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Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #1 
a liberal is someone who walks out of the room when an argument turns into a fight
a conservative is a liberal who has been mugged


Title: Military Provocateurs in OKC Bombing [Were McVeigh and Mitchell Whitmire Recruited?]
Source: Noted Within Article
URL Source: http://www.libertypost.org
Published: Nov 4, 2006
Author: Patrick B. Briley
Post Date: 2006-11-04 13:40:23 by OKCSubmariner
Ping List: *TerrorismCoverup*

Copyright 2006 by Patrick B. Briley

Federal inmate Paul Hammer wrote a book "Secrets Worth Dying For: Timothy James McVeigh And The Oklahoma City Bombing" that was published in 2004. While Timothy McVeigh was awaiting execution in a federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana, Hammer says McVeigh told Hammer about 3 men connected to the US military who helped McVeigh in the OKC bombing plot. But Hammer also says that McVeigh claimed McVeigh never knew the men’s real names and instead worked with them using their code names. According to what McVeigh is alleged to have told Hammer, one of these men known as the “major” approached McVeigh after McVeigh failed to be accepted into the US Special Forces program at Ft. Bragg. McVeigh asserted to Hammer that the “major” wanted McVeigh to collect intelligence for the government on white supremacist extremist organizations in the US including the Aryan Nations.

Attorney Jesse Trentadue filed a legal motion on September 26, 2006 with the Salt Lake City US Federal Court of Judge Dale Kimbal concerning Hammer’s alleged conversations with McVeigh in prison. In his new filing, Trentadue is now acting on behalf of Federal inmate Paul Hammer. Trentadue asserts in his filing that the FBI and Bureau of Prisons (BOP) recorded both Hammer and McVeigh discussing who else helped McVeigh do the OKC bombing. Those that McVeigh described as helping him, including the 3 military men described in Hammer’s book, may be FBI informants and provocateurs some of whom are revealed in the FBI documents already obtained by Trentadue that show FBI prior knowledge of the OKC bombing.

Trentadue is asking Judge Kimbal to force the FBI and BOP to comply with FOIA requests for the FBI and BOP recordings and or transcripts of the recordings. The new filing asserts that the FBI and BOP have been in violation of FOIA laws by stonewalling and ignoring Trentadue’s latest FOIA requests in this area.


The “major” that Hammer says McVeigh described to him might be none other than the mysterious and elusive “Robert Jacques” described in a Time magazine article in 1997 WHO IS ROBERT JACQUES?: THE FBI WANTS TO TALK TO A MISSING ASSOCIATE OF MCVEIGH'S

A sketch of Robert Jacques is shown in the Time magazine article.

Jacques came with Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh to a Cassville, Missouri real estate office in November 1994 to inquire about some land. The real estate office agents William Maloney and Joe Davidson told the FBI in detail of the encounter. The FBI worked on the lead for over a year and strongly believed the real estate agents because they had identified some dental work on McVeigh’s front teeth that the FBI did not know about but later confirmed.

But what was NOT in the Time magazine account was the fact that the man they called Robert Jacques who accompanied McVeigh and Nichols may well have been the “major” described by McVeigh to Hammer. Robert Jacques had a military bearing, demeanor and style of dress, and could read topographical maps very well. The rest of the story is described in my September 22, 2000 article Three John Does in the OKC Bombing Were Protected FBI Informants

The John Doe, Robert Jacques, was clearly in charge, could read topographic maps very well, had a military bearing and wore special military boots with small suctions cups on his soles according to Maloney. Maloney also said that the John Doe was driving McVeigh and Nichols in a green Marquee with Oklahoma plates. He said that the group was inquiring about property that had a cave on it and was immediately adjacent to a Davidian compound nearby.

It is believed that FBI agent Weldon Kennedy, at one time FBI Director Freeh’s Deputy, shutdown the FBI investigation of John Doe III [Jacques]. Kevin Flynn of the Rocky Mountain News publicly reported conversations Flynn had with Weldon Kennedy concerning the investigation of the John Doe (Jacques) reported to the FBI by Davidson and Maloney. Kennedy rebuffed Flynn’s information that the name of John Doe III, Robert Jacques, had been written down six times in a notebook by Terry Nichol’s wife

Davidson claimed that the FBI agent investigating the John Doe III first told him that the description of the John Doe’s appearance and demeanor fit precisely that of another FBI (or other law enforcement or military agent or operative) agent known to the FBI agent. The FBI agent said to Davidson about Jacques, “He is one of ours”.

If John Doe III was in fact an FBI agent or military operative (“one of ours”) as stated by the FBI agent, then Weldon Kennedy may have shut down the investigation to prevent the public from learning that the John Doe III was an FBI operative or agent (law enforcement or military agent).

Incidentally, Senator Charles Grassley, formally accused Kennedy of lying to Grassley and Congress and of covering up the FBI crime lab falsification of evidence as revealed by an FBI agent, Fredrick Whitehurst, who had worked at the lab. Kennedy resigned shortly thereafter and went to work at a security position in St. Louis.

Joe Davidson also said that the FBI told him and William Maloney that a FBI check of phone records revealed that a “JD Cash” had called their real estate office about the same land McVeigh, Jacques and Nichols also inquired about only a few days earlier. It is not known whether or not this JD Cash is the same JD Cash who has written about the OKC bombing for over 11 years for the McCurtain Gazette. The JD Cash writer for the McCurtain Gazette had ties to White supremacist groups, individuals and magazines such as Christian Identity, Paul Hall, and Jubilee magazine. The same writer has lived in southeast Oklahoma on land in a cabin near Battiest, Oklahoma since 1992 with some similarities to the land inquired about in Cassville, Missouri. According to William Jasper of the New American magazine and Craig Roberts, an Tulsa police officer, a check of national crime database computers showed that the writer, JD Cash, had his record expunged around the time of the OKC bombing.

