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maynard

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Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #301 

 

http://articles.latimes.com/1990-10-24/local/me-2741_1_gag-order

Judge Slaps Gag Order on Trial of 7 Deputies

October 24, 1990|VICTOR MERINA | TIMES STAFF WRITER

The federal judge in the money-skimming trial of seven Los Angeles County sheriff's narcotics officers Tuesday clamped a gag order on participants after a defense attorney persisted in linking the case to allegations that drug money was used to fund Central Intelligence Agency operations.

Harland Braun, who represents Deputy Daniel M. Garner, had told reporters--without providing evidence--that the U.S. government was laundering drug money for South American cartels and siphoning some of the cash for its own clandestine operations abroad.

In contesting an attempt by prosecutors to restrain himself and others from talking to the media, Braun has claimed in court papers that in 1986 his client searched the Southern California home of a CIA agent who had ties to a major drug- and money-laundering ring.

According to Braun, the unnamed suspect acknowledged that he was a CIA agent and the narcotics officers discovered "numerous documents indicating that drug money was being used to purchase military equipment for Central America." In particular, he said, deputies found links to the funding of Contra rebels fighting the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.

Shortly after deputies seized the documents and booked the material as evidence, however, federal agents "swooped down" on the Sheriff's Department headquarters and removed the recovered property, as well as other records of the search and seizure, Braun said.

One officer who was at the search scene with Garner, but asked not to be identified, told The Times that the suspect asked the deputies if he could make a phone call to his CIA contact in Virginia. He purportedly was allowed to make the call.

"It was strange, because here we are chasing this drug dealer and we end up with this guy," said the officer, who added that the man was not arrested because no drugs were found at his home.

Peter Earnest, a CIA spokesman in Washington, said the agency's policy was not to comment on anything under litigation. However, without commenting specifically on the allegations contained in Braun's affidavit, Earnest added: "The CIA has not and has never been directly involved in laundering drug money."

Undersheriff Robert Edmonds called the assertions "preposterous" and said Tuesday he was unaware of either the 1986 case or Braun's version of events.

"I've got to tell you that I would be startled if federal agents swooped down on one of our stations and I wasn't aware of it," Edmonds said. "I would be rather astounded if this has any credibility in fact."

U.S. District Judge Edward Rafeedie, who is presiding over the trial of Garner and six other narcotics officers, chastised Braun for raising the matter in opposing the gag order.

In seeking the restraining order, federal prosecutors claimed defense attorneys were making prejudicial comments about the case in which the narcotics officers are accused of skimming $1.4 million in drug money, evading taxes and various other charges.

 

Prosecutors singled out Braun's comments about the alleged CIA connection with laundered drug money and Nicaraguan Contra rebels as irrelevant to the case and a subject that "will serve only to confuse the jury and waste time."

Rafeedie also suggested that the allegation was irrelevant and said he had been uncertain whether to grant the gag order until he read Braun's legal brief, which he described as a ruse to get the CIA story before the media.

"Even if everything you say in the document is true, it has nothing to do with whether your client has filed a false income tax return or has (unexplained) expenditures," Rafeedie said.

In his court document, Braun maintained that the CIA agent questioned by deputies had ties to "the Blandon family which was importing narcotics from Central America to the United States." He did not identify the family further.

In his court filing, Braun said that he had asked for--and never received--a letter from federal officials stating explicitly that no drug money was used by the U.S. government or any government agency to purchase weapons for the Contras or for weapons to be traded for hostages in Iran.

Assistant U.S. Atty. Thomas A. Hagemann, one of the prosecutors in the deputies' trial, would not comment directly on the allegations. But in his own court papers, Hagemann said prosecutors would seek to exclude court testimony about "any alleged CIA plot."

"Such matters are entirely extraneous to this case and would be nothing more than a 'smoke screen' to divert the jury's attention from the issues which are properly before it," he wrote.

Garner and some of the other deputies on trial have said that, as part of their job, they sometimes worked with federal agencies on money-laundering cases that would actually send drug money back to the cartels as part of the undercover operation.

After receiving tips from informants that large sums of money needed to be laundered, federal agents would alert local undercover operatives such as sheriff's narcotics deputies who would pose as money launderers and meet the drug trafficker's representative, they said. After turning the money over to federal officials--who would actually launder it--other deputies would follow the trafficker in hopes of uncovering more of his drug operation.

Testifying Tuesday, Robert R. Sobel, a former sheriff's sergeant and the prosecution's chief witness, said his deputies were told by federal agents whether to follow a money courier, seize the cash or arrange for the money to be laundered by federal agencies.

"And to keep up the credibility of the informant, they would launder money back to the cartel?" Braun asked.

