandum, Turner also “venomously denies committing perjury’’ when he testified that he did not recall a videotaped meeting with a paid government witness who handed him $1,000. Turner’s lawyer noted that his client did not deny sitting down with the man, but could not recall their meeting.

Earlier this month, Woodlock delivered a stinging rebuke to Dianne Wilkerson, a former state senator, handing down a 3 1/2-year prison term as he lamented that “sentencing imposed for criminal conduct’’ for politicians “hasn’t been sufficient.’’

Although Turner and Wilkerson were ensnared in the same government sting, there are significant differences in their cases.

Wilkerson had a previous federal conviction in 1997 for failing to file her income taxes for two years.

She was accused of repeatedly accepting bribes totaling $23,500 and ultimately pleaded guilty without a trial.

Turner will be sentenced today for accepting a single payment. He has never expressed contrition, even after a jury convicted him of four felonies.

“There is no support that his office w

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two stories


Why I Can’t Watch Homeland Anymore … and the Glorification of the CIA

see link for full story

http://www.citywatchla.com/lead-stories ... of-the-cia

10 Oct 2014
OBSERVING MEDIA-The fourth season of Claire Danes’ hit show Homeland premiered Sunday night, but I wasn’t watching. Its glorification of the CIA has crossed a line, and I can no longer view the show as pure entertainment.

Homeland uses a hip, anti-establishment tone to promote even the worst abuses of the Central Intelligence Agency. It is today’s equivalent of the 1960’s show Mod Squad. Mod Squad featured “the hippest and first young undercover cops on television.” It used figures from youth culture to promote the reactionary and racist Los Angeles Police Department. Mod Squad villains were drawn from the same counterculture elements that the LAPD was beating up on city streets.

Homeland uses a similar strategy. Its star, Claire Danes, has the blonde look of Mod Squad star Peggy Lipton. Danes’ Carrie Mathison’s character, like Lipton’s, is a woman in a man’s game. Carrie acts like she’s battling the establishment while promoting the CIA’s core agenda at every turn.

Who Turned Iran? Carrie’s role in glorifying the CIA became crystal clear in the show’s reinvention of Iranian politics in Season 3.

Homeland’s message in Season 3 was that the CIA had the ability to change Iranian politics by getting someone it controlled in power in Iran. The end result—Iran’s agreement to nuclear talks—was portrayed on the show as 100% a product of the CIA’s wiles.

But in the real world, internal forces within Iran, not the CIA, led Iran to become more accommodating on nuclear policy. The difference is quite significant.

Since its founding, the CIA has routinely assassinated world leaders and key political figures under the guise that such acts were necessary to bring “democracy.” The CIA did this in Iran in 1954, replacing a democratically elected leader with a dictator. A dictator who murdered and tortured hundreds of thousands of Iranians until he was overthrown in 1979.

Homeland doesn’t offer this history lesson. Nor does it ever reveal the many other nations where the CIA used assassination and violence to replace democratic leaders with dictators.

Because to tell viewers the truth would cause many to wonder why they are rooting for Carrie and her CIA colleagues in carrying out their missions. In its essence, Homeland is reclaiming and reviving the same dangerous myth of the “CIA knows best” that has caused misery to millions across the globe.

Danes’ Carrie Mathison is the chief vehicle for getting anti-establishment types to buy into this message.

The other vehicle is Mandy Patinkin’s character, Saul. Saul plays the tormented Jewish CIA chief straight out of a Malamud novel. Nobody could possibly believe that a gentle, thoughtful soul like Saul would wrongly kill people—so when that’s what he does, it has to be that the CIA is following the moral course.

Homeland places Carrie and Saul—and by implication the CIA—are on the right side of history. The CIA’s actual history notwithstanding.

In the last episode of Season 3 there was an exchange between Carrie and Brody in which the latter questions what all of the CIA killing really accomplishes. But Carrie does not even give pause to consider whether the man she loves and admires most in the world may be on to something.

It’s Only Entertainment!-Yes, Homeland is not the real world. Yet as Alex Gansa, the show’s creator admitted “viewers will again find in “Homeland” parallels to real events in the Mideast.”

That’s the problem. Homeland creates close parallels to real life events via a fictional CIA whose real world operations are very different. The real world CIA failed to foresee the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran. It also failed to anticipate Mubarak’s problems in Egypt. It missed the rise of ISIS entirely.

The real CIA is not controlled by principled and thoughtful analysts like Saul and Claire. The real CIA is driven by people like Dick Cheney and Don Rumsfeld, for whom ideology and politics always come first.

Does Homeland’s deviation from reality matter? The LAPD certainly thought television shows about its work shaped public perceptions. That’s why it closely cooperated with Dragnet, Adam 12 and other LA cop shows to create an image of a caring, non-racist LAPD entirely at odd with the fa


ACLU accuses Boston police of racial profiling
Stop and frisk: Racial profiling in Boston

see link for full story

http://www.bostonherald.com/news_opinio ... _profiling

Thursday, October 9, 2014

Blacks are more likely to be stopped and frisked by Hub cops in a “problematic pattern” that stops short of “widespread” racial profiling, according to the researcher whose findings the ACLU cited in an explosive report on Boston police tactics.

“I can’t explain why these racial patterns exist ... but it’s clear there are problematic patterns,” said Anthony Braga, the Rutgers criminologist and Harvard fellow whose analysis of more than 204,000 so-called “civilian-police encounters” in Boston between 2007 and 2010 was the basis of yesterday’s American Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts report that accused the Boston Police Department of “racially biased policing.”

Braga noted that blacks were 8 percent more likely to be involved in a police encounter multiple times and 12 percent more likely to be stopped and frisked. But he said the stat heavily cited by the ACLU — that blacks make up 63 percent of the encounters, but only 24 percent of the population — is a “misrepresentation” of whether there really is a racial bias.

“The context of policing is not what’s going on with New York with stop and frisk,” Braga, a former BPD policy adviser, said, noting that of the 204,739 reports analyzed, only 40 percent include instances of stop-and-frisk. “There is a problem, and the problem needs to be understood. It’s a mixed bag. But the ACLU portrayal of the report ... doesn’t represent the spirit of what we’ve done.”

The ACLU report sparked an immediate firestorm yesterday, with police brass saying it was outdated and ignored recent reforms in training. The police department said the findings show that cops are targeting gang members in “high-crime areas.”

Cops are also repeatedly stopping those with criminal records or “gang membership,” according to police, who say just 5 percent of the individuals stopped accounted for 40 percent of the total reports.

Police Commissioner William B. Evans said that the use of the type of police report the ACLU studied has dropped 42 percent between 2008 and last year, though officials said they did not have a racial breakdown of who was stopped during that period.

“We aren’t out there stopping every African-American child for no reason at all,” Evans said. “We put most of our officers, like we did this summer ... into the areas where we see the gun violence. And unfortunately that is where most of that is populated by African-American young males. It’s only reasonable to believe that we’re going to stop and talk to more black males than any other part of the city.”

In making recommended changes, including adding body cameras to police, the ACLU said that in 75 percent of reports, Boston police described the reason for the encounter as simply “investigate person” — a description it assailed as “because I said so.”

“The findings confirm what many people from communities of color have long suspected: Boston police officers targeted people of color at far greater rates than white people,” the ACLU report states.

While Mayor Martin J. Walsh noted the findings precede his administration, he also said he wasn’t challenging them.

“I’m trying to build a city here. My theme in the campaign was ‘One city.’ And having certain neighborhoods targeted or certain individuals targeted inappropriately isn’t the way I want to do it,” he told the Herald.

“If I’m a young black male and I see this report, certainly I see this as targeting me. I see the sensitivity and the concern in the black community and the communities of color. The numbers speak for themselves

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Twitter Feed Highlights the Shocking Number of Black People Killed by Police

October 14, 2014

Illustration by Tyler Hoehne
Protesters have converged on Ferguson, Missouri, this week for Ferguson October, a three-day event to protest police violence in communities of color. The neighborhood has been a site of protest and unrest since August, when Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson shot and killed unarmed black teen Michael Brown. Brown’s name joins a distressingly long list of black people who have lost their lives to police brutality, including Trayvon Martin, Jordan Davis, Sean Bell, and Oscar Grant.

The deaths of these men have sparked demonstrations across the country, and their names have become part of a national conversation on race and police violence. But many other victims remain relatively unknown—FBI figures reveal that in a seven-year period ending in 2012, white police officers killed a black person at least twice a week. Killed By Cops, a Twitter project that went live this week, attempts to memorialize these people online. At least once an hour, the account sends out a tweet bearing the name, age, and city of a black person who has been killed by law enforcement officers. At press time, nearly 100 tweets had been published.

Killed By Cops is a project by Color of Change, a non-profit organization that advocates on behalf of black voters and specifically supports greater police accountability and more comprehensive reporting of police brutality.

“Over and over again, we’re seeing instances of black people getting hurt and killed by the police," says Rashad Robinson, executive director of Color of Change. “We deserve systemic change.”

The data that the group uses comes from Fatal Encounters, a searchable, crowd-sourced national database of fatal police interactions maintained by D. Brian Burghart, the publisher of the Reno News & Review. Burghart began collecting data on officer-involved shootings when he realized, a few years ago, that no such database existed. Information on police killings is difficult to acquire because details from local law enforcement are often incomplete and unreliable. There’s also no credible federal government database that tracks it. There are laws that require the U.S. Justice Department to collect the information, says Burghart, but the law is “poorly written” and doesn’t enforce reporting by law enforcement agencies.

“Through 2012, there were about 750 state and local law enforcement agencies that were giving (the Justice Department) this data and there are 17,985 state and local law enforcement agencies (in the country),” says Burghart. “The data that they were presenting as ‘real’ was just a big lie.”

The lack of data makes it difficult to pinpoint weaknesses in law enforcement policy. Worse, it absolves law enforcement agencies of accountability, says Robinson.

“The police departments are allowed to police themselves,” he says.