Another one of the 3 military men described to Hammer by McVeigh likely is a man described by FBI sketch artist Jeanne Boylan in her book "Portraits of Guilt" that I wrote about also on September 20, 2000 “Others Known” to the FBI in the OKC Bombing Case

In her book, Boylan states that the FBI Deputy Director Danny Coulson decided not to have a sketch made of a John Doe from the US military seen with McVeigh by a reliable witness at a post office near the Murrah Building because doing so “would help the defense case”.

Boylan says the witness, a postal worker gave descriptions of the John Doe that were very consistent with descriptions given Boylan by another postal worker, Debbie Nakanashi. Boylan says she made a sketch of Nakanashi’s John Doe after a six-hour interview. But the FBI and Boylan have not released the sketch to this very day and it is not included in her book with her other sketches.

Yet, Boylan states she saw a military photograph of McVeigh with a John Doe she says had the same height, weight, age, build, and facial characteristics as described to Boylan and shown in the sketch she made with Naganoshi. Boylan relates that she saw the military photo at an FBI command post in Kansas and was strongly discouraged from pursuing the matter by the FBI.

Naganoshi was threatened with loss of her job by the postal service and others in the Federal government if she testified too fully about her knowledge to the Oklahoma County Jury investigating the bombing in 1998. Naganoshi’s account of the threats was broadcast by KTOK radio news in Oklahoma City within a few days after the threats were made.

McVeigh started to try out for the elite Special Forces at Ft. Bragg after McVeigh returned from the first Gulf War. After 4-5 days, McVeigh, quit, resigned. But when McVeigh resigned so did another Army Specialist Mitchell Whitmire who knew McVeigh and started and quit exactly at the same times McVeigh did. Neil Hartley, an attorney investigator for McVeigh defense attorney Stephen Jones, located and attempted to interview Mitchell Whitmire. When contacted, Whitmore told Hartley that the FBI had told Whitmire not to talk with defense attorneys or the news media.

Recall that according to what McVeigh is alleged to have told Hammer, a man known as the “major” approached McVeigh after McVeigh failed to be accepted into the US Special Forces program at Ft. Bragg. The “major” wanted McVeigh to collect intelligence for the government on White supremacist extremist organizations in the US.

It is believed McVeigh and Whitmire remained in contact after being together at Ft Bragg. Whitmire’s testimony could be crucial because of Whitmire’s involvement and possible knowledge of “the major”, the alleged recruiter of McVeigh at Ft Bragg. In fact it is conceivable that Whitmire could have also been recruited by “the major” along with McVeigh.. It is also possible that Whitmire is one of the men or knew one of the men that McVeigh told inmate Paul Hammer about and perhaps the man Neganoshi and her postal coworker described to FBI sketch artist Jeanne Boylan.

The FBI instructions to Whitmire are similar to FBI and Army threats to Army recruiters in the Murrah building who saw McVeigh with other men in the Murrah building. The recruiters, Marilyn Travis and Arlene Blanchard, were warned (72-74 hours after the OKC bombing) of court martial if they talked about the men they saw with McVeigh in the Murrah building. Did the recruiters see military men with McVeigh in the Murrah building that may have been used by the FBI as informants or provocateurs?

Another FBI provocateur and US Army member, Sean Kenny, has already been identified in FBI memos and teletypes obtained under Federal court order by attorney Jesse Trentadue. Kenny helped McVeigh commit Midwest bank robberies and lived at the white supremacist compound, Elohim City in far Eastern OK that was connected directly to the OKC bombing.

While in prison Timothy McVeigh had accurately disclosed to inmate Paul Hammer McVeigh’s ties to Kenny and the Aryan Republican Army (ARA), a group of right-wing bank robbers operating out of Cincinnati. Kenny was an active FBI informant while Kenny also served as a member of the Army that Kenny joined on February 3, 1995.

Because Hammer was proven correct about Kenny, there is more confidence that Hammer is also correct about the other 2 military connected men Hammer says McVeigh told him about. These other two men could well be Robert Jacques and the man who is KNOWN to the FBI and whom Jeanne Boylan was told not to sketch by the FBI.

The recordings and transcripts of Hammer’s conversations with McVeigh requested by Trentadue in Salt Lake City Federal court may shed even more light on the identity and role of these two other military connected men used as FBI provocateurs in the OKC bombing case.

See FBI Files, Actions Conceal 17 Federal OKC Bombing Provocateurs

Copyright 2006 by Patrick B. Briley

FAIR USE NOTICE: The above may be copyrighted material, and the use of it on LibertyPost.org may not have been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. Such material is made available on a non-profit basis for educational and discussion purposes only. We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in 17 USC § 107. For more information go to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond 'fair use', you must obtain permission from the copyright owner


Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #2 
First Whitey Bulger now Congressman Foley has disappeared. It seems the only time a taxpayer funded FBI agent can bust someone in Congress is when they create a sting, not when a real crime is committed.
Here they message taxpayer funded FBI  agents send to taxpayer funded members of Congress "no problemo pedophile, we have been there,done that.Don't worry, your back is covered"
That is what is called a sociopathic symbiotic relationship.
oppps, this just came  in.....


Four Were Framed With The FBI's Help

$100 Million In Damages Sought

Courant Staff Writer

November 19 2006

BOSTON -- When a flurry of gunshots ended Edward "Teddy" Deegan's misspent life more than 40 years ago, there should have been no mystery about who pulled the trigger.

FBI agents had been listening to the murder plot unfold for five months through a microphone hidden in a mob office and through reports from informants. They knew that Vincent "Jimmy" Flemmi and Joseph "The Animal" Barboza, two hoodlums the bureau was recruiting as informants, were behind the conspiracy.