"That's right," Sobel replied.

Times staff writer Tracy Wilkinson contributed to this story


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #302 

Former British Ambassador Craig Murray describes drug proceeds funding covert operations in Ecuador.....




http://www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2012/11/hilarcia-plot-against-correa-funded-by-drug-money/

CIA Plot Against Correa Funded by Drug Money

by craig on November 9, 2012 2:59 pm in Uncategorized

Hillary Clinton is repeating the methodology of the Iran/Contra affair, using “black” funds to finance the operation to ensure President Correa is not re-elected.

I had two excellent sources for the news that the US/UK strategy against Julian Assange was to ensure the defeat of President Correa in Presidential elections next spring, and then have him expelled from the Ecuadorean Embassy. One source was within the UK civil service and one in Washington. Both had direct, personal access to the information I described. Both told me in the knowledge I would publish it.

Of course Assange is not the only reason Clinton wants rid of Correa; but it adds spice and urgency.

We now have completely independent evidence from Chile that this CIA operation exists, from journalists who were investigating a smuggling operation involving 300 kg per month of cocaine, organised by the Chilean army and security services.

The links to US intelligence emerged after an anonymous source from the Agencia Nacional de Inteligencia (ANI) told Panoramas News that the smuggling of 300 kilos of cocaine was in fact a highly sensitive CIA/DEA operation that would help to raise money to topple the government of Ecuador. The operation is similar to the one carried out by the Agency in Central America during the Iran-Contra scandal in the 1980’s, the source said.

A few days ago I published information I had received that Patricio Mery Bell, the director of the news programme which broke the story, had been lured to a meeting with a young lady “informant” who had worked with CIA-backed anti-Cuban groups in Miami. She had then accused him of sexual assault (does any of that scenario sound familiar?) He was arrested and his materials had been confiscated. However I took the article down after jst a few minutes because I had received the information in emails from sources I did not know previously, and was unsure it could stand up. It does now appear that this is indeed true.

My Washigton informant had told me, as I published, that the funds for the anti-Correa operation were not from the CIA budget but from secret funds controlled by the Pentagon. This could not be done by CIA funds because, perhaps surprisingly, for the CIA to operate in this way is a crime in the United States.

Whether my informant knew or suspected that the “secret Pentagon funds” were drug money I do not know. They did not mention narcotics.


 
Patricio Mery entrega detalles de narcotráfico ...
 
 
 
 
0:00 / 8:58



************************

Adolfo Calero dies at 80; tied to Iran-Contra scandal

The onetime Coca-Cola executive led the largest anti-Sandinista Contra rebel force in 1980s Nicaragua.

June 04, 2012|By Tracy Wilkinson, Los Angeles Times

http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jun/04/local/la-me-adolfo-calero-20120604


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #303 

http://articles.latimes.com/1987-05-31/magazine/tm-9128_1_steven-carr

An American Contra : The Confused Life and Mysterious Death of Steven Carr

May 31, 1987|MICHAEL FESSIER JR. | Michael Fessier Jr. is the author of "In Search of the Chicken Cackler and Other Unlikely Missions," to be published by Capra Press.

WAR MAY BE HELL BUT THE idea persists that only by experiencing it can man fully test himself, find out what his real dimensions are. In the movie "Platoon," Chris Taylor, played by Charlie Sheen, has left the order and purpose and safety of college to fight in the jungles of Vietnam. He is trying to pull himself out of the dreamy modern state of being not quite real, of feeling like a "fake human being." Steven Paul Carr had similar hopes for war. His brother had fought in Vietnam, and over and over, almost by rote (it became a kind of catechism), Steven Carr would tell people how much he hated "missing" Vietnam: "I would have gone in a minute."

 

By 24 Carr had been ejected from both the Army and Navy. He had a serious problem with cocaine and alcohol. As a high school dropout with a prison record and no real profession, he was what many consider the archetype of the contemporary soldier of fortune: a man with a great deal to prove and nothing to lose.

THE DETECTIVE

MELVIN K. ARNOLD COULD NOT hide his contempt for the man whose "equivocal death" had caused him such aggravation. To the Los Angeles Police Department homicide detective, the deceased was ordinary human flotsam, a young man, 27, who just couldn't hack the straight world, who got into cocaine and showed up dead. Arnold, 42, is a tense, busy, combative man with pale-blue eyes. The dead do not by virtue of being dead automatically engage his sympathy. One of the many reasons he had for not liking Steven Carr was the Marine Corps tattoo on Carr's left shoulder, described in the autopsy as "a polychromatic tattoo showing a skull with a dagger in its mouth, surrounded by red flames and the words 'USMC Death Before Dishonor.' "

"He was never in the Marine Corps," Arnold noted with heavy irony.