From what statistics do exist, it’s stunningly clear that black communities are disproportionately affected by police violence. According to ProPublica, which used FBI-provided data, young black people are 21 times more likely than whites to be killed by police. Statistics like these reveal how deeply social inequality is embedded within state institutions, from arrests, to criminal convictions, to incarcerations, to “justifiable” homicides. Killed By Cops’ Twitter feed throws these realities into sharp relief.

twitter activism justice police brutality

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Leaders of Bloods drug dynasty partied after cop killer Ronell Wilson had death penalty overturned in 2010, informant testifies

October 16, 2014 at 11:56 PM


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attorney Waltar Prince was African American

DiMura v. FBI, 823 F. Supp. 45 (1993)
U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts - 823 F. Supp. 45 (1993)
June 2, 1993

823 F. Supp. 45 (1993)

Paul M. DiMURA, Plaintiff,

Civ. A. No. 92-12084-T.

United States District Court, D. Massachusetts.

June 2, 1993.

*46 Ernest C. Hadley, Wareham, MA, for plaintiff.

Suzanne E. Durrell, U.S. Attys. Office, Boston, MA, Elizabeth A. Pugh, Kenneth L. Doroshow, U.S. Dept. of Justice Civ. Div., Washington, DC, for defendants.


TAURO, Chief Judge.

Plaintiff, Paul M. DiMura, a special agent with the Federal Bureau of Investigation ("FBI"), brings this action against the FBI, the United States Department of Justice and the United States Attorney for the District of Massachusetts, alleging that defendants violated the Privacy Act of 1974 (the "Act"), 5 U.S.C. § 552a, by disclosing to the press certain information concerning an incident between plaintiff and a federal judicial nominee whom plaintiff was assigned to investigate. Plaintiff seeks $100,000 in damages for embarrassment and mental anguish he claims to have suffered as a result of the alleged disclosure.[1] Presently before the court is defendants' motion to dismiss pursuant to Fed.R.Civ.P. 12(b) (6) for failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted.



In April 1992, plaintiff was assigned to conduct the background investigation of Walter Prince, a prominent lawyer in Boston who had recently been nominated for a federal judge position. During the course of this investigation, plaintiff asserts that he had great difficulty arranging a personal interview with Mr. Prince. According to plaintiff, Mr. Prince failed to return several phone calls placed to his office and missed numerous scheduled interviews. Eventually, Mr. Prince did meet with plaintiff for an interview, but plaintiff alleges that even in person he found Mr. Prince to be uncooperative.

Following the interview, and as a routine part of the investigation, plaintiff took Mr. Prince's fingerprints. While plaintiff was processing the fingerprints, Mr. Prince inquired if anything else was required of him. Plaintiff, who claims he intended his response to be only facetious, replied that a footprint from Mr. Prince was also necessary. Mr. Prince then removed his shoe and sock and plaintiff proceeded to take an inked impression of Mr. Prince's foot. Plaintiff now alleges that once Mr. Prince had removed his shoe and sock, plaintiff did not know what else to do, and that his taking of Mr. Prince's footprint was intended merely as a practical joke.

Upon learning of the footprinting incident, the FBI commenced an internal administrative inquiry into plaintiff's conduct. At the close of its inquiry on June 3, 1992, the FBI disciplined and reprimanded plaintiff for his "abominable lack of judgment, maturity, professionalism, and sensitivity ..." in subjecting a federal judicial nominee to such an unauthorized and demeaning procedure.

By July 18, 1992, reports of the footprinting incident began to appear in Boston newspapers. Although the initial newspaper reports did not identify plaintiff by name, on July 21, 1992, the Boston Herald identified plaintiff as the FBI agent responsible for taking the footprint. This and subsequent articles in both the Boston Herald and the Boston Globe also outlined the terms of the disciplinary action taken by the FBI against plaintiff.

*47 Plaintiff's complaint alleges that he suffered emotional injuries as a result of defendants' disclosure of his identity and involvement in the footprinting incident. Plaintiff contends that the press obtained the information about him from records within defendants' files, and that this information was improperly made available by defendants' employees.



Section 552a(b) of the Act generally prohibits the government from disclosing personal information about citizens without their consent. 5 U.S.C. § 552a(b); Federal Labor Relations Auth. v. Department of Navy, 941 F.2d 49, 52 (1st Cir. 1991). When a government agency violates this prohibition, the Act authorizes citizens to file civil suits against the agency, 5 U.S.C. § 552a(g) (1) (D), limiting the available remedies to "actual damages."[2]

In support of their motion to dismiss, defendants contend that damages for emotional injuries stemming from a claim of unlawful disclosure do not constitute "actual damages" under the Act and, therefore, that this suit must be dismissed for failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted.

A. "Actual Damages" under the Privacy Act

The issue of the scope of damages available under the Act is one of first impression in this Circuit. Two contrasting interpretations of "actual damages" exist. In Johnson v. Department of Treasury, IRS, 700 F.2d 971, 972 (5th Cir.1983), the Fifth Circuit held that "actual damages" included damages for mental injuries. By contrast, in Fitzpatrick v. IRS, 665 F.2d 327, 331 (11th Cir.1982), the Eleventh Circuit held that "actual damages" permitted recovery only for pecuniary loss. For reasons different from those set forth by the Eleventh Circuit in Fitzpatrick, this court finds that "actual damages" does not encompass emotional damages.

Ordinarily, the first step in construing a statute is to interpret the statutory language in accordance with its plain meaning. E.g., Perrin v. United States, 444 U.S. 37, 42, 100 S.Ct. 311, 314, 62 L.Ed.2d 199 (1979); Wilcox v. Ives, 864 F.2d 915, 917 (1st Cir.1988). Unfortunately, the phrase "actual damages" in the Act is ambiguous. Accord Johnson, 700 F.2d at 974, 983 n. 33; Fitzpatrick, 665 F.2d at 329. Faced with this ambiguity, the Fitzpatrick court turned to the Act's legislative history to discern Congress' intent as to the scope of the phrase "actual damages."[3]

Since Fitzpatrick was decided, however, the Supreme Court has determined that courts are not to consider legislative history when resolving ambiguities in the text of statutes that waive the government's sovereign immunity. See United States v. Nordic Village, Inc., ___ U.S. ___, ___, 112 S.Ct. 1011, 1016, 117 L.Ed.2d 181 (1992) ("The unequivocal expression of elimination of sovereign *48 immunity that we insist upon is an expression in statutory text. If clarity does not exist there, it cannot be supplied by a committee report."); Maine v. Department of Navy, 973 F.2d 1007, 1011 (1st Cir.1992). Courts, therefore, must limit their inquiry to the language of the statute itself.

The general rule of construction applicable to statutes which surrender federal sovereign immunity is to construe the statutory language strictly in favor of the sovereign. See Library of Congress v. Shaw, 478 U.S. 310, 318, 106 S.Ct. 2957, 2963, 92 L.Ed.2d 250 (1986) (courts "must construe waivers strictly in favor of the sovereign ... and not enlarge the waiver `beyond what the language requires'") (citation omitted); McMahon v. United States, 342 U.S. 25, 27, 72 S.Ct. 17, 19, 96 L.Ed. 26 (1951); In Re Perry, 882 F.2d 534, 544 (1st Cir.1989). To say that a court must construe a statute in favor of the sovereign is not to say that the court must always adopt the construction offered by the sovereign. The sovereign's construction will be adopted only if it is plausible. See Nordic Village, ___ U.S. at ___, 112 S.Ct. at 1016.

Here, defendants ask that the court construe the phrase "actual damages" to refer only to pecuniary damages. Satisfied that this construction is a plausible one, this court adopts the defendants' view that "actual damages" does not include emotional damages. Accordingly, plaintiff's allegations of only emotional injuries are legally insufficient under the Act.

B. Statutory Damages

Plaintiff argues in the alternative that he is at least entitled to recover the $1,000 statutory minimum damages. See 5 U.S.C. § 552a(g) (4). The Fitzpatrick court permitted recovery of this sum, along with costs and reasonable attorneys' fees, even though it declined to award damages for emotional injuries. See Fitzpatrick, 665 F.2d at 331. The opinion, however, is devoid of any explanation as to how the court reached its result. Upon examination, this court finds that the better rule is to preclude recovery where, as here, only emotional injuries are alleged. This court bases its decision on language in the Act specifying that the $1,000 statutory minimum damages are to be made available only to "a person entitled to recovery." 5 U.S.C. § 552a(g) (4). To be entitled to recovery under the Act, however, a plaintiff must prove that he or she has suffered "actual damages." See, e.g., Pope v. Bond, 641 F.Supp. 489, 501 (D.D.C.1986); Houston v. Department of Treasury, 494 F.Supp. 24, 30 (D.D.C.1979); Mobley v. Doyle, No. JH-87-3300, slip op. at 6 (D.Md. Nov. 8, 1988). This court has determined that plaintiff's claim for emotional damages is not one entitling him to recovery under the Act. Given that plaintiff is not "a person entitled to recovery," he is not entitled to the $1,000 statutory minimum damages.



For the foregoing reasons, defendants' motion to dismiss is hereby ALLOWED.

[1] Plaintiff also seeks attorneys' fees and costs.

[2] Specifically, the Act requires that:

In any suit brought under the provisions of subsection (g) (1) (C) or (D) of this section in which the court determines that the agency acted in a manner which was intentional or willful, the United States shall be liable to the individual in an amount equal to the sum of

(A) actual damages sustained by the individual ..., but in no case shall a person entitled to recovery receive less than the sum of $1,000; and

(B) the cost of the action together with reasonable attorney fees as determined by the court.