But what should have been an open-and-shut case turned into a legal nightmare. Thousands of recently disclosed U.S. Justice Department records show that the FBI, in order to cultivate Flemmi and Barboza as informants, allowed them to frame four innocent men for the Deegan murder.

Armed with those newly obtained records, the framed men - or their estates - are now seeking more than $100 million in damages from the federal government, arguing that they spent decades in prison because of a morally bankrupt conspiracy between FBI agents and gangsters.

Older, grayer, heavier and frailer, the two surviving defendants, Joseph Salvati and Peter Limone, were in U.S. District Court late last week to watch their battery of lawyers open the trial phase of the long-anticipated suit.

Salvati's wife, Marie, stung by bitter memories dredged up in the courtroom, wiped a tear from her eye during a recess. Said Limone: "It's all rhetoric so far. We just have to wait for the end result. I hope it's good."

What makes the suit's contentions as convincing as they are sensational is that most of the thousands of FBI records on which it is based were uncovered during an investigation of law enforcement corruption in New England by a special task force of the U.S. Department of Justice. State prosecutors in Florida are using parts of the same trove of records to prosecute a corrupt FBI agent from Boston on a Miami murder charge.

The suit claims that the harrowing legal odyssey of the four men - Salvati, Limone, Henry Tameleo and Louis Greco - began in the early 1960s when U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy and FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover decided to crack down on the Mafia. One of the government's principal weapons was to be the Top Echelon informant program, a program created to recruit informants from among gangsters who knew the mob's inner workings at first hand.

"This was supposedly the creme de la creme regarding organized crime informants," Michael Avery, one of Limone's Boston attorneys, argued in his opening statement. "Soon after the Top Echelon program began, the FBI and the Department of Justice launched programs that were illegal, unconstitutional and immoral. It became the philosophy of the FBI and the Department of Justice that the end justifies the means."

In his opening, Hartford attorney Austin J. McGuigan, representing Salvati, cited a score of FBI memos and reports showing that numerous FBI agents - including Hoover - not only knew the identities of Deegan's real killers, but had the information before he was killed.

"There was extensive advance warning to the FBI that this crime would occur," McGuigan, Connecticut's former top state organized-crime prosecutor, told U.S. District Judge Nancy Gertner.

Flemmi and Barboza even asked the late mob boss Raymond L.S. Patriarca to sanction the murder eight days before it took place. The FBI was aware of the meeting, McGuigan said, because an agent listened to the conversation through the microphone hidden in Patriarca's Providence office, took notes, reduced the notes to a memo and distributed it through the FBI chain of command to Hoover's desk in Washington.

Patriarca, a notoriously violent man, seemed to have doubts about the wisdom of the Flemmi-Barboza plan, at least initially. An FBI document in the case reflects that the mob boss told a trusted lieutenant that Flemmi, then boasting about becoming Boston's No. 1 hit man, "did not use sufficient common sense when it came to killing people."

But after a second Providence meeting a week later, McGuigan said, Patriarca's misgivings apparently evaporated. The records show that an informant told a slab-faced former FBI agent named H. Paul Rico that there had been "a dry run" and the Deegan hit was on. Flemmi was telling friends to find alibis for the next few evenings.

Deegan died, full of bullets, in a dark alley in Chelsea on March 12, 1965. Almost before the body had been removed, McGuigan said, FBI records show that yet another informant was describing Deegan's death to Rico in lurid detail. By this account, Flemmi, Barboza and three confederates lured Deegan into the alley on the pretext of burgling a finance company. One blasted Deegan in the back of the head and two more opened fire as his corpse crumpled. Flemmi, aspiring ace hit man, complained that the shooters made "an awful sloppy job" of it.

Still, police were having a hard time solving the case until Barboza wound up in jail facing trial on unrelated state charges - charges that could have landed him an 84-year sentence as an habitual offender. Barboza cut an extraordinary deal with Rico, which the FBI then sold to state prosecutors: He would confess his role in the Deegan killing in exchange for a drastically reduced charge that resulted in his release from prison for time served.

But Barboza refused to implicate Flemmi. According to the lawsuit, in their zeal to recruit the two men as informants Rico and others in the FBI agreed to help Barboza rope the four innocent men in as his accomplices. The suit contends that the FBI essentially handed the Deegan case to Massachusetts state prosecutors after arranging with Barboza what his testimony would be.

When the trial ended, Limone, Tameleo and Greco were sentenced to death by electrocution. During her opening statement last week, Limone lawyer Juliane Balliro, of Boston, flashed a picture of the Massachusetts electric chair on an oversize courtroom television screen. The death sentences were later commuted to life in prison, the same punishment Salvati got.

Tameleo and Greco, a decorated World War II hero, died in prison in 1985 and 1995, respectively.

The lawyers arguing the suit contended that Barboza framed four innocent men to obtain a measure of retribution in trivial personal disputes. But other sources familiar with the FBI documents say prosecutors got at least three mob convictions as a result of Barboza's testimony in the Deegan case.

The sources said Tameleo, Greco and Limone, although blameless in Deegan's murder, were Mafia members. The sources agree with Salvati's lawyers about why Barboza fingered him: Salvati owed Barboza $400. When Barboza sent men to collect, Salvati gave them a beating.

What the FBI didn't get from its deal with Barboza was one of the biggest prosecutorial coups imaginable. Had Barboza testified truthfully, McGuigan and other lawyers believe, prosecutors could have made a murder conspiracy case against Patriarca, who was near the top of Kennedy's list of national Mafia targets. But had prosecutors targeted Patriarca, the lawyers say, it could have led to disclosure in court of the hidden - and illegal - FBI microphone.

The informers Barboza and Flemmi would not have been inconsiderable defendants themselves. Barboza was believed responsible for 21 murders before he was gunned down in the 1970s in San Francisco, where he had been relocated as the country's first beneficiary of the federal witness protection program.