Arnold's phone is always ringing. It rang again. It was the FBI looking for a Gypsy with a glass eye. Arnold switched the call to the Gypsy expert at a nearby desk in his crowded Van Nuys Civic Center office and got back to Steven Carr. "I'll tell you the one true thing about Steven Carr: He was a snitch." Arnold paused for emphasis. "Out of all those who were involved in that stuff down in Costa Rica he was the only one who talked."

Here lay the crux of the judgment, then: In addition to claiming, via the tattoo, to be something he wasn't, Carr was also the thing that a policeman most depends on and most despises--a snitch, a turncoat. Then add the clincher--all the attention that Carr's death had attracted (causing all that aggravation to Arnold)--and you had the source of what the detective was feeling. "It's a prime example of how things get blown out of proportion and rumors and innuendoes cause such turmoil."

Carr, who had collapsed in an apartment house driveway in Panorama City, was pronounced dead at 4:05 on the morning of last Dec. 13. He was wearing a blue robe and gray shorts. A preliminary report filed by a coroner's investigator at 6:40 the same morning suggested that his death might have been either an accident or a suicide: "A possible o.d., cocaine," the investigator had scribbled. No note was found.

It was an "equivocal death," and Mel Arnold was assigned to investigate. The phone calls began. The first was from a lawyer for the Christic Institute, a liberal legal foundation in Washington, D.C. (It brought the successful Karen Silkwood suit against Kerr-McGee). The second was from the dead man's brother. The third was from the office of Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.). After that the reporters started in.

 

But what was this all about? It was a lot to put together from Mel Arnold's Van Nuys desk. Who was this guy to have Time and Newsweek, Mother Jones and the Nation, the New York Times, Spin, the Village Voice, the New Republic, Sen. Kerry and the Christic Institute so intently interested in the circumstances of his death? The final autopsy would take five weeks, and before its release stories circulated of arsenic found in his bloodstream and traces of caustic substances in his throat. There was a lot of talk of three inexplicable puncture wounds on his elbow.

Carr had ridden with an illegal arms shipment from Florida to El Salvador. He had fought briefly alongside some \o7 contras\f7 in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and he had talked to the press about his experiences. The suspicion was that he had been killed to prevent him from talking anymore and that a cover-up of some sort was being used to disguise this fact. Mel Arnold had no use for this suggestion.

Arnold is a marathon runner. On the wall behind his desk is a poster featuring a large running shoe and the line: "Worn and Tired but Worth It." A busy man, he began eating an early lunch at his desk. In five minutes he was due at a meeting. "Any more questions?" he asked.

SOLDIERS

 

 

 

THERE WERE ALL THESE military-minded men and no war at hand. Many were Cubans, members of Miami's Cuban League or Brigade 2506, men still looking to get even for what happened April 17, 1961, on Cuba's Gibron Beach at the Bahia de Cochinos. Many of the others in the scattered free-lance army Lt. Col. Oliver L. North was channeling funds to under his "Project Democracy" banner were older men who'd had a successful war of their own but often acted as if they'd enjoy another. John Hull, 66, was one of these. He is an American--from Indiana--and for 20 years has been a prominent cattle rancher and farmer in Costa Rica. A key contra supporter and reported CIA go-between, Hull had been a flying ace in the Royal Canadian Air Force in World War II. "I went to fight fascists in 1939, and now I'm fighting communism in Nicaragua," he has said.

 

Added to the Cubans and vets like Hull and retired Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub were the free-floaters, young men inspired by their fathers' war experiences. Or, as in Steven Carr's case, a brother's.

The Steven Carr who joined this shadow army was a little slumped, expressionless, yet somehow cocky at the same time, a not-young 24, with a receding hairline and the beer belly of a middle-aged man. He had failed at everything, and even his dream of military glory seemed shopworn. "It's not so much I want to kill people," he later told a reporter, "but finding a war is about the only way I'm going to find out what I'm capable of."

He was just out of prison in late 1984 when Project Democracy was getting off the ground, and he was shopping for a war. He'd already tried the peacetime Army, the Navy, the Marines and the merchant marine. In his teens he'd been a Sea Scout and a plane spotter for the Civil Air Patrol, and the only class he had liked was ROTC. High school had been a washout: "I majored in parking lot," he said. He'd dropped out in the 11th grade to join the Army. He was discharged after a year for alcohol-related offenses. Discipline was not his thing. (Stationed in Korea, he had once opened fire with a machine gun on the DMZ for no particular reason.) The Marines wouldn't have him, and after three months in the Navy he was discharged for selling marijuana.