5 U.S.C. § 552a(g) (4) (emphasis added).

[3] The Johnson court also looked to legislative history. In addition, however, it was heavily influenced by cases that awarded damages for emotional injuries resulting from violations of constitutionally protected privacy interests. Johnson, 700 F.2d at 976-77. The court reasoned that, by analogy, privacy interests protected by the Act should similarly give rise to claims for emotional injury. Id. This Circuit has concluded, however, that the constitutional right of privacy is not implicated by government disclosures of personal information. See Borucki v. Ryan, 827 F.2d 836, 842-43 (1st Cir.1987) ("[A]n allegation that government dissemination of information or government defamation has caused damage to reputation, even with all attendant emotional anguish and social stigma, does not in itself state a cause of action for violation of a constitutional right; infringement of more `tangible interests' must be alleged as well.") (citing Paul v. Davis, 424 U.S. 693, 701, 96 S.Ct. 1155, 1160-61, 47 L.Ed.2d 405 (1976)). The analogy on which the Johnson court relied, therefore, is inapposite here.

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U.S. is Responsible for the Ebola Outbreak in West Africa: Liberian Scientist

By Timothy Alexander Guzman
Global Research, October 17, 2014

A History of Guatemala’s Syphilis Experiment: How a U.S. Led Team Performed Human Experimentations in Central America

Dr. Cyril Broderick, A Liberian scientist and a former professor of Plant Pathology at the University of Liberia’s College of Agriculture and Forestry says the West, particularly the U.S. is responsible for the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. Dr. Broderick claims the following in an exclusive article published in the Daily Observer based in Monrovia, Liberia. He wrote the following:

The US Department of Defense (DoD) is funding Ebola trials on humans, trials which started just weeks before the Ebola outbreak in Guinea and Sierra Leone. The reports continue and state that the DoD gave a contract worth $140 million dollars to Tekmira, a Canadian pharmaceutical company, to conduct Ebola research. This research work involved injecting and infusing healthy humans with the deadly Ebola virus. Hence, the DoD is listed as a collaborator in a “First in Human” Ebola clinical trial (NCT02041715, which started in January 2014 shortly before an Ebola epidemic was declared in West Africa in March.

Is it possible that the United States Department of Defense (DOD) and other Western countries are directly responsible for infecting Africans with the Ebola virus? Dr. Broderick claims that the U.S. government has a research laboratory located in a town called Kenema in Sierra Leone that studies what he calls “viral fever bioterrorism”, It is also the town where he acknowledges that is the “epicentre of the Ebola outbreak in West Africa.” Is it a fact? Is Dr. Broderick a conspiracy theorist? He says that “there is urgent need for affirmative action in protecting the less affluent of poorer countries, especially African citizens, whose countries are not as scientifically and industrially endowed as the United States and most Western countries, sources of most viral or bacterial GMOs that are strategically designed as biological weapons.” He also asks an important question when he says “It is most disturbing that the U. S. Government has been operating a viral hemorrhagic fever bioterrorism research laboratory in Sierra Leone. Are there others?”

Well, Mr. Broderick’s claims seem to be true. After all, the U.S. government has been experimenting with deadly diseases on human beings for a long time, history tells us so. One example is Guatemala. Between 1946 and 1948, the United States government under President Harry S. Truman in collaboration with Guatemalan President Juan José Arévalo and his health officials deliberately infected more than 1500 soldiers, prostitutes, prisoners and even mental patients with syphilis and other sexually transmitted diseases such as gonorrhea and chancroid (a bacterial sexual infection) out of more than 5500 Guatemalan people who participated in the experiments. The worst part of it is that none of the test subjects infected with the diseases ever gave informed consent. The Boston Globe published the discovery made by Medical historian and professor at Wellesley College, Susan M. Reverby in 2010 called ‘Wellesley professor unearths a horror: Syphilis experiments in Guatemala.’ It stated how she came across her discovery:

Picking through musty files in a Pennsylvania archive, a Wellesley College professor made a heart-stopping discovery: US government scientists in the 1940s deliberately infected hundreds of Guatemalans with syphilis and gonorrhea in experiments conducted without the subjects’ permission. Medical historian Susan M. Reverby happened upon the documents four or five years ago while researching the infamous Tuskegee syphilis study and later shared her findings with US government officials.

The unethical research was not publicly disclosed until yesterday, when President Obama and two Cabinet secretaries apologized to Guatemala’s government and people and pledged to never repeat the mistakes of the past — an era when it was not uncommon for doctors to experiment on patients without their consent.

After Reverby’s discovery, the Obama administration apparently gave an apology to then-President Alvaro Colom according to the Boston Globe:

Yesterday, Obama called President Álvaro Colom Caballeros of Guatemala to apologize, and Obama’s spokesman told reporters the experiment was “tragic, and the United States by all means apologizes to all those who were impacted by this.

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton had called Colom Thursday night to break the news to him. In her conversation with the Guatemalan president, Clinton expressed “her personal outrage and deep regret that such reprehensible research could occur,’’ said Arturo Valenzuela, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs.

The study in Guatemala was led by John Cutler, a US health service physician who also took part in the controversial Tuskegee Syphilis experiments which began in the 1930’s. Researchers wanted to study the effects of a group of antibiotics called penicillin on affected individuals. The prevention and treatment of syphilis and other venereal diseases were also included in the experimentation. Although they were treated with antibiotics, more than 83 people had died according to BBC news in 2011 following a statement issued by Dr Amy Gutmann, head of the Presidential Commission for the Study of Bioethical Issues:

The Commission said some 5,500 Guatemalans were involved in all the research that took place between 1946 and 1948. Of these, some 1,300 were deliberately infected with syphilis, gonorrhoea or another sexually transmitted disease, chancroid. And of that group only about 700 received some sort of treatment. According to documents the commission had studied, at least 83 of the 5,500 subjects had died by the end of 1953.

Washington’s reaction to the report is a farce. The apology made to Guatemala’s government was for the sake of public relations. Washington knows about its human experimentations in the past with deadly diseases conducted by government-funded laboratories that are known to be harmful to the public. The U.S. government is guilty in conducting numerous medical experiments on people not only in Guatemala but in other countries and on its own territory. As the Boston Globe report mentioned, the Tuskegee Syphilis Study occurred between 1932 and 1972 by the U.S. Public Health Service to study the “natural progression” of untreated syphilis in the African American population. The U.S. Public Health Service and the Tuskegee Institute collaborated in 1932 and enrolled 600 poor sharecroppers from Macon County, Alabama to study the syphilis infection. However, it was documented that at least 400 of those had the disease (they were never informed that they actually had syphilis) while the remaining 200 did not. They received free medical care, food and even free burial insurance for participating in the study. Documents revealed that they were told that they had “bad blood” which meant that they had various medical conditions besides syphilis. The Tuskegee scientists continued to study the participants without treating their illnesses and they also withheld much-needed information from the participants about penicillin, which proved to be effective in treating Syphilis and other venereal diseases. The test subjects were under the impression that they were receiving free health care from the U.S. government while they were deliberately being lied to by the same administrators who were conducting the tests. Washington is fully aware of its human experimentations with deadly diseases. The government of Guatemala also knew about the Syphilis experiments according to the Boston Globe:

A representative of the Guatemalan government said his nation will investigate, too — looking in part at the culpability of officials in that country. The records of the experiment suggest that Guatemalan government officials were fully aware of the tests, sanctioned them, and may have done so in exchange for stockpiles of penicillin.

However, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services published the study ‘Fact Sheet on the 1946-1948 U.S. Public Health Service Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STD) Inoculation Study’ and was forced to admit what happened in Guatemala during the syphilis experiments:

While conducting historical research on the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis, Professor Susan Reverby of Wellesley College recently discovered the archived papers of the late Dr. John Cutler, a U.S. Public Health Service medical officer and a Tuskegee investigator. The papers described another unethical study supported by the U.S. government in which highly vulnerable populations in Guatemala were intentionally infected with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). The study, conducted between 1946 and 1948, was done with the knowledge of Dr. Cutler’s superiors and was funded by a grant from the U.S. National Institutes of Health to the Pan American Sanitary Bureau (which became the Pan American Health Organization) to several Guatemalan government ministries. The study had never been published.

The U.S. government admitted to its wrongdoing, 62 years too late. What Dr. Broderick wrote is not conspiratorial in any sense. The U.S. government has been involved in bioterrorism; Guatemala is a case in point. Dr. Broderick summarized what average people can do to prevent governments, especially those from the West from creating and exposing populations from diseases they experiment with in laboratories:

The challenge is global, and we request assistance from everywhere, including China, Japan, Australia, India, Germany, Italy, and even kind-hearted people in the U.S., France, the U.K., Russia, Korea, Saudi Arabia, and anywhere else whose desire is to help. The situation is bleaker than we on the outside can imagine, and we must provide assistance however we can. To ensure a future that has less of this kind of drama, it is important that we now demand that our leaders and governments be honest, transparent, fair, and productively engaged. They must answer to the people. Please stand up to stop Ebola testing and the spread of this dastardly disease.

After Guatemala’s ordeal with the U.S. government who deliberately infected people with syphilis, West African nations should be extremely skeptical about the U.S. government’s actions combating Ebola. Professor Francis Boyle of the University of Illinois, College of Law questions the Obama administration’s actions in West Africa. RIA Novosti recently interviewed Boyle and he said the following:

US government agencies have a long history of carrying out allegedly defensive biological warfare research at labs in Liberia and Sierra Leone. This includes the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), which is now the point agency for managing the Ebola spill-over into the US,” Prof. Francis Boyle said.

Why has the Obama administration dispatched troops to Liberia when they have no training to provide medical treatment to dying Africans? How did Zaire/Ebola get to West Africa from about 3,500km away from where it was first identified in 1976?”

That’s a good question for Washington, but would the public get any answers? Not anytime soon, since it took more than 62 years for the Guatemala syphilis experiments to be exposed to the public, not by the US government, by a medical historian.

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Racism as Government Policy
A Short History of “Black Paranoia”


The fury among American blacks sparked by Gary Webb’s “Dark Alliance” series was powerful enough to cause serious concern to the U.S. government, urban mayors, and major newspapers, and even prompted CIA Director John Deutch to make an extraordinary appearance at a town meeting in South Central Los Angeles, where Rep. Maxine Waters was accused of fanning the flames of “black paranoia.” We will now briefly outline why this “paranoia” is amply justified and why Webb’s series very reasonably struck a chord in the black community.