McGuigan said in court that, when writing an FBI report in March 1965 on Flemmi's purported suitability for the Top Echelon program, Rico attributed four murders to him. About a month later, when revising the report after Deegan's murder, Rico reported that Flemmi's body count had jumped to seven.

The U.S. Justice Department's civil division has challenged the suit on technical legal grounds. During pretrial arguments, the Justice lawyers argued that the United States is immune from such suits. Judge Gernter disagreed and was upheld by the U.S. 1st Circuit Court of Appeals.

Last week, Justice Department lawyer Bridgette Bailey-Lipscomb, in an opening statement that lasted less than 10 minutes, disputed the lawsuit's contention that Rico and other FBI agents coached Barboza to perjure himself in the Deegan trial. She also argued that the federal government should not be responsible for convictions in state court.

Bailey-Lipscomb said that the FBI had no obligation to provide information about its relationship with Flemmi and Barboza to state authorities. Nonetheless, she said, the FBI did provide some information, but she did not say what it was.

Curiously, Bailey-Lipscomb is defending the government from a case that was essentially developed by her colleagues in the department's criminal division, in particular John H. Durham, the deputy U.S. attorney in New Haven. In the late 1990s, U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno appointed Durham to a special Justice Task Force assigned to investigate longstanding rumors of corrupt relationships between lawmen and gangsters in Boston.

In December 2000, Durham delivered to Salvati and Limone the previously secret FBI records that form the heart of the lawsuit. In his opening statement, McGuigan said the suit would not have been possible without Durham's work. The documents also resulted in Limone's release from prison in January 2001 and caused state prosecutors to dismiss the convictions of Limone and Salvati, whose sentence had been commuted in 1997 by former Gov. William Weld.

The documents also marked the beginning of the end for former agent Rico. In 2001, he was questioned by members of a congressional committee about FBI abuses. Pressed about the consequences of convicting an innocent man such as Salvati, Rico snapped: ""What do you want? Tears?" Salvati and his wife sat just 20 feet away, listening with expressions of horror.

Two and a half years later Rico was under arrest for murder. He was accused of conspiring with another Top Echelon informant from Boston, Flemmi's brother Stephen "The Rifleman" Flemmi, in the murder of Roger Wheeler, president of the World Jai Alai corporation. Rico and Stephen Flemmi were part of an underworld attempt to take over a substantial portion of the East Coast parimutuel wagering on jai alai.

Rico died in January 2004 while awaiting trial in a Tulsa, Okla., jail.


Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #3 
JFRD Wants Info from FBI on Noose Probe

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By First Coast News Staff

JACKSONVILLE, FL -- The Jacksonville Association of Firefighters has launched a petition drive.

The petition calls for State and Federal leaders to push the FBI for information regarding the placement of nooses in Fire Station 4 last February.

Two black firefightes claimed they found the nooses on their gear.

The noose incident led to a top-to-bottom review of the fire department by the Jacksonville Human Rights Commission.

And just last week, Mayor Peyton unveiled a list of changes to respond to what had been labeled a "tense racial environment" within the fire department.

Once filled the petitions will be sent to the Firefighters' offices and be presented to Congress.

Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #4 
Alcee Hastings scandal proves H. Paul Rico a gifted gangster By Howie Carr Boston Herald Columnist Wednesday, November 22, 2006 - Updated: 12:35 AM EST Memo to the national news media: Please, in all future stories about Rep. Alcee Hastings, stop referring to “the FBI agent” who set him up in a bribery sting when Hastings was a federal judge. The guy who brought down Hastings wasn’t just an FBI agent, you know. He was also a gangster. He died in 2004 under guard, in custody, indicted for the murder of his boss two months before he bagged Alcee Hastings. Meet H. Paul Rico, dead almost three years now and still involved, not just in one, but in two unfolding scandals. You’re familiar with the trial currently under way here in federal court involving the four men whom Rico framed for a 1965 gangland murder they didn’t commit. Two of them went to prison for more than 30 years, the other two died behind bars. Asked by a congressman in 1997 if he felt bad about framing them, Rico sneered, “Whaddaya want from me, tears?” That’s the big local Rico story. But nationally, his posthumous 15 minutes of fame involves Rep. Alcee Hastings, (D-Fla.), who is apparently going to become the next chairman of the House Intelligence Committee. It was 1981. Alcee Hastings was a federal judge in the Sunshine State and H. Paul Rico was a retired FBI agent in Miami, arranging gangland hits with his good friends Stevie Flemmi and Whitey Bulger, the latter of whom he had met at gay bars the two closet cases frequented in Boston in the early 1950s. The feds had it on good authority that Judge Hastings was shaking down defendants, using a lawyer as his bagman, and they needed an FBI agent who could pose as a gangster named Frank Romano. Hmmmm, which FBI agent could best impersonate a gangster? You got it. Who better to play a gangster than a gangster himself? Let’s go straight to the report of the House Committee on Government Reform: “Late July 1981: H. Paul Rico is brought out of retirement to investigate allegations of corruption by then-U.S. District Judge Alcee Hastings of Florida. He poses as a Mafioso in an FBI sting of Hastings.” This was two months after Rico set up his boss at World Jai Alai to be murdered in Tulsa by Whitey’s hitman John Martorano.And it was almost a year to the day before Rico’s former boss at World Jai Alai was found dead in the trunk of a car at Miami International Airport, also murdered by Martorano. The feds did ask Rico about the murder of his employer, and he said he had no idea who’d done it. They took him at his word and brought him back on board to play Frank Romano. Rico quickly bagged Hastings and his bagman, who got a last-minute pardon from Bill Clinton in 2001. Hastings was impeached in the House 413-3 and convicted in the Senate 69-26 of conspiracy to obtain $150,000 from Romano. When Rico testified before the Senate in July 1989, many of the solons thanked the bent G-man for his selfless work on behalf of a grateful nation. But after being removed as a judge, Hastings beat the criminal rap, and won a seat in Congress in 1992. And now Hastings is in line to become chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, even though one of the articles of impeachment was that he’d leaked wiretap information to another crooked politician in Dade County. Nancy Pelosi got lucky, getting rid of John Murtha. But Alcee Hastings is hanging tough. Just thought you’d like to know the rest of the story. If, somewhere, H. Paul Rico is still keeping up with the Hastings story, I’ll bet he’s getting a good chuckle. I’ll also bet that if he is following events, he has to look up. Uncharitable? Hey, what do you want from me, tears?

Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #5 
taxpayer funded organization that wacked Martin Luther King asked to investigate
police murder of 92 year old grandmother by narc agents investigating drug purchases of drug brought in by the CIA.
three easy reads



FBI probe sought in narc-nonagenarian gunfight
Source: AP

ATLANTA -- A civil rights activist representing the family of an elderly woman killed in a gunfight with police is asking for a federal investigation.

The Rev. Markel Hutchins said he will travel to Washington, D.C., on Monday to deliver a letter to Attorney General Alberto Gonzales requesting the investigation into the death of Kathryn Johnston.

Johnston, whom police said was 92, was killed Tuesday evening by undercover narcotics agents who'd gotten a search warrant for her home after buying drugs from a man there.

Police said the agents identified themselves, but when they knocked down Johnston's door, she opened fire and injured three of the officers. They're expected to recover.

Neighbors and relatives said it's a case of mistaken identity.

Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #6 
Ex-FBI leader's sentencing is postponed (5:41 p.m.)
By Louie Gilot / El Paso Times
Article Launched:11/28/2006 05:31:03 PM MST

The sentencing for former FBI special agent in charge in El Paso Hardrick Crawford was postponed to Dec. 18, according to court documents.

It was scheduled for Wednesday.

Crawford was convicted in federal court of making false statements to investigators looking into his friendship with a Juárez racetrack owner suspected of drug trafficking and money laundering.

Crawford could get probation but he could also get up to five years in prison and be fined $250,000 for each count, officials have said.

Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #7 

FBI Tries To Limit Info Searches

WASHINGTON, Jan. 21, 2005
 (AP / CBS)


"Time and again we've seen government agencies use [digitization] as an excuse for obfuscation."
Jane Kirtley, Univ. of Minnesota

(AP) The FBI is fighting in court to limit how hard it has to search for government documents requested by the public under the Freedom of Information Act, one of the main laws for ensuring openness in government.

If the bureau prevails, people could have a diminished chance of getting documents from the nation's most famous law enforcement agency, open records experts said.

In court, the FBI is defending a recent automated search that missed some documents that had been released years ago in a separate FOIA case.

Representing the FBI, the Justice Department asked a federal judge this month to dismiss this lawsuit and said its request should not be undermined "by an unsuccessful search for a document as long as the search was adequate." FBI officials declined to further address the ongoing litigation.

Justice Department guidelines say the law requires a search "reasonably calculated to uncover all relevant documents."

Legal and academic critics say the search in this case didn't meet that standard. They said they suspect the transfer of records from paper to electronic files has become an excuse for doing cursory searches that the government knows won't retrieve all relevant documents.

"We all thought that digitization of government documents and electronic FOIA would mean greater public access, but time and again we've seen government agencies use it as an excuse for obfuscation," said Jane Kirtley, a University of Minnesota journalism professor who has waged many FOIA battles. "They say, 'We don't have the software set up to find what you're looking for.'"

The lawsuit in question was filed by Salt Lake City lawyer Jesse Trentadue, who is pursuing a theory his brother Kenneth was murdered in a federal prison isolation cell in Oklahoma City on Aug. 21, 1995. Kenneth's bloody and bruised corpse raised questions of foul play among many officials, but local and federal investigations ruled his death a suicide.

Last summer, Trentadue requested:
  • A Jan. 4, 1996, teletype from FBI Director Louis Freeh's office to the Oklahoma City and Omaha, Neb., offices that discussed the 1995 Oklahoma City federal building bombers (the FBI's OKBOMB case) and a Midwest gang of bank robbers (the FBI's BOMBROB case). He enclosed a newspaper story with excerpts from the teletype.

  • The FBI's record of an interview Trentadue says he gave an agent and two Justice Department officials Aug. 12, 1996, discussing his dead brother and the bank robbery gang, including one member who resembled Kenneth.

  • All documents about any connection between the Southern Poverty Law Center and eight named individuals from the OKBOMB and BOMBROB investigations or a white supremacist compound in Elohim City, Okla.
The FBI told Trentadue Nov. 18 it found no documents matching his requests.

Trentadue responded Nov. 30 by filing with the court a copy of the January 1996 teletype, which he had found in the meantime had been released under FOIA in 1997. Trentadue also submitted a copy of an August 1996 teletype from Freeh's office that said two of the bank robbers were present when Oklahoma City bomber Tim McVeigh called the Elohim City compound. That too was released years earlier under FOIA.

Trentadue asked the court to order another FBI search.

But this month, the Justice Department told the court that, despite not uncovering those documents, "the FOIA search in this case was reasonable."

David M. Hardy, chief of the FBI's record/information dissemination section, told the court the FBI had searched the general indices to its central records system and two shared computer drives in the Oklahoma City office.

Hardy, however, acknowledged the indices are not complete. "The FBI does not index every name in its files," Hardy told the court. The investigating agent and supervisors have discretion to index other names if they are "considered pertinent, relevant or essential for future retrieval."

It's not clear that any other federal agency has an index like the FBI's, and many federal agencies do paper rather than computerized FOIA searches.

Given the details Trentadue provided, Rebecca Daugherty, director of the FOI Service Center at the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, said the government's response "doesn't sound reasonable."