He often seemed two people at once. One of them was soberly middle class, politically conservative and eager to please. His father was an IBM executive painfully removed from Steven's life when Steven was 7 and his parents divorced. He grew up in the tidy, affluent tourist and retirement community of Naples, Fla. He believed in Ronald Reagan and his causes. The other Steven Carr was always defying authority, always escaping, always in trouble.

Carr's brother, Edward, 10 years older, had hated the war in Vietnam, and even went into combat with "Make Love Not War" decals on his helmet. He came out with a 100% disability pension, a bitter and unhappy man. "I want to make up for what happened to you in Vietnam," Steven often said. Edward thought that this was "b.s." "You can't make up for it. No one can."

But Steven Carr had a way of not listening, of keeping the fantasy going no matter what. Cocaine was his drug of choice. He loved it and used it regularly from high school on. Early in 1984, a drug dealer he owed money to threatened his life, and Steven stole two rings from his mother and cashed $2,000 worth of forged checks on her account to pay the dealer. She turned him in to the police, and he served four months on a felony theft conviction before being paroled.

 

Carr's usable resume was about nil at this point, and when through a family connection he heard about a rancher in Costa Rica who was involved in hiring "trainers" for contra troops, he jumped at the possibility and even went down there to check it out. The rancher, Bruce Jones, told him to go home and learn Spanish. Carr didn't do this, but he did make more connections with the network of itchy Bay of Pigs veterans in Miami. Soon enough they would become active in the National Security Council's far-flung network of arms and men, and Steven Carr was in, traveling on March 6, 1985, with a former Dade County Prison guard and Brigade 2506 member named Jesus Garcia aboard a chartered DC-3 to Ilopango military airport in El Salvador. The arms they carried--including automatic rifles, mortars, a 14-foot cannon, a sniper rifle and thousands of rounds of ammunition--had been collected from garages around the Miami area in which they'd been stored. Now they, and Carr, would be shipped to a contra base in north-central Costa Rica. It was a hopeful time for Steven Carr.

"Steven became a mercenary like someone else might join a football team or a club," his former attorney, Gerry Berry, said later. "He thought he'd make friends and people would look up to him because he was in a macho role. He was a man with a good heart, someone you'd want to have on your side in combat."

THE CAMP

 

THERE WERE FIVE LIKE-MINDED young men who went to Costa Rica to train a small band of contras. (The unit's mission would be to gather information and provoke trouble as a kind of "dirty tricks" squad, the Katzenjammer Kids meet the Sandinistas.) Two were bright, look-alike, young Englishmen--Peter Glibbery and John Davies, both 24. Another of the group was a big, angry, black-bearded Frenchman, an ex-paratrooper named Claude (Frenchy) Chauffard who hated communists and wore a "Kill 'Em All and Let God Sort It Out Later" T-shirt. Then there were the two Yanks--Robert Thompson, 52, an ex-Florida highway patrolman, and Steven Carr.

 

Pocosol Camp was out in the sparsely populated boonies near the central part of the Nicaraguan border, on property allegedly managed by the American farmer John Hull. It was a clearing in the tall grass and trees, with a few wooden pallets for tents and a large, thatched open-air meeting place. Mango and water-apple trees dotted the lazy little Rio Frio, which wound through nearby rice fields. Maybe if you squinted you could imagine you were in Vietnam. But Nicaragua was just across the river, and six or seven kilometers through the trees and grass was a Sandinista camp, La Esperanza.

At Pocosol, no one quite seemed to know what they were doing. Here, in the spring of 1985, had gathered some 40 men--Miskito Indians, Sandinista deserters, Cubans, Costa Ricans and the non-Spanish-speaking trainers. They had arms but too few and in poor condition--AK-47s, Russian RPGs, and American M-16 assault rifles. The honcho here was a 5-foot-1 veteran of the Bay of Pigs invasion. Rene Corbo had a narrow, weathered face and was given to fits of temper. Hating communists as he did, he would explain the unit's mission like this: "We are gonna go over there and do some bad stuff, man. We gonna throw some stuff at those \o7 cabrons\f7 ." Corbo did not like taking orders from gringos; he had his own agenda. Because of his size and temper the men called him "the poisoned dwarf."

One of the "dirty tricks" they planned was a hit-and-run attack on the Costa Rican border town of Los Chiles, after which they'd leave some Soviet mortars behind and some bodies (who the dead would be was not known) dressed in Sandinista uniforms (to suggest a Sandinista attack). Like much of what they discussed, it never happened. Their most notorious scheme, a plot to assassinate the U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica, Lewis A. Tambs, and blame the Sandinistas seems to have consisted mainly of loose talk. The plan became so well known that they had to abandon it, Carr told a reporter. "It was like the Keystone Kops."