In all discussions of “black paranoia” during the Webb affair, white commentators invariably conceded—as indeed they had to—that the one instance where such fears were entirely justified was the infamous Tuskegee experiments. Yet in the press coverage no more than a sentence or two was devoted to any account of what actually happened at Tuskegee.

The facts are terrible. In 1932, 600 poor black men from rural Macon County, Alabama, were recruited for a study by the United States Public Health Service and the Tuskegee Institute. The researchers found 400 out of the 600 infected with syphilis, and the 200 uninfected men were monitored as the control group. The other 400 men were told they were being treated for “bad blood” and were given a treatment the doctors called “pink medicine,” which was actually nothing more than aspirin and an iron supplement. No effective medical treatment was ever given to the Tuskegee victims because the researchers wanted to study the natural progress of venereal disease. When other physicians diagnosed syphilis in some of the men, the Public Health Service researchers intervened to prevent any treatment. When penicillin was developed as a cure for syphilis in 1943, it was not provided to the patients. Indeed, the development of a cure only seemed to spur on the Tuskegee researchers, who, in the words of historian James Jones, author of Bad Blood, saw Tuskegee as a “never-again-to-be-repeated opportunity.”

As an inducement to continue in the program over several decades the men were given hot meals, a certificate signed by the surgeon general, the promise of free medical care, and a $50 burial stipend. This stipend was far from altruistic because it allowed the Health Service researchers to perform their own autopsies on the men after they died. The experiments continued until 1972, and were canceled only after information about them had leaked to the press. Over the course of the experiments more than 100 of the men died of causes related to syphilis, but even after exposure, the lead researchers remained unapologetic. “For the most part, doctors and civil servants simply did their job,” said Dr. John Heller, who had headed the U.S. Public Health Services Division of Venereal Diseases. “Some merely followed orders, others worked for the glory of science.”

In 1996, President Clinton issued a public apology to the Tuskegee victims. Nor was this an entirely disinterested act of governmental contrition. Earlier in the year, Clinton had been approached by Secretary of Health and Human Services Donna Shalala regarding the scarcity of blacks willing to volunteer as research subjects. Shalala attributed this reluctance to “unnatural fears” arising from the Tuskegee experiments. George Annas, who runs the Law, Ethics and Medicine program at Boston University, notes that the apology was skewed and that Clinton and Shalala should have been finding ways of recruiting more blacks as medical students rather than research subjects. “If you were to look at the historical record, you will see that blacks’ distrust predated Tuskegee,” according to Dr. Vanessa Gamble, an associate professor of the history of medicine at the University of Wisconsin at Madison. “There were experiments dating back to more than a hundred years that were more often done by whites on slaves and free blacks than on poor whites.”

Another oft-cited explanation for the readiness of blacks to believe the worst about the white man’s intentions is briskly referred to as “the FBI’s snooping on Martin Luther King Jr.,” as Tim Golden put it amid his reflections on black paranoia in the New York Times. The government’s interest in Dr. King went considerably beyond “snooping,” however, to constitute one of the most prolonged surveillances of any family in American history. In the early years of the 20th century, Ralph Van Deman created an Army Intelligence network targeting four prime foes: the Industrial Workers of the World, opponents of the draft, Socialists, and “Negro unrest.” Fear that the Germans would take advantage of black grievances was great, and Van Deman was much preoccupied with the role of black churches as possible centers of sedition.

By the end of 1917, the War Department’s Military Intelligence Division had opened a file on Martin Luther King Jr.’s maternal grandfather, the Rev. A. D. Williams, pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church and first president of the Atlanta NAACP. King’s father, Martin Sr., Williams’ successor at Ebenezer Baptist, also entered the army files. Martin Jr. first shows up in these files (kept by the 111th Military Intelligence Group at Fort McPherson in Atlanta) in 1947, when he attended Dorothy Lilley’s Intercollegiate School; the army suspected Lilley of having ties to the Communist Party.

Army Intelligence officers became convinced of Martin Luther King Jr.’s own Communist ties when he spoke in 1950 at the twenty-fifth anniversary of the integrated Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee. Ten years earlier, an Army Intelligence officer had reported to his superiors that the Highlander school was teaching a course of instruction to develop Negro organizers in the southern cotton states.

By 1963, as Tennessee journalist Stephen Tompkins reported in the Memphis Commercial Appeal, U-2 planes were photographing disturbances in Birmingham, Alabama, capping a multilayered spy system that by 1968 included 304 intelligence offices across the country, “subversive national security dossiers” on 80,731 Americans, plus 19 million personnel dossiers lodged at the Defense Department’s Central Index of Investigations.

A more sinister thread derives from the anger and fear with which the Army’s high command greeted King’s denunciation of the Vietnam War at Riverside Church in 1967. Army spies recorded Stokely Carmichael telling King, “The Man don’t care you call ghettos concentration camps, but when you tell him his war machine is nothing but hired killers you got trouble.”

After the 1967 Detroit riots, 496 black men under arrest were interviewed by agents of the Army’s Psychological Operations group, dressed as civilians. It turned out King was by far the most popular black leader. That same year Maj. Gen. William Yarborough, assistant chief of staff for intelligence, observing the great antiwar march on Washington from the roof of the Pentagon, concluded that the Empire was coming apart at the seams. There were, Yarborough reckoned, too few reliable troops to fight in Vietnam and hold the line at home.

In response, the army increased its surveillance of King. Green Berets and other Special Forces veterans from Vietnam began making street maps and identifying landing zones and potential sniper sites in major U.S. cities. The Ku Klux Klan was recruited by the 20th Special Forces Group, headquartered in Alabama as a subsidiary intelligence network. The Army began offering 30-06 sniper rifles to police departments, including that of Memphis.

In his fine investigation, Tompkins detailed the increasing hysteria of Army Intelligence chiefs over the threat they considered King to pose to national stability. The FBI’s J. Edgar Hoover was similarly obsessed with this threat, and King was dogged by spy units through early 1967. A Green Beret special unit was operating in Memphis on the day he was shot. He died from a bullet from a 30-06 rifle purchased in a Memphis store, a murder for which James Earl Ray was given a 99-year sentence in a Tennessee prison. A court-ordered test of James Earl Ray’s rifle raised questions as to whether it in fact had fired the bullet that killed King.

Notable black Americans, from the boxing champion Jack Johnson to Paul Robeson to W. E. B. Du Bois, were all the object of relentless harassment by the FBI. Johnson, the first black superstar, was framed by the FBI’s predecessor under the Mann Act. Johnson ultimately served a year for crossing state lines with his white girlfriend (who later became his wife). Du Bois, founder of the NAACP, was himself under surveillance for nearly seventy years and was arrested and shackled for urging peace talks with North Korea.

Still fresh in the minds of many blacks is the FBI’s COINTEL-PRO program, started in 1956 and conceived as a domestic counterinsurgency program. Though its ambit extended to the New Left, Puerto Rican revolutionaries and Native Americans, the most vigorous persecutions under COINTELPRO were those of black leaders. A memo from FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover described the program as it stood in August 1967: the purpose of COINTELPRO was to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit or otherwise neutralize” black organizations the FBI didn’t care for. And if any black leader emerged, Hoover’s order was that the Bureau should “pinpoint potential troublemakers and neutralize them before they exercised their potential for violence.”

“Neutralize” has long been a euphemism for assassination. At least six or seven Black Panther leaders were killed at the instigation of the FBI, the most infamous episode being the assassination of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark in Chicago. These two Panther leaders were shot in their beds, while asleep, by Chicago police who had been given a detailed floor plan of the house by an FBI informant who had also drugged Hampton and Clark.

During the mid-1970s hearings chaired by Idaho Senator Frank Church, the FBI was found to have undertaken more than 200 so-called “black bag” jobs, in which FBI agents broke into offices, homes and apartments to destroy equipment, steal and copy files, take money, and plant drugs. The FBI was also linked to the arson fire that destroyed the Watts Writers’ Workshop in Los Angeles.

In all the stories about “black paranoia” trolled forth by Webb’s assailants, one topic was conspicuously ignored: the long history of the racist application of U.S. drug laws. The first racist application of drug laws in the United States was against Chinese laborers. After the U.S. Civil War, opium addiction was a major problem: wounded soldiers used it to dull pain and then became habituated. One study estimates that by 1880, one in every 400 adults in the United States had such an addiction to opium. Chinese laborers had been brought into the United States in the wake of the Civil War to build the transcontinental railroad and, in California, to haul rock in the gold mines in the Sierras. Thousands of Chinese were also brought into the South to replace slave labor on the cotton and rice plantations. The Chinese brought opium smoking with them, their addiction having actively fostered in the Opium Wars by the British, who had successfully beaten down efforts by the Chinese government to curb the habit.

Then came the recession of the 1870s. The Chinese were now viewed as competitors for the dwindling number of jobs available. In 1875, San Francisco became the first city to outlaw opium smoking with legislation clearly aimed at the Chinese, who smoked the narcotic, as opposed to the main group of users, white men and women, who took opium in liquid form. This was the era when the use of opium-based patent medicines was pervasive. Women used them in “tonics” to alleviate pain in childbirth, and also to “soothe” their nerves. Unlike the “yellow dope fiends,” however, the white users were politely termed “habitués.” In 1887, the U.S. Congress weighed in with the Chinese Exclusion Act, which among other things) allowed Chinese opium addicts to be arrested and deported.