"To ignore the map given by the requester is something the FBI should not be doing," Daugherty said. "If a requester can accurately describe a case so the agency can easily find the file, then it's reasonable to search that case file."

Citing the litigation, FBI Assistant Director Cassandra Chandler declined to say how much detail requesters must supply to extend a search beyond FBI indices to case files.

She also declined to say how the "OKBOMB" search could fail to produce the January teletype, in which the first listed subject was "OKBOMB." Trentadue also supplied the correct date, sender, two accurate recipients and direct quotes.

Despite refusing in court this month to redo the search even after Trentadue supplied copies of two teletypes, the FBI changed its response once The Associated Press inquired about the case.

FBI spokesman Mike Kortan said that after Trentadue supplied the two documents the FBI was able to find them and would provide him copies.

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Reply with quote  #8 

Focus of FBI Probe, Mollohan May Oversee FBI Budget

Two senior Democrats have seen their leadership ambitions deep-sixed because of their murky ethics histories. Here's a third Democrat heading for a powerful post whom folks may want to keep an eye on.

Rep. Alan Mollohan (D-WV) is under investigation by the FBI. And he's set to assume a top post which would put him in control of the FBI's budget. Neat trick, eh?

The FBI's probing Mollohan for possible violations of the law arising from his sprawling network of favors and money which connects him to good friends via questionable charities, alarmingly successful real estate ventures, and hundreds of millions of dollars in earmarked funds.

The investigation appears to be active and ongoing. We're told that the Feds continue to gather information on the guy. Yet the Democrats look poised to make Mollohan the chairman of the panel which controls the purse strings for the entire Justice Department -- including the FBI.

With the House under GOP control, a Republican (FBI champion Rep. Frank Wolf) chairs the House Appropriations Subcommittee for Science, State, Justice, Commerce and Related Agencies, and Mollohan is the ranking Democrat. But if custom is any guide, in January when the House becomes Democrat-controlled the two men are likely to switch seats.

Some folks find that problematic.

"Mollohan should definitely be recusing himself from all appropriations decisions regarding the Justice Department, including the FBI," said Melanie Sloan, director of the left-leaning D.C. watchdog, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW). For Mollohan, there is the danger of even appearing to manipulate the Justice Department's budget in response to its probe. For the FBI, it creates possible charges of soft-pedaling their investigation in exchange for favorable funding, Sloan said.

By the same token, she added, GOP Reps. Jerry Lewis (CA) and John Doolittle (CA), who are also appropriators under federal scrutiny, should recuse themselves from overseeing the same matters. Her group named Mollohan, Lewis and Doolittle as among the most corrupt lawmakers of 2006.

Mollohan's chairmanship of the panel "just represents a situation that shouldn't happen," said Ken Boehm of the conservative National Legal and Policy Center, whose own investigation into the long-serving lawmaker brought many of his questionable practices to light. "Somebody shouldn't have leverage over the institution that's investigating him."

The position isn't a lock. Mollohan's seniority puts him in line for just such a position, but if a more senior Democrat in line for another plum spot leaves the committee, Mollohan could opt to take the chair that lawmaker would have held. Even if Mollohan does try to take Wolf's old chair, the committee's Democrats -- who vote on each subcommittee chairmanship -- could deny him the spot, according to Democratic caucus rules. And even if they approve him, the entire House Democratic caucus, which must also vote to approve Appropriations subcommittee chairmen, could vote against him.

Mollohan could be bumped from the Appropriations Committee altogether by the Steering and Policy Committee. That move also requires the approval of the whole Democratic caucus.

After news of the FBI probe broke in April, Mollohan gave up his seat on the House Ethics Committee. But his position and activities on the Appropriations committee did not change.

Mollohan's office did not immediately return my call.

Update: An earlier version of this post incorrectly reported that incoming Appropriations chairman Rep. David Obey (D-WI) would have the authority to bar Mollohan from the post overseeing the FBI's budget. Although Obey's office did not return our call for comment prior to publication, Obey himself gave me a ring after the post was up. "You ought to read the committee and the caucus rules," he told me. "I have nothing whatsoever to do with whoever becomes chair of any subcommittee." True enough, Mr. Chairman-to-be.


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Dec. 7, 2006, 2:43AM
FBI investigating media leaks in corruption cases

WASHINGTON — The FBI has begun several internal investigations, including at least one that could result in criminal charges, over leaks to the media about public corruption probes shortly before last month's elections.

At least one of the alleged leaks involves the federal inquiry of Rep. Curt Weldon, R-Pa. He lost his House seat weeks after the FBI raided the homes and offices of his daughter and her business partner.

"There are a series of investigations we've undertaken, some by our inspection side, and some, at least one we're looking at as a criminal investigation," FBI Director Robert Mueller told the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday.

"Although I usually say I can neither confirm nor deny an investigation, I think it's fair to say in this particular case we are pursuing it, and by that I mean (the leak involving) Congressman Weldon," Mueller said.

Mueller described himself as "exceptionally disappointed, and that is being charitable, in terms of my response upon hearing about the leak."

On Oct. 13, McClatchy Newspapers reported that the FBI was looking into whether Weldon illegally steered $1 million in contracts to his daughter's lobbying firm. Agents followed up with the raid three days later, in part out of fear that evidence would be destroyed after the investigation was exposed.

Officials also confirmed federal investigations of several other House lawmakers that month, including former Rep. Mark Foley, R-Fla., and retiring Rep. Jim Kolbe, R-Ariz. All three men have maintained their innocence.

Senators scolded Mueller about the leaks. The committee chairman, Sen. Arlen Specter, R-Pa., said the disclosures were "just disastrous" for suspects who have not been charged, much less proven guilty.

Similarly, Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, lectured Mueller about refusing to brief lawmakers about the FBI's continuing investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks — even though many sensitive details were reported in several newspapers.