There were at this time about 15,000 contras under arms, the bulk of them operating out of Honduras and down through northern Nicaraguan. The so-called southern front--the Costa Rican border area--was always sputtering with "incidents" without quite catching fire. Costa Rica, of course, was a neutral country, and the United States had pledged to respect its neutrality. At the same time, Ambassador Tambs had said, as reported in the Tower Commission Report, "I really have only one mission: to form Nicaraguan resistance on the southern front."

THE FRONT

IT WAS A DIFFERENT SORT OF war, or pre-war, here on the sleepy southern front. A certain open-house quality prevailed. Late in 1984, Soldier of Fortune magazine had sponsored a group of "private sector military professionals" on a tour of the area and up into Nicaragua, offering training tips. Afterward, many contras wore Soldier of Fortune shoulder patches. (Publisher Bob Brown offered a $1-million prize to any defecting Sandinista pilot who got away with a Soviet-made Mi-24 helicopter). What was really being offered in Costa Rica was the chance to fulfill one's fantasy of war, outside of the usual military restrictions. Here one could "free-lance."

 

Carr wore the usual camouflage fatigues, the smoked sunglasses, the combat boots and web gear, and to that added his own highly theatrical touch: a live grenade on a string, dangling around his neck.

Eventually Carr and Glibbery would become good friends, but on first sighting Glibbery was not impressed. "Do you suppose there's any way we can get rid of this guy?" he asked John Davies.

The most disturbing thing about Carr, besides his wishful flamboyance (he had given himself the jaunty \o7 nom de guerre\f7 of Carlos Caballo--"Charlie Horse"), was his confessional compulsion. Within minutes of meeting Glibbery, the good Carr was relating bad Carr's transgressions--he had stolen from his mother, he had served time in prison, he was heavily into cocaine. "He seemed to think this was his last chance," Glibbery said.

 

 

 

Before going to Pocosol, Carr squeezed in an appearance at the San Jose offices of U.S. consul Kirk-Patrick Kotula. "He came in to report on some counterfeiters he had knowledge of," Kotula says. "Then he told me he was wanted by the police in the States and was on his way north to join some contras. (He) seemed very immature, and I said: 'Look, it's the real world up there. No big helicopter is going to land and take you to a nice hospital if you get hurt. If you get shot they'll leave you. You'll starve and die.' He answered with some macho b.s. He didn't hear me at all."

 

THERE WAS A MORALE and discipline problem at Pocosol. The Englishmen, Glibbery and Davies, had taken it upon themselves to shape things up a little, establishing morning "stand-tos" as they had in the British army. But there was much dissension in the ranks and there were too many aimless "patrols" that did nothing to satisfy the men's need for action. Once a small band led by a Cuban known only as Pedro (he was said to have fought with Che Guevara in Cuba and Colombia) came upon a Sandinista camp just inside Nicaragua. It was night. No guards were in evidence, and Pedro and his men were seriously considering throwing a little lead at the Sandinistas when their position was given away by a herd of cows that had seen them and started to moo. The cow-alerted Sandinistas launched some mortars in Pedro's direction, and he and his group had to split. It was embarrassing.

Some weeks later, with that experience still fresh, a patrol of 20 men, Steven Carr among them, came through a grove of trees six or so kilometers inside Nicaragua and saw, 50 yards away, the green-plastic tents and cookhouse shack of the Sandinista camp La Esperanza. It was toward dark on a pleasant evening and the men were inside eating. The peaceful clink of busy forks could be heard in the quiet.

Leading the patrol was Rene Corbo, the man who had for so long been threatening to "throw some stuff" at the Sandinistas but had not yet thrown any. The word, filtering down the complex chain of command, was still against direct action. But Corbo opened fire, and his men followed suit.

The racket they made, the smell of gunpowder. This was it for Steven Carr, who unloaded one clip of his AK-47, a round at a time, and then switched his weapon over to automatic fire and emptied a second and a third clip in sweeping, convulsive bursts, the gun barrel fighting to pull upward and Carr fighting to keep it down and the rounds somewhere on target. Down the line another man opened fire with a rocket launcher.

"We caught them in the chow hall and lobbed three rocket-propelled grenades right into their laps," Carr would tell a reporter later. "We used AK-47 assault rifles to finish off those in front of the place. I'm sure a few of them were smart enough to hit the ground, but we killed a bunch of them." Enemy dead were estimated at anywhere from 12 to 30.