Similarly, racist attitudes accompanied the rise of cocaine use. Cocaine had been mass marketed in the United States in the late 1880s by the Parke-Davis Company (which many decades later had contracts to provide the CIA with drugs in the MK-ULTRA program). The company also sold a precursor to crack, marketing cocaine-laden cigarettes in the 1890s. In that same decade the Sears & Roebuck catalogue, which was distributed to millions of homes, offered a syringe and a small amount of cocaine for $1.50. But by the turn of the century the attitude of the medical and legal establishment to cocaine was beginning to change. In 1900 the Journal of the American Medical Association printed an editorial alerting its readers to a new peril: “Negroes in the South are reported as being addicted to a new form of vice—that of ‘cocaine sniffing’ or the ‘coke habit.’ ”

President Theodore Roosevelt responded to the new scare by creating the nation’s first drug czar, Dr. Hamilton Wright. Wright was a fanatic racist, announcing that “it is been authoritatively stated that cocaine is often the direct incentive to the crime of rape by the Negroes of the South and other regions.” One of Wright’s favored authorities was Dr. Christopher Koch of the State Pharmacy Board of Pennsylvania. Koch testified before Congress in 1914 in support of the Harrison Bill, shortly to pass into law as the first criminalization of drug use. Said Koch: “Most of the attacks upon the white women of the South are the direct result of a cocaine-crazed Negro brain.”

At the same hearing, Wright alleged that drugs made blacks uncontrollable, gave them superhuman powers, and prompted them to rebel against white authority. These hysterical charges were trumpeted by the press, in particular the New York Times, which on February 8, 1914, ran an article by Edward Hunting Williams reporting how Southern sheriffs had upped the caliber of their weapons from.32 to.38 in order to bring down black men under the influence of cocaine. The Times’ headline for the article read: “Negro Cocaine ‘Fiends’ are New Southern Menace: Murder and Insanity Increasing Among Lower-Class Blacks.” Amid these salvoes, the Harrison Act passed into law.

In 1930, a new department of the federal government, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, was formed under the leadership of Harry Anslinger to carry on the war against drug users. Anslinger, another racist, was an adroit publicist and became the prime shaper of American attitudes to drug addiction, hammering home his view that this was not a treatable dependency but one that could only be suppressed by harsh criminal sanctions. Anslinger’s first major campaign was to criminalize the drug commonly known at the time as hemp. But Anslinger renamed it “marijuana” to associate it with Mexican laborers who, like the Chinese before them, were unwelcome competitors for scarce jobs in the Depression. Anslinger claimed that marijuana “can arouse in blacks and Hispanics a state of menacing fury or homicidal attack. During this period, addicts have perpetrated some of the most bizarre and fantastic offenses and sex crimes known to police annals.”

Anslinger linked marijuana with jazz and persecuted many black musicians, including Thelonius Monk, Dizzy Gillespie, and Duke Ellington. Louis Armstrong was also arrested on drug charges, and Anslinger made sure his name was smeared in the press. In Congress he testified that “[c]oloreds with big lips lure white women with jazz and marijuana.”

By the 1950s, amid the full blast of the Cold War, Anslinger was working with the CIA to charge that the newborn People’s Republic of China was attempting to undermine America by selling opium to U.S. crime syndicates. (This took a good deal of chutzpa on the part of the CIA, whose planes were then flying opium from Chiang Kai-shek’s bases in Burma to Thailand and the Philippines for processing and export to the U.S.A.) Anslinger convinced the U.S. Senate to approve a resolution stating that “subversion through drug addiction is an established aim of Communist China.”

In 1951, Anslinger worked with Democrat Hale Boggs to marshal through Congress the first minimum mandatory sentences for drug possession: two years for the first conviction of possession of a Schedule 1 drug (marijuana, cocaine), five to ten years for a second offense, and ten to twenty years for a third conviction. In 1956, Anslinger once again enlisted the help of Boggs to pass a law allowing the death penalty to be imposed on anyone selling heroin to a minor, the first linking of drugs with Death Row.

This was Anslinger’s last hurrah. Across John Kennedy’s New Frontier charged sociologists attacking Anslinger’s punitive philosophy. The tempo of the times changed, and federal money began to target treatment and prevention as much as enforcement and prison. But the interim did not last long. With the waning of the war in Southeast Asia, millions of addicted GIs came home to meet the fury of Nixon’s War on Drugs program. Nixon picked up Anslinger’s techniques of threat inflation, declaring in Los Angeles: “As I look over the problems of this country I see that one stands out particularly: the problem of narcotics.”

Nixon pledged to launch a war on drugs, to return to the punitive approach, and not let any quaint notions of civil liberties and constitutional rights stand in the way. After a Nixon briefing in 1969, his top aide, H. R. Haldeman, noted in his diary: “Nixon emphasized that you have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks. The key is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to.”

But for all his bluster, Nixon was a mere prelude to the full fury of the Reagan-Bush-Clinton years, when the War on Drugs became explicitly a war on blacks. The first move of the Reagan administration was to expand the forfeiture laws passed during the Carter administration. In 1981, Reagan’s drug policy advisers outlined a plan they thought would be little more than good PR, a public display of the required toughness. They proposed allowing the Justice Department to seize real
property and so-called “substitute property” (that is, legally acquired assets equal in value to illegal monetary gains). They also proposed that the federal government seize attorneys’ fees that they suspected might have been funded by drug proceeds. They even proposed to allow attorneys to be summoned by federal prosecutors before grand juries to testify about the source of their clients’ money. The Reagan plan was to permit forfeitures on the basis of a “probable cause showing” before a federal judge. This meant that seizures could be made against people neither charged nor convicted, but only suspected, of drug crimes.

Contrary to the administration’s expectations, this plan sailed through Congress, eagerly supported by two Democratic Party liberals, Senators Hubert H. Humphrey and Joe Biden, the latter being the artificer, in the Carter era, of a revision to the RICO act, a huge extension of the federal conspiracy laws. Over the next few years, the press would occasionally report on some exceptionally bizarre applications of the new forfeiture laws, such as the confiscation of a $2.5 million yacht in a drug bust that netted only a handful of marijuana stems and seeds. But typically the press ignored the essential pattern of humdrum seizures, which more often focused on such ordinary assets as houses and cars. In Orange County, California, fifty-seven cars were seized in drug-related cases in 1989: “Even if only a small amount of drugs is found inside,” an Orange County narcotics detective explained, “the law permits seized vehicles to be sold by law enforcement agencies to finance anti-drug law enforcement programs.”

In fact, the forfeiture program became a tremendous revenue stream for the police. From 1982 to 1991, the U.S. Department of Justice seized more than $2.5 billion in assets. The Justice Department confiscated $500 million in property in 1991 alone, and 80 per cent of these seizures were from people who were never charged with a crime.

On June 17, 1986, University of Maryland basketball star Len Bias died, reportedly from an overdose of cocaine. As Dan Baum put it in his excellent Smoke and Mirrors: The War on Drugs and the Politics of Failure, “In life, Len Bias was a terrific basketball player. In death, he became the Archduke Ferdinand of the Total War on Drugs.” It was falsely reported that Bias had smoked crack cocaine the night before his death. (He had in fact used powder cocaine and, according to the coroner, there was no clear link between this use and the failure of his heart.)

Bias had just signed with the Boston Celtics and amid Boston’s rage and grief, Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill, a representative from Massachusetts, rushed into action. In early July he convened a meeting of the Democratic Party leadership. “Write me some goddam legislation,” he ordered. “All anybody in Boston is talking about is Len Bias. They want blood. If we move fast enough we can get out in front of the White House.” The White House was itself moving fast. Among other things, the DEA had been instructed to allow ABC News to accompany it on raids against crack houses. “Crack is the hottest combat-reporting story to come along since the end of the Vietnam War,” the head of the New York office of the DEA exulted.

All this fed into congressional frenzy to write tougher laws. House Majority Leader Jim Wright called drug abuse “a menace draining away our economy of some $230 billion this year, slowly rotting away the fabric of our society and seducing and killing our young.” Not to be outdone, South Carolina Republican Thomas Arnett proclaimed that “drugs are a threat worse than nuclear warfare or any chemical warfare waged on any battlefield.” The 1986 Anti-Drug Abuse Act was duly passed. It contained twenty-nine new minimum mandatory sentences. Up until that time in the history of the Republic there had been only 56 mandatory minimum sentences in the whole penal code.

The new law had a death penalty provision for drug “kingpins” and prohibited parole for even minor possession offenses. But the chief target of the bill was crack cocaine. Congress established a 100-to-1 sentencing ratio between possession of crack and powder cocaine. Under this provision, possession of 5 grams of crack carries a minimum five-year federal prison sentence. The same mandatory minimum is not reached for any amount of powder cocaine less than 500 grams. This sentencing disproportion was based on faulty testimony that crack was fifty times as addictive as powder cocaine. Congress then doubled this ratio as a so-called “violence penalty.” There is no inherent difference in the drugs, as Clinton drug czar Barry McCaffery conceded. The federal Sentencing Commission, established by Congress to review sentencing guidelines, found that so-called “crack violence” is attributable to the drug trade and has more to do with the setting in which crack is sold: crack is sold on the street, while powder cocaine is vended by house calls. As Nixon and Haldeman would have approvingly noted about the new drug law, it was transparently aimed at blacks, reminiscent of the early targeting of Chinese smoking opium rather than white ladies sipping their laudanum-laced tonics.

In 1995, the U.S. Sentencing Commission reviewed eight years of application of this provision and found it to be undeniably racist in practice: 84 per cent of those arrested for crack possession were black, while only 10 per cent were white and 5 per cent Hispanic. The disparity for crack-trafficking prosecutions was even wider: 88 per cent blacks, 7 per cent Hispanics, 4 per cent whites. By comparison, defendants arrested for powder cocaine possession were 58 per cent white, 26 per cent black, and 15 per cent Hispanic.

In Los Angeles, all twenty-four federal defendants in crack cases in 1991 were black. The Sentencing Commission recommended to Congress and the Clinton administration that the ratio should be one-to-one between sentences for offenses involving crack and powder cocaine, arguing that federal law allows for other factors to be considered by judges in lengthening sentences (such as whether violence was associated with the offense). But for the first time in its history the Congress rejected the Sentencing Commission’s recommendation and retained the 100-to-1 ratio. Clinton likewise declined the advice of his drug czar and his attorney general, and signed the bill.