"This looks like an example of the FBI's left hand not knowing what the right hand is doing," Grassley said. "You're telling me that you won't answer questions about the anthrax investigation, while someone else is telling the public that you're keeping us fully informed."

Leak investigations at the FBI, particularly those that could bring criminal penalties, are rare, former agents and experts said. They are hard to prove, particularly if some of the information has already been reported in the media or revealed in court documents.

Disclosing information a grand jury is considering is a serious crime, and such leaks often aim "to sway public opinion in favor of the government," said Martin Pinales, president of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers.

"They also have the possibility of swaying the jury pool down the road," Pinales said. "So, in that context, they're a problem."

On the other hand, leaks may sometimes be the price of having an open government in a democracy, said Ronald Collins, a scholar at the First Amendment Center.

"Legally, those who leak do so at their own peril," Collins said. "Does the public's right to know, does knowledge of our government depend on leaks — including illegal leaks? Unquestionably."

FBI agents can be forced to take lie-detector tests or otherwise cooperate with investigations to avoid losing their security clearances, and in turn, their pay. Information about ongoing criminal cases generally is shared with prosecutors and other law enforcement authorities — widening the scope of suspects in leak cases.

Fred Bragg of the FBI Agents Association said his group "would invite a strong look at any leak matter — and we look forward to those results."


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Reply with quote  #10 
two easy reads on how taxpayer funded FBI agents stack the Supreme Court.

1st read

second read

Wednesday, January 3, 2007 · Last updated 5:07 p.m. PT

FBI releases Rehnquist nomination files


WASHINGTON -- The FBI, responding to a Nixon administration request, ran criminal background checks on Senate witnesses critical of William Rehnquist's nomination to the Supreme Court in 1971, newly released FBI files show.

Fifteen years later, Justice Department officials in the Reagan administration asked the FBI to check on witnesses who were scheduled to testify in opposition to Rehnquist's elevation from justice to chief justice.

"Thurmond just gave these names to Bolton they will testify for the Democrats and we want to know what they are going to say," Justice Department official Gene Hickhock told a counterpart at the FBI, according to a memo in Rehnquist's file.

The late Sen. Strom Thurmond, R-S.C., was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1986 when Rehnquist was nominated to be chief justice. John Bolton, who resigned in December as President Bush's U.N. ambassador, was an assistant attorney general under President Reagan.

The disclosures were among 1,561 pages released by the bureau to The Associated Press, other news organizations and scholars under the Freedom of Information Act.

The documents also show that the FBI was aware in 1971 that Rehnquist had owned a home in Phoenix with a clause in the deed that allowed its resale only to whites. The restrictive covenant was not disclosed until his 1986 confirmation hearings, at which Rehnquist said he became aware of the clause only days earlier.

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Reply with quote  #11 
two easy reads
for more about drugs see     http://www.copvcia.com

1st read
 Jan. 5, 2007,
Ex-head of FBI in El Paso gets 6 months in prison

EL PASO — The former head of the FBI's El Paso bureau was sentenced today to six months in federal prison for lying to investigators about his relationship with a Mexican race track owner.

Hardrick Crawford Jr. was convicted last year of concealing information about his association with Jose Maria Guardia and of making false statements on federal financial disclosure reports about gifts he received from Guardia.

He was sentenced to six months on each count by U.S. District Judge Philip R. Martinez and will serve the terms concurrently. He also was ordered to serve three years of supervised release and fined $10,000.

Crawford, who left his job in 2003, was acquitted of three charges of lying to investigators. He faced up to five years in prison and a $250,000 fine.

2nd read

    In El Paso, a former head of the El Paso FBI office was indicted April 12 on charges he covered up aspects of his relationship with a Mexican citizen linked to drug cartels. Hardrick Crawford Jr., special agent in charge of the office from July 2001 to November 2003, faces federal counts of making a false statement in electronic communication, concealing material facts from the FBI, making false statements to the Department of Justice's Office of Inspector General and two counts of making false statements in public financial disclosure reports regarding gifts he allegedly received. The charges revolve around Crawford's relationship with Jose Maria Guardia, a gambling house and race track owner FBI sources said was involved in drug trafficking, bribery, and money laundering. Crawford socialized with and accepted gifts from Guardia, and Crawford's wife had a $5,000 a month salaried position with Guardia. According to the indictment, Crawford continued his relationship with Guardia even after he was warned Guardia was dirty and lied about it.


Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #12 
Time to Target the Real Terrorists

The Return of COINTELPRO?


“Democracies die behind closed doors” – Judge Damon J. Keith

For 15 years (1956-1971) the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) ran a broad and highly coordinated domestic intelligence / counterintelligence program known as COINTELPRO (COunter INTELligence PROgrams). What was originally deemed as a justifiable effort to protect the US during the Cold War from Soviet and Communist threats and infiltration, soon devolved into a program for suppressing domestic dissent and spying on American citizens. Approximately 20,000 people were investigated by the FBI based only on their political views and beliefs. Most were never suspected of having committed any crime.

The reasoning behind the program, as detailed in a 1976 Senate report, was that the FBI had “the duty to do whatever is necessary to combat perceived threats to the existing social and political order.” The fact that the “perceived threats” were usually American citizens engaging in constitutionally protected behaviour was apparently overlooked. The stated goal of COINTELPRO was to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize” any individual or group deemed to be subversive or a threat to the established power structure.

The FBI’s techniques were often extreme, with the agency being complicit in the murder and assassination of political dissidents, or having people sent away to prison for life. Some of the more “moderate” actions that were used were blackmail, spreading false rumors, intimidation and harassment. It has been argued that the US is unique in that it is the only Western industrialized democracy to have engaged in such a wide spread and well organized domestic surveillance program. It finally came to an end in 1971 when it was threatened with public exposure.

Or did it?