It all lasted about five minutes--the one time in Carr's life when the dream and the reality would truly merge; he often said later it was the high point of his life. Now one of Corbo's own men, a hefty Costa Rican, began to scream. The Sandinistas had started returning fire, and he had been hit in the leg. Glancing around, Carr found that he was alone with a screaming man who could not walk.

 

It did not help that Carr spoke no Spanish and the Costa Rican no English. And with enemy soldiers due at their position any second, and Carr furious at being left behind in this situation, he could have just retreated. Yet he draped the much larger man across his shoulders and dragged him into the woods and then several hundred yards farther, to where the others were regrouping.

Cool to their welcome (after all, they had run off and left him), he set about improvising a dressing for the wounded man's leg. "Carlos Caballo" had raised his stock considerably.

When they got back to Pocosol--a day-and-a-half trek with the wounded man--Carr announced: "I'm not fighting with Corbo anymore." But it was over anyway. Higher-ups had judged the La Esperanza raid a disaster and had relieved Corbo of his modest command. Two weeks later, on April 24, a unit of the Costa Rican Rural Guard arrived and were greeted as friends. Many of the men had visited the camp before. Some of them had assisted the troops in canoes across the Rio Frio for the La Esperanza episode. But something had shifted within the highly factionalized Costa Rican government down in San Jose, and the guards now surrounded them and told them they were under arrest. (But the Costa Ricans, with their long history of neutrality, were by nature non-confrontational and uncomfortable with such brusque behavior, and soon after the arrest Carr and some others went with the arresting colonel into a nearby town for a beer.)

Charged with violating Costa Rican neutrality and possession of explosives, the five gringos were eventually transported to La Reforma Prison outside San Jose. Carr would be there 13 months.

 

 

 

PRISON

LA REFORMA PRISON SITS IN THE middle of farmland and orchards 15 miles north of San Jose. For the first 10 weeks the five gringos shared a 12-by-20-foot cell with 10 other prisoners. Then Frenchy Chauffard got into a fight and was sent to solitary. Around the same time, John Davies and Robert Thompson got themselves moved to other cells.

 

They wanted to distance themselves from the publicity campaign that Carr and Glibbery had planned. They were all feeling hung out to dry by then. No one had come forward to help them, and Glibbery and Carr had decided to go on the offensive and tell their story to the world press. Their thinking was that if they told what they knew, the presiding powers would be embarrassed and they'd be let out.

But Glibbery and Carr didn't have a firm grip on who those powers were, or how they operated. They were Rosencrantz and Guildenstern in "Hamlet," minor characters in a complex drama they knew mostly at second hand. Once they made a pyramid chart of the names of all the 20 or so men they thought to have contributed to their predicament. At the top--hardly more than a rumor--was Lt. Col. Oliver North.

"It's surprising how transient loyalty is between employer and employee," Glibbery, the philosophical engineering school dropout, remarked.

"When it comes down to it, all you have to depend on is your friends," Carr said.

The FBI came to look into the matter and so did a representative of contra-aid opponent Sen. John Kerry. Still nothing happened.

"I'll tell you what is weird," Steven Carr said to Peter Glibbery. "For the first time in my life I'm telling the truth, and nobody believes me." More to the point, perhaps, was that 18 months before the Iran-contra scandal broke, and nearly two years before the Tower Commission Report, people simply didn't care very much.

TELEVISION

THE GRAY-HAIRED MAN ON THE HORSE was being asked some questions by an American reporter. "I'm an Indiana farm boy," the man was saying. "Absolutely nothing else."

"Just an Indiana farm boy?"

The man on the horse was drinking a Coke and did not flinch when the interviewer suggested that maybe he was more than he said. That maybe he also did some work for the CIA in his part of Costa Rica. Hadn't he been helping the contras, staging raids into Nicaragua? "I only give humanitarian aid," John Hull said.

American television viewers saw John Hull last June on a segment of CBS' "West 57th Street." And he didn't look like a CIA man. Nothing slick or shifty about him at all. Short gray hair, generous schnoz, plain shirt. Farmer all the way.

Then, a young man appeared on the screen. He didn't look like who he was supposed to be either--an American who fought with the contras. Deadpan, round face that a mustache didn't do much for. He said John Hull gave him his orders, told him where to go.

When they went back to Hull and told him what the young man had said, Hull momentarily lost his easygoing manner: "Steven Carr is the dregs of humanity," he said. "He's been in trouble all his life. He's the kind of dregs the communists use to push their side."

 

Carr, in turn, did not appear even slightly perturbed by Hull's denial. "I wouldn't know anything about John Hull unless he told me," he said a little wearily. "Anyway, how many people could come up to you and admit, 'I'm the CIA guy in Costa Rica?' "

The interviewer, Jane Wallace, had no answer.