One need only look at the racial makeup of federal prisons to appreciate the consequences of the 1986 drug law. In 1983, the total number of prisoners in federal, state and local prisons and jails was 660,800. Of those, 57,975—8.8 per cent—were incarcerated for drug-related offenses. In 1993, the total prison population was 1,408,000, of whom 353,564—25.1 per cent—were inside for drug offenses. The Sentencing Project, a Washington, D.C.–based watchdog group, found that the increase was far from racially balanced. Between 1986 and 1991, the incarceration rate for white males convicted on drug crimes increased by 106 per cent. But the number of black males in prison for kindred offenses soared by a factor of 429 per cent, and the rate for black women went up by an incredible 828 per cent.

The queen of the drug war, Nancy Reagan, said amid one of her innumerable sermons on the issue: “If you’re a casual drug user, you’re an accomplice to murder.” In tune with this line of thinking, Congress moved in 1988 to expand the crimes for which the federal death penalty could be imposed. These included drug-related murders, and murders committed by drug gangs, which would allow any gang member to face the death penalty if one member of the gang was linked to a drug killing. The new penalties were inscribed in an update of the Continuing Criminal Enterprises Act. The figures arising from implementation of the act suggest that “black paranoia” has in fact a sound basis in reality.

Convictions under the act between 1989 and 1996 were 70 per cent white and 24 per cent black—but 90 per cent of the times the federal prosecutors sought the death penalty it was against non-whites: of these, 78 per cent were black and the rest Hispanic. From 1930 to 1972 (when the U.S. Supreme Court found the federal death penalty unconstitutional), 85 per cent of those given death sentences were white. When it was reapplied in 1984, with the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, the numbers for black death penalty convictions soared. Whether the offense is drug-related or not, a black is far more likely to end up on Death Row. Of those on Death Row, both federal and state, 50 per cent are black. Blacks constitute 16 per cent of the population. Since 1976, 40 per cent of the nation’s homicide victims have been black, but 90 per cent of death sentences handed down for homicide involved white victims.

In the drug war, Los Angeles was Ground Zero. On the streets of Los Angeles, gang-related killings were a constant presence to the residents of the mostly poor areas in which they occurred, as gangs fought out turf battles for distribution rights to the crack supplied by Ricky Ross and his associates in an operation connived at by the CIA. As long as it was confined to black areas of Los Angeles, little official attention was paid to this slaughter—an average of one murder per day from 1988 through 1990. However, in December 1987 a gang mistakenly killed 27-year-old Karen Toshima outside a cinema complex in Westwood, near the UCLA campus, prompting outrage from the city’s government: “The continued protection of gang activity under the guise of upholding our Constitution is causing a deadly blight on our city,” cried Los Angeles City Attorney Kenneth Hahn.

LAPD Chief Darryl Gates promptly rolled out his campaign to pacify inner-city Los Angeles, Operation Hammer. Even before this campaign, the LAPD was not known for its sensitivity to black people. In the 1970s, there had been more than 300 killings of non-whites by the LAPD, and Gate’s own racism was notorious. Responding to complaints about a string of choke-hold deaths, Gates blamed them on the physiology of blacks: “We may be finding that in some blacks, when [the choke-hold] is applied, the veins or arteries do not open as fast as they do on normal people.”

Operation Hammer was a counterinsurgency program that sometimes resembled the Phoenix program in Vietnam. There were hundreds of commando-style raids on “gang houses.” More than 50,000 suspected gang members were swept up for interrogation based on factors such as style of dress and whether the suspect was a young black male on the street past curfew. Of those caught up in such Hammer sweeps, 90 per cent were later released without charge, but their names were held in a computer database of gang members that was later shown to have included twice as many names as there were black youths in Los Angeles. Gates sealed off large areas of South Central as “narcotics enforcement zones.” There was a strict curfew, constant police presence, and on-the-spot strip searches for those caught outside after curfew.

In this war there were many innocent casualties. In 1989, the LAPD shotgunned to death an 81-year-old man they wrongly believed to be a crack dealer. Witnesses claimed that the old man had his hands up when he was blown away. In 1989, 75 per cent of all cases in the Los Angeles criminal courts were drug-related.

It would be difficult to find any documentary evidence that this War on Drugs had anything other than a deleterious effect. By 1990, black youth unemployment in the greater Los Angeles area was 45 per cent. Nearly half of all black males under the age of twenty-five had been in the criminal justice system. Life expectancy for blacks was falling for the first time in this century, and infant mortality in the city was rising. Some 40 per cent of black children were born into poverty.

Among those white people concerned by the awful conditions of life in the inner cities was government psychiatrist Fred Goodwin. In 1992, he was director of the umbrella agency ADAMHA, the Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration. Goodwin was an eager crusader for a national biomedical program to control violence, the core notion being the search for a “violence” gene. In the quest for this supposed biological basis for social crisis in the poverty-stricken and crime-ridden ghettoes, Goodwin was replicating all the Malthusian obsessions of late nineteenth and early twentieth century white American intellectuals and politicians. Many of supposedly enlightened people like Woodrow Wilson believed that sterilization was the best way to maintain the cleanliness in the national gene pool. It was too late to stop the arrival of Africans, but these Malthusians inspired the race exclusion laws of 1923, designed to keep out genetically dubious Slavs, Jews, Italians and other rabble—legislation admired by the Nazis.

On February 11, 1992, Goodwin gave a speech to the National Mental Health Advisory Council on the future of federal mental health policy, calling for an approach that would focus on presumed genetic and biomedical factors. Among Goodwin’s observations in his address:

There are discussions of “biological correlates” and “biological markers.” The individuals have defective brains with detectable prefrontal changes that may well be predictive of later violence. T

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Huntsville schools paid $157,000 to former FBI agent, social media monitoring led to 14 expulsions

November 01, 2014

HUNTSVILLE, Alabama -- Huntsville City Schools paid a former FBI agent $157,000 last year to oversee security improvements, including the investigation of social media activity of public school students.

That online snooping effort, according to records provided on Thursday, led to the expulsion of just 14 students last school year. Of those students, 12 were African-American.

Madison County Commissioner Bob Harrison said the numbers suggest the system is targeting social media activities of black children. "That is effectively targeting or profiling black children in terms of behavior and behavioral issues," said Harrison.

But board member Laurie McCaulley, the only African-American member of the city school board, said expulsions are caused by serious offenses, involving weapons, drugs or sex.

"These numbers tell me that I have kids with some major issues," said McCaulley. "What I think the board is doing is trying to provide a safe environment for all children."

AL.com on Oct. 1 requested public records listing expulsions by race and expenses related to the security consultants involved in the online investigations known as the SAFe program. On Oct. 30, Huntsville City Schools provided records showing the system expelled 305 students last year. Of those, 238 were black.

That means 78 percent of all expulsions involved black children in a system where 40 percent of students are black. Expulsions related to social media investigations through the SAFe program were a small part of that total. Of those 14 expulsions related to SAFe, 86 percent involved black students.

The system also provided paperwork stating the system paid former FBI agent Chris McRae $157,190 in the last fiscal year. McRae runs the SAFe program. (Although the system took weeks to respond, this figure had been shared online by board candidate Elisa Ferrell a month ago.)

The SAFe program came to light through internal documents provided to AL.com. In subsequent interviews, Superintendent Casey Wardynski said the system security personnel investigated the social media accounts of 600 out of 24,000 city students since January.

Wardysnki has said the program operates on tips from teachers or students. Security personnel look for images of guns or gang signs on social media sites like Facebook

Keith Ward, spokesman for city schools, said McRae oversees the SAFe program, but also handles other consulting work related to security.

The system this week provided a 2012 proposal showing a list of salaries to be paid through T&W Operations, the consulting firm that employs McRae. Huntsville provided records showing $586,000 to be paid for salaries of T&W employees. That includes money for McRae, but also money for at least four other individuals in data

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Chicago Black Panther members Fred Hampton and Mark Clark were assassinated in 1969 by the Chicago police following a conspiracy between the FBI and the police to kill everyone in the building that night. Fortunately for the Panthers only Hampton and Clark were in the building.

The FBI covered up this event until FBI agent Swearingen came forward and was prepared to testify in court about what he knew of the planned assassination.

When the FBI heard that FBI agent Swearingen would take the witness stand, the FBI settled out of court claiming it would be a great expense for the taxpayers to go on with a court trial.

To Kill A President is available at Amazon in paperback and Kindle format.
M. Wesley Swearingen - To Kill A President


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Reply with quote  #44 
note article makes no mention
that in 1999 a Memphis jury concluded
FBI Director Hoover had Dr King assassinated.

couple of reads

1st read


The Martin Luther King Conspiracy Exposed in Memphis
By Jim Douglass
April 5, 2010

According to a Memphis jury’s verdict on December 8, 1999, in the wrongful death lawsuit of the King family versus Loyd Jowers "and other unknown co-conspirators," Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated by a conspiracy that included agencies of his own government. Almost 32 years after King’s murder at the Lorraine Motel in Memphis on April 4, 1968, a court extended the circle of responsibility for the assassination beyond the late scapegoat James Earl Ray to the United States government.

I can hardly believe the fact that, apart from the courtroom participants, only Memphis TV reporter Wendell Stacy and I attended from beginning to end this historic three-and-one-half week trial. Because of journalistic neglect scarcely anyone else in this land of ours even knows what went on in it. After critical testimony was given in the trial’s second week before an almost empty gallery, Barbara Reis, U.S. correspondent for the Lisbon daily Publico who was there several days, turned to me and said, "Everything in the U.S. is the trial of the century. O.J. Simpson’s trial was the trial of the century. Clinton’s trial was the trial of the century. But this is the trial of the century, and who’s here?"

What I experienced in that courtroom ranged from inspiration at the courage of the Kings, their lawyer-investigator William F. Pepper, and the witnesses, to amazement at the government’s carefully interwoven plot to kill Dr. King. The seriousness with which U.S. intelligence agencies planned the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. speaks eloquently of the threat Kingian nonviolence represented to the powers that be in the spring of 1968.