In a stunning revelation from the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF), it appears that COINTELPRO is alive and well. Through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, PCJF was able to obtain documents showing how the FBI was treating the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement, from its inception, as a potential criminal and domestic terrorist threat. This despite the FBI’s own acknowledgement that the OWS organizers themselves planned on engaging in peaceful and popular protest and did not “condone the use of violence.”

The documents, while heavily redacted, give a clear picture of how the FBI was using its offices and agents across the country as early as August 2011 to engage in a massive surveillance scheme against OWS. This was almost a month before any actual protests took place or encampments were set up (the most famous being the one in New York City’s Zuccotti Park).

The FBI’s documents show a government agency at its most paranoid. It considered all planned protests, and the individuals involved, as potential threats. Most disturbing of all, there is talk (p. 61) of the government being ready to “engage in sniper attacks against protesters in Houston, Texas, if deemed necessary” and perhaps needing to formulate a plan “to kill the leadership [of the protest groups] via suppressed sniper rifles.”

Furthermore, the documents reveal a close and intricate partnership between the federal government on one side and banks and private businesses on the other.

On August 19, 2011, the FBI met with representatives of the New York Stock Exchange in order to discuss OWS protests that wouldn’t happen for another four weeks. In September of that year, even before OWS got into full swing, the FBI was notifying local businesses that they might be affected by protests. It is not clear if, while on Wall Street, the FBI investigated the criminal and irresponsible behavior engaged in by some of the largest banks on the planet, behavior which led directly to the financial crisis of 2008.

We are also introduced to a creature named the “Domestic Security Alliance Council” which, according to the federal government, is “a strategic partnership between the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security and the private sector.” A DSAC report tells us that any information shared between US intelligence agencies and their corporate partners should not be released to “the media, the general public or other personnel.”

In a curious coincidence, nine days after the PCJF’s embarrassing release of FBI documents, the New York Post ran a story about how a 27 year old woman and her “Harvard grad and Occupy Wall Street” boyfriend, Aaron Greene, were arrested by officers from the New York City Police Department (NYPD) after an alleged cache of weapons and bomb making explosives were found in their Greenwich Village apartment.

And what exactly led the police to this apartment? Was it credible actionable intelligence gathered from the FBI’s massive domestic surveillance program? Did some agent acquire this information by bravely infiltrating the potential domestic terrorist group known as OWS? Hardly. The NYPD was simply executing a routine search warrant related to a credit card-theft case.

But in a story about the exact same event that appeared in the New York Times, it was reported that “police said they did not believe that Mr. Greene was active in any political movements” and that no “evidence of a planned terrorist attack” had been found . Furthermore, police hadn’t “made a connection to any known plot or any connection to any known terrorists.” No mention was made of the suspect’s alleged ties to the OWS movement, an item that had been prominently reported in the New York Post’s version of events.

Oddly, a more recent New York Post story stated that Mr. Greene was now a “Nazi-loving Harvard grad” and a reported “Adolf Hitler-wannabe.” No mention was made of his suspected ties to OWS. This author made several attempts to contact the New York Post, and the writers of the 2 articles, in an effort to find out how they knew that Mr. Greene was an OWS member and activist. Attempts were also made to try to find out if the New York Post still believed that Mr. Greene was an active OWS member, or if they now simply thought that he was just an “Adolf Hitler-wannabe.”

As of the writing of this article, no response has been received from the New York Post.

The FBI’s stated mission regarding America’s security is to “develop a comprehensive understanding of the threats and penetrate national and transnational networks that have a desire and capability to harm us.”

The American people would be far better served by their government if, instead of wasting millions of dollars and thousands of man-hours harassing peaceful protesters, it spent a fraction of that time and money investigating, and bringing to justice, the people responsible for the engineered destruction of the American economy, and by extension, American society.

You know. The real terrorists.

Tom McNamara is an Assistant Professor at the ESC Rennes School of Business, France, and a Visiting Lecturer at the French National Military Academy at Saint-Cyr, Coëtquidan, France.


“COINTELPRO: The FBI’s Covert Action Programs Against American Citizens” Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, Book III, Final report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Activities, United States Senate, April 23, 1976. Accessed at:


“COINTELPRO: The Untold American Story”, by Paul Wolf with contributions from Robert Boyle, Bob Brown, Tom Burghardt, Noam Chomsky, Ward Churchill, Kathleen Cleaver, Bruce Ellison, Cynthia McKinney, Nkechi Taifa, Laura Whitehorn, Nicholas Wilson, and Howard Zinn. Presented to U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson at the World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa by the members of the Congressional Black Caucus attending the conference: Donna Christianson, John Conyers, Eddie Bernice Johnson, Barbara Lee, Sheila Jackson Lee, Cynthia McKinney, and Diane Watson, September 1, 2001. Accessed at:


“FBI Documents Reveal Secret Nationwide Occupy Monitoring” The Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF), December 22, 2012. Accessed at:

“Greenwich Village couple busted with cache of weapons, bombmaking explosives: sources” by Jamie Schram, Antonio Antenucci and Matt McNulty, December 31, 2012, The New York Post.   Accessed at:


“Manhattan Couple Stored Bomb-Making Items, Police Say” by Wendy Ruderman, December 31, 2012, The New York Times. Accessed at:


“More About FBI Spying” The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), June 25, 2010. Accessed at:


“NYC couple arrested after explosive substance find” December 31, 2012, CBS/AP. Accessed at:


“Revealed: how the FBI coordinated the crackdown on Occupy” by Naomi Wolf, December 29, 2012, The Guardian. Accessed at:


“The Federal Bureau of Investigation – Mission” The Federal Bureau of Investigation. Accessed at:


“Village ‘bomber’ planned to blow up Washington Sq. Arch with high-grade explosives: cops” by Jamie Schram and Jessica Simeone, January 10, 2013, The New York Post. Accessed at:


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