PRISON, CONTINUED

FOR STEVEN CARR, PRISON WAS A TIME for writing letters and giving interviews. He also read the Bible cover to cover twice. He told Glibbery his conclusion: "I think God has me in here to keep me out of trouble."

The months passed and still no sign of release, no trial date, nothing. Not that La Reforma was the worst prison in Central America--it might even have been the best. Money helped, and Carr's father, the IBM executive, sent him a hundred a month via the American consul. With it he could buy from the prison store such necessities as Coca-Cola and razor blades and, from other sources, marijuana. This was slightly ironic: There were men serving 10-year terms at La Reforma for growing outside what they could buy inside.

Carr's interview persona was consistently cool and blase, yet in reality he was moody and down a lot, unsure of himself. Sometimes he banged his head against the cell wall and yelled in frustration. Once he said to Glibbery: "You know this stuff just isn't worth it. When I get out I'm going to give up all this mercenary crap."

 

Then the two of them would find themselves drifting into more "merc" talk, fantasizing about international "hot spots" like Suriname and Angola and New Caledonia where a good mercenary could get work. Carr often talked about joining the Foreign Legion or of hiring out to the white farmers of South Africa to battle the "black insurgents." "Mercenary" was as close as he'd come to finding a profession. "I did that job in Nicaragua because you have to start somewhere," he told the Miami Herald. "When I go up to my next employer, I can say, 'Yeah, I was on that one.' That's when I can start demanding the bucks."

 

There was a small market at this time for men who would talk about their mercenary experiences. Sen. Kerry's office would, in fact, pay some of Carr's legal expenses. And his lawyer in Florida, Gerry Berry, later suggested to him that his story might make a book, if Carr would stop giving away the product with all his interviews. Carr refused. "He enjoyed the attention too much," Berry says.

FREEDOM

CARR AND HIS COHORTS WERE FINALLY bailed out of La Reforma the same weekend--this was in May, 1986--that Sandinista-hero-turned-contra Eden (Commander Zero) Pastora turned in his men's arms at a ceremony on the Nicaraguan border. It was attended by a large gathering of the press. Pastora said from then on he would seek "political" solutions to the area's problems. Yet the arms he turned in--about 200 World War II German Mausers--did not really seem to be all the arms he had, as if maybe he'd buried the rest for future action or sold some. Who knew?

Nobody knew a lot in Costa Rica. They "suspected"; there were "rumors." Everything had begun to have a slightly fictional aura, like the "CIA-constructed secret airfield" rumored to exist in a remote north-central section of the country. Even after it was found and photographed--a wide, plowed gash in the bush--its existence was denied, yet it was ultimately confirmed in the Tower Commission Report. \o7 Infrastructure\f7 was a word used a lot, referring to the secret airfield, the new coast road and the prefabricated "Bailey bridges" the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers was rumored to be quietly putting in place in case the Reagan Administration should want to move great numbers of men into combat against the Sandinistas. "The conflict is coming," U.S. and contra spokesmen told the New York Times the same month. "And it is going to be bloody."

Meanwhile, the five gringo "mercs" were allowed out on bail. Why? Nobody knew. Maybe it was the hunger strike that Chauffard had been on for the last month, or simply a matter of cleaning up old business on the part of Costa Rica's new president, Oscar Arias Sanchez, a man determined to be less dominated by U.S. wishes and eager to return his country to its former neutrality. (Though it was Arias who, a few months later, bowed to U.S. pressure and canceled a press conference he had called to denounce the secret airstrip. According to the Tower Commission Report, Ambassador Tambs had threatened Arias with the loss of $80 million in U.S. aid.) Also, there was a libel trial due to begin a few days after the five men were let out on bail. This was to try, in Costa Rican court, a complaint brought by John Hull against two American free-lance journalists--Tony Avirgan and his wife, Martha Honey--who had frequently described him in print as a CIA contact. Hull would lose the suit. Both Steven Carr and Peter Glibbery were to testify but, along with John Davies, Carr had jumped bail by then and escaped from Costa Rica.

 

Robert Thompson also subsequently jumped bail, and by October of 1986, only Peter Glibbery and Frenchy Chauffard were there to receive five-year sentences for violating Costa Rican neutrality. Chauffard, whose size, temper and unintelligibility had prompted local journalists to nickname him "The Monster Idiot," lunged at Glibbery when the sentence was read. "You communist pig!" he screamed, lifting a small Costa Rican to whom he was cuffed, swinging him like a puppy on a rope.