In the complaint filed by the King family, "King versus Jowers and Other Unknown Co-Conspirators," the only named defendant, Loyd Jowers, was never their primary concern. As soon became evident in court, the real defendants were the anonymous co-conspirators who stood in the shadows behind Jowers, the former owner of a Memphis bar and grill. The Kings and Pepper were in effect charging U.S. intelligence agencies – particularly the FBI and Army intelligence – with organizing, subcontracting, and covering up the assassination. Such a charge guarantees almost insuperable obstacles to its being argued in a court within the United States. Judicially it is an unwelcome beast.

Many qualifiers have been attached to the verdict in the King case. It came not in criminal court but in civil court, where the standards of evidence are much lower than in criminal court. (For example, the plaintiffs used unsworn testimony made on audiotapes and videotapes.) Furthermore, the King family as plaintiffs and Jowers as defendant agreed ahead of time on much of the evidence.

But these observations are not entirely to the point. Because of the government’s "sovereign immunity," it is not possible to put a U.S. intelligence agency in the dock of a U.S. criminal court. Such a step would require authorization by the federal government, which is not likely to indict itself. Thanks to the conjunction of a civil court, an independent judge with a sense of history, and a courageous family and lawyer, a spiritual breakthrough to an unspeakable truth occurred in Memphis. It allowed at least a few people (and hopefully many more through them) to see the forces behind King’s martyrdom and to feel the responsibility we all share for it through our government. In the end, twelve jurors, six black and six white, said to everyone willing to hear: guilty as charged.

We can also thank the unlikely figure of Loyd Jowers for providing a way into that truth.

Loyd Jowers: When the frail, 73-year-old Jowers became ill after three days in court, Judge Swearengen excused him. Jowers did not testify and said through his attorney, Lewis Garrison, that he would plead the Fifth Amendment if subpoenaed. His discretion was too late. In 1993 against the advice of Garrison, Jowers had gone public. Prompted by William Pepper’s progress as James Earl Ray’s attorney in uncovering Jowers’s role in the assassination, Jowers told his story to Sam Donaldson on Prime Time Live. He said he had been asked to help in the murder of King and was told there would be a decoy (Ray) in the plot. He was also told that the police "wouldn’t be there that night."

In that interview, the transcript of which was read to the jury in the Memphis courtroom, Jowers said the man who asked him to help in the murder was a Mafia-connected produce dealer named Frank Liberto. Liberto, now deceased, had a courier deliver $100,000 for Jowers to hold at his restaurant, Jim’s Grill, the back door of which opened onto the dense bushes across from the Lorraine Motel. Jowers said he was visited the day before the murder by a man named Raul, who brought a rifle in a box.

As Mike Vinson reported in the March–April Probe, other witnesses testified to their knowledge of Liberto’s involvement in King’s slaying. Store-owner John McFerren said he arrived around 5:15 pm, April 4, 1968, for a produce pick-up at Frank Liberto’s warehouse in Memphis. (King would be shot at 6:01 pm.) When he approached the warehouse office, McFerren overheard Liberto on the phone inside saying, "Shoot the son-of-a-bitch on the balcony."

Café-owner Lavada Addison, a friend of Liberto’s in the late 1970’s, testified that Liberto had told her he "had Martin Luther King killed." Addison’s son, Nathan Whitlock, said when he learned of this conversation he asked Liberto point-blank if he had killed King.

"[Liberto] said, ‘I didn’t kill the nigger but I had it done.’ I said, ‘What about that other son-of-a-bitch taking credit for it?’ He says, ‘Ahh, he wasn’t nothing but a troublemaker from Missouri. He was a front man…a setup man.’"

Read the rest of the article

April 5, 2010

2nd read

see link for full story


What an Uncensored Letter to M.L.K. Reveals

NOVEMBER 11, 2014
The note is just a single sheet gone yellow with age, typewritten and tightly spaced. It’s rife with typos and misspellings and sprinkled with attempts at emending them. Clearly, some effort went into perfecting the tone, that of a disappointed admirer, appalled by the discovery of “hidious [sic] abnormalities” in someone he once viewed as “a man of character.”

The word “evil” makes six appearances in the text, beginning with an accusation: “You are a colossal fraud and an evil, vicious one at that.” In the paragraphs that follow, the recipient’s alleged lovers get the worst of it. They are described as “filthy dirty evil companions” and “evil playmates,” all engaged in “dirt, filth, evil and moronic talk.” The effect is at once grotesque and hypnotic, an obsessive’s account of carnal rage and personal betrayal. “What incredible evilness,” the letter proclaims, listing off “sexual orgies,” “adulterous acts” and “immoral conduct.” Near the end, it circles back to its initial target, denouncing him as an “evil, abnormal beast.”

The unnamed author suggests intimate knowledge of his correspondent’s sex life, identifying one possible lover by name and claiming to have specific evidence about others. Another passage hints of an audiotape accompanying the letter, apparently a recording of “immoral conduct” in action. “Lend your sexually psychotic ear to the enclosure,” the letter demands. It concludes with a deadline of 34 days “before your filthy, abnormal fraudulent self is bared to the nation.”

“There is only one thing left for you to do,” the author warns vaguely in the final paragraph. “You know what it is.”

‘You Are Done’: The letter sent to King by the F.B.I. (One person’s name has been obscured because The Times could not verify or disprove the claims about her.)
When the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. received this letter, nearly 50 years ago, he quietly informed friends that someone wanted him to kill himself — and he thought he knew who that someone was. Despite its half-baked prose, self-conscious amateurism and other attempts at misdirection, King was certain the letter had come from the F.B.I. Its infamous director, J. Edgar Hoover, made no secret of his desire to see King discredited. A little more than a decade later, the Senate’s Church Committee on intelligence overreach confirmed King’s suspicion.

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J. Edgar Hoover had black ancestors
Seán Mac Mathúna
Best site: The COINTELPRO Papers
COINTELPRO: FBI Activities in Hollywood

Cointelpro Revisited - Spying & Disruption



Armies of Repression: The FBI, COINTELPRO and Far Right Vigilante Networks

COINTELPRO: The Sabotage Of Legitimate Dissent

J. Edgar Hoover - who covered up his black ancestry


"Not all slave masters abused their slaves - Some actually treated them like family and bore children by them, like the Mississippi plantation owner, William Hoover. He had eight children by my Great Grandmother, Elizabeth Allen. One of those children was my Grandfather William Allen, and one was his brother, Ivery Hoover, who later had one son; J. Edgar." Millie McGhee, author of Secrets Uncovered, J Edgar Hoover - Passing For White?
A new book entitled Secrets Uncovered, J Edgar Hoover - Passing For White? has been published revealing that J Edgar Hoover, the head of the FBI for most of its early history from 1924 until his death in 1972, had black ancestors. The author, Millie McGhee is an African-American who says she was told as a little girl in McComb, Mississippi, USA, of her familles links with Hoover, described by the author Edward Spannaus, his article The Mysterious Origins of J. Edgar Hoover as "one of the most virulent racists to hold a top government position" in the USA in the 20th century.

She says that her grandfather told of her of a "very powerful" man in Washington who was related to the family but did not want the links to be known and passed himself off as white. She reveals in her book that this man was Hoover, who was born in 1895, was apparently anxious that no one should know of his black origins.

McGhee, a former teacher in Los Angeles, contacted a genealogist in Salt Lake City, Utah, for help in tracing her family's history back over 200 years. Her research shows that Hoover's grandfather and great-grandfather lived in a segregated black area of Washington and were once classified in a census as "coloured". In the search of census records into the family of his father, Dickerson Naylor Hoover (who died in 1921 after a long illness) both the Hoover and Naylor families were living in areas of Washington D.C. - then itself a mostly segregated city - where blacks and whites were listed as living in close proximity. Some of the white Hoover families had blacks living with them, not as servants, but blacks being of the same occupation, such as "butcher'' or "clerk.'' There are also alterations and other oddities in a number of the Hoover family census records, and also in the racial listings which were then included in census records.

According to McGhee, her relatives were warned of "dire consequences" if they spoke publicly of his background. She said that as a little girl she believed that they would be killed if they mentioned the secret.

"Is this man so ashamed of his race that he would spend his whole life passing for white? . . . How has our race offended him ?"
She says that his obsession with the assassinated Civil Rights leaders Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, stemmed in part from a repressed anger about his secret life. Apparently, although members of the Hoover family have contacted her and said that they are not angry about the disclosures, McGhee's own family were unhappy with her decision to go public, as, understandably, they never wanted to be associated with him.

According to Spannaus, apparently it was well-known both ins

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Reply with quote  #46 

see link for full story

The New Black Panther Party, explained


November 16, 2014, 12:10 p.m. ET

When New Black Panther Party members turned up in Ferguson, Missouri, during the protests that followed the Michael Brown shooting, the FBI issued an alert. When the group was accused of voter intimidation at Philadelphia polling places during the 2009 election, Fox News breathlessly covered the allegations no fewer than 95 times.

Just recently, the very suggestion that a man responsible for an axe attack on New York City police officers was sympathetic to the organization — not even a member, but just sympathetic — made news.


There's a consensus that it's a hate group that spews anti-white and especially anti-Semitic rhetoric. But from one perspective, top among its offenses is the way it has hijacked the name of a legitimate organization — the original Black Panther Party — and scrambled its message, taking all of the justified anger and none of the disciplined, constructive work to improve life in America for black people.

Here are the answers to all of your questions about how that happened:

1) What is the New Black Panther Party all about?

Members of the New Black Panther Party rally in New York City after the death of Eric Garner, who was killed in a confrontation with police officers 2014. (Shutterstock)

The first thing to understand is that there's a huge difference between how the New Black Panther Party (NBPP) describes itself and how non-members understand it.

The group portrays itself as a modern day expression of the black power movement and a force standing up for the rights of African Americans. Indeed, members do tend to show up when black people are wronged, and they're mostly known for their armed demonstrations against alleged racial injustice — especially police brutality.

"If there's a Klan rally or someone doing something [racially] egregious they're the first to respond," said Jakobi Williams, associate professor of history and African-American studies at Indiana University and author of From the Bullet to the Ballot: The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party and Racial Coalition Politics in Chicago.

But the idea that the NBPP is modern version of the Black Panther Party of the 1960s and 1970s, which was a militant but primarily service-focused organization, is summarily dismissed by everyone from civil rights groups, to scholars like Williams, to former Black Panther Party members. Instead, there's a broad consensus that its extreme anti-white views and anti-Semitic rhetoric (more on that later) make it a hate group.

The group has a "ten-point platform." It's

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Reply with quote  #47 

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Steve McQueen to make film about Paul Robeson
The Oscar-winning director of 12 Years a Slave reveals that his next project will take as its subject the American civil rights activist, singer and actor

Tuesday 18 November 2014 17.52 EST

The artist and director Steve McQueen has revealed that his next film will be about the black American actor, singer and activist Paul Robeson.

McQueen, whose last film 12 Years a Slave won an Oscar for best picture, described the movie as his dream project.

“His life and legacy was the film I wanted to make the second after Hunger,” McQueen said, referring to his debut movie, about the IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands. “But I didn’t have the power, I didn’t have the juice.”

McQueen was speaking on stage in New York at the Hidden Heroes awards, organised by the Andrew Goodman Foundation, named in honour of one of three young civil rights activists murdered by the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi in 1964.


The director told the audience that he first discovered Robeson at the age of 14. A neighbour called Mr Milton used to give McQueen books and articles he thought might be of interest, and one day put a cutting about Robeson through his parents’ letterbox.

“It was about this black guy who was in Wales and was singing with these miners,” remembered McQueen. “I was about 14 years old, and not knowing who Paul Robeson was, this black American in Wales, it seemed strange. So then, of course, I just found out that this man was an incredible human being.”

The son of an escaped slave, the young Robeson excelled at virtually everything he turned his hand to. Abandoning a legal career after experiencing severe racism at work, Robeson embarked on an acting and singing career that earned him worldwide fame.

At the same time, he campaigned against racism and social injustice, performing for loyalist soldiers in the Spanish civil war, at anti-Nazi demonstrations – and frequently in south Wales, after a delegation of unemployed miners walked to London to meet Robeson, who was appearing in Show Boat in the West End.

During the McCarthy era in the US, Robeson was denounced as a communist, blacklisted from film studios and concert venues, and refused a passport to travel abroad. Though it was reinstated in 1958, his career – along with his mental health – had been brutally curtailed.


McQueen has made Robeson the subject of a previous artwork, End Credits. The camera scrolls through documents detailing the FBI’s persecution of the actor, while a voiceover reads out excerpts. The Guardian’s art critic Adrian Searle described it as “a chilling record of the exercise of power, and Robeson’s equally concerted effort to fight against it.”

Robeson’s friend and peer Harry Belafonte is involved in McQueen’s forthcoming film. The pair met at the New York Film Critics awards. “We get on like a house on fire,” McQueen told the Guardian. “I never thought I’d make a new friend, and a man who is 87 years old but I’m very happy, he’s a beautiful man.”

In New York on Monday night Belafonte awarded McQueen the Andrew Goodman Foundation’s Media Hero award, saying: “I am soon to be 88 years of age, and in the face of that raw and disturbing truth, I am so honoured and so rewarded that I should have lived long enough to see the emergence of a young man in the world of culture who delivered to us one of the quintessential works of art in film.”

12 Years a Slave, he said, “is absolutely without any equivocation the finest picture dealing with a deeper and more profound look at black life, black people, black struggle and black power.”

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Reply with quote  #48 

Dr Tyronne Powers is a African American and a former FBI agent.
He spoke at our 11th Annual Conference Investigating Crimes Committed by FBI agents.
His book Eyes to My Soul details the racism
within the FBI


Behind closed doors, Rawlings-Blake, Young clashed over body cameras, Tyrone Powers

Talks on Baltimore body camera task force fell apart over former FBI agent's inclusion
By now, everyone who follows Baltimore news has probably heard that two proponents of police body cameras — Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake and City Council President Bernard C. "Jack" Young — are at loggerheads over the details of how to implement the program.

lRelated Body camera wars [Poll]
Body camera wars [Poll]
Related story: Council passes body camera bill, plastic bag ban, but veto looms
Related story: Council passes body camera bill, plastic bag ban, but veto looms
Luke Broadwater
Young has championed legislation to require all of the city's nearly 3,000 police officers to wear body cameras as part of an effort to cut down on police brutality. Rawlings-Blake has vowed to veto that bill, opting for a mayoral task force to study privacy issues and cost before purchasing body cameras.

Behind closed doors, the two have clashed over whether the council has the legal authority to require police to wear the cameras and whether Young's bill wastes taxpayer money by requiring the city to buy too many cameras for officers who don't interact with the public. Each side has accused the other of being unwilling to compromise.

But there was another seemingly small dispute that helped fuel the larger fire. This one centered over whether former FBI agent Tyrone Powers, who is a director at Anne Arundel Community College, would be named to the city's body camera task force. Powers is well-known as the former host of "The Powers Report" on WOLB 1010 AM. He filed an unsuccessful suit against the state of Maryland in 2008, alleging he was pulled off WEAA radio for making comments critical of Gov. Martin O'Malley. The governor's office denied those claims.

In discussions with Young, Rawlings-Blake asked for the council president to participate in her task force, and change the council bill to non-binding resolution.

Body camera wars [Poll]
Body camera wars [Poll]
She offered to give Young choice of two seats on her 12-member task force, according to both sides. Young asked that City Councilman Warren Branch and Powers be appointed to the panel. She agreed to Branch, but balked at Powers.

"In putting the group together, we wanted to have people from as varied a background as possible," said Kevin Harris, a spokesman for Rawlings-Blake. "There were already folks on the task force that had that level of experience. It had nothing to do with Mr. Powers himself."

Harris said the mayor asked Young, "Are there other names that we could add? [Young] was very adamant that Mr. Powers be his person. Unfortunately we weren’t able to reach an agreement."

Harris said Young walked out of a meeting with the mayor the day of the council's first vote on the legislation.

"I named Tyrone Powers," Young recalled. "She didn’t want him for whatever reason. ... If you want to work with the council, work with me. It was either my way or the highway. It can’t be that way all the time."

Lester Davis, a spokesman for Young, said the dispute over Powers played little role in the lack of compromise on the legislation.

"He's comfortable with him. He’s worked with him in the past," Davis said of Young and Powers. "Yes, the Council President was upset, but he was open to amending the legislation. This deal falling apart had nothing to do with Tyrone Powers."

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Reply with quote  #49 

see link for full story


FBI notorious for assassinating blacks: US activist
Randy Short says that the FBI is assassinating those people who are seeking to protect the rights of blacks.
Sun Nov 23, 2014 5:17AM
An African-American activist says that the Federal Bureau of Investigation is notorious for assassinating those who are seeking to protect the rights of blacks in the United States.

“The FBI is far from being an agency that has protected the rights of African-Americans or others,” Dr. Randy Short from Black Autonomy Network Community Organization told Press TV on Saturday.

“They have been notorious in having black men and women, in particular who’ve been fighting for the freedom of African-Americans, murdered, killed, framed or assassinated,” he added.

The activist made the remarks after the FBI arrested two black people suspected of buying explosives for possible protests in Ferguson, Missouri, after a grand jury decides the Michael Brown case.

On August 9, police officer Darren Wilson gunned down 18-year-old Brown, claiming it was an act of self defense.

The grand jury is expected to make a decision in the next few days. The jury will either indict Wilson or will decide that he should not be tried on criminal charges.

Ferguson has been the scene of public demonstrations since the fatal shooting.

“I’m quite curious that no one has been able to bring charges against this white police officer who executed Michael Brown,” Dr. Short said.

“This is all the pretext for repression and violence against the African-Americans who stood up in the wake of the murder of Michael Brown,” he noted.

Meanwhile, the FBI has sent some 100 agents to the St. Louis area to prepare for the grand jury decision and the unrest it might provoke.

“The FBI has never been fair. It ha

Posts: 8,845
Reply with quote  #50 

as a good criminal justice consumer,
you know the voter and taxpayer who
funds the electronic cesspools called
prisons that have a 75% failure rate
and the police who are nothing more than
returning serial killers with PTSD
from Iraq the consumer would ask
were FBI agents involved in murdering
the 3 civil rights workers?
Was Sheriff Rainey who was charged with their murders but acquitted
by an all white jury, a graduate of the FBI Academy?

Later in the 1990's FBI Director Louis Freeh
claimed New York FBI agent Lyndley DeVecchio
sent his informant Mafia psychopath Greg Scarpa Sr
to find out what happened to the civil rights workers.

FBI agent DeVecchio was under investigation for collaborating
with Scarpa in several murders.
Scarpa had murdered over 100 women and men
while working as a FBI informant and was known as the Grim Reaper.
A book called The Killing Machine was based on his life.so you can now safely guess FBI Director Louis Freeh was
fibbing about Scarpa and Devecchio hoping to
divert attention from the FBI public relations nightmare that was
also happening in Boston as well.


Were FBI agents involved murdering the three civil rights

World News | November 24, 2014


Honour for civil rights workers

The FBI poster of the civil rights workers who were shot by Klansmen.
The FBI poster of the civil rights workers who were shot by Klansmen.

Three US civil rights workers who were killed by Ku Klux Klansmen in 1964 are going to be posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

The murders and subsequent FBI investigation was the subject of the Academy Award nominated film Mississippi Burning in 1998.

The workers were in Neshoba County, Mississippi, to look into a church burning when they were shot by Klansmen.

The FBI launched a massive investigation that it dubbed ‘Mississippi Burning’ and the three bodies were found 44 days later, buried in an earthen dam.
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