Carr's new freedom was short-lived, if it could be said to have existed at all. Just after getting out of prison, he met a young Costa Rican woman named Roxanna and spent three romantic days with her before sneaking out of Costa Rica, busing down to Panama and flying back to the States. Roxanna would complain that the weekend Carr left he had promised to take her to the beach.

 

 

Back in Naples, Fla., he had six months to do for breaking parole on his 1984 felony conviction. In many ways Carr was an ideal whistle-blower. A man society had firmly placed in the loser column was now holding forth in his Florida jail cell for a stream of eager journalists on U.S. policy in Central America: "The public is being lied to about what is going on down there," he told the Fort Myers News-Press with all the easy authority of a U.S. senator. "The money that is supposed to be going for the contras is actually going into the pockets of certain politicians. They are getting rich."

 

Something surely had cracked in his world, and so it was that on the morning of July 28, Carr, sitting in his Collier County Jail cell, would read that his brother, Edward Carr, 36, the Vietnam vet he had so idolized, had flipped out the day before. Edward, the newspapers reported, had emerged on the porch of his Naples home in full battle dress: helmet, a U.S. Army T-shirt, fatigues. Looking a bit like Frenchy Chauffard with his full black beard, the hefty Carr had taken potshots at a street light and at a police car, and while the local SWAT team deployed, Edward retired to his living room to watch a rerun of "MASH." Afterward, he told police that he was suffering "Vietnam flashback," and he was removed to the David Lawrence Mental Health Clinic for observation.

But Steven Carr had plenty of problems of his own to worry about. "I'm pretty sure they're going to dust me off when I get back to the States," he had said in a prison interview with the Tico Times, an English-language newspaper in San Jose. Prophesying his own death became a regular thing with him. "I'm not too popular with a lot of people because I tell the truth," he told a reporter. "I won't feel very safe walking down the street after this is over." To Frances Reynolds of the Fort Myers News-Press he said: "One of these days they're going to find my body. They'll probably call it a cocaine overdose."

Reynolds did not use that quote in the story she wrote, but it came back to her when she heard of Carr's death. "Well, Steven," she said to herself, "it happened just the way you said it would." The suspicion that he had been murdered was planted, to a considerable extent, by Carr himself.

THE END

A FEW WEEKS AFTER STEVEN CARR DIED, a story in the Nation reported that he had been found dead in a "Van Nuys parking lot" under "mysterious circumstances." This was written by Costa Rica-based journalists Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey. Asked what they based their description on, Avirgan said: "A lot of people didn't believe it was an accident." The difference between "Van Nuys parking lot" and the Panorama City driveway in which Carr actually died might seem slight, but it is indicative of the paranoia the Carr story inspired. A "parking lot" is a shade more ominous than a "driveway," more suggestive of foul play.

There was much to suggest that Carr had died exactly as the autopsy would state: of "acute cocaine intoxication." High levels of cocaine and its metabolite, benzoylecgonine, were found in his blood, bile and urine, the report said. But there remained unknowns and unknowables to be interpreted any way one wished.

 

Carr had come to Los Angeles directly after leaving prison in Florida. He had a sister in Reseda, and he had rented a room in an apartment belonging to a friend of hers. Why had he come here? He was afraid for his life, he told people. He imagined a "Cuban hit man" on his trail and is said to have slept with his lights on, his door locked.

Carr was scheduled to testify in two contra-related trials in Florida and, it was rumored, at some future congressional hearings. But how important a witness was he? At one point, when no one else was talking, he was very important; at the time of his death, increasingly less so. He was one of 28 witnesses scheduled to appear at a trial stemming from the 1984 bombing of an Eden Pastora press conference in La Penca, Nicaragua. Of his importance in the other case, involving alleged guns-for-drugs trading with the contras, Assistant U.S. Atty. Ana Barnett said: "We were not really relying on him as a prime witness."

He had a minimum-wage job lined up, but meanwhile he had gone in with a man he met upon his arrival in Los Angeles on $960 worth of cocaine. Ostensibly, this was for resale, but at the time of his death he had been on what witnesses said was a "56-hour cocaine streak."

The 22-year-old daughter of the woman in whose apartment he had his room was awakened by Carr at 3:25 in the morning. He was acting drunk, and she followed him outside. He said he had to get something from his car. Carr then collapsed in the driveway that ran between the apartment buildings. He went into convulsions, but before he died, the daughter heard Carr say, "I paranoided out. I ate the whole thing." It was a whispery voice, barely audible.

 

Some assumed he had literally eaten small bags of cocaine, but no such bags were found in his stomach. Was it a way of saying that he had simply used up all the drug? Did "thing" refer to cocaine at all? No one knew, but the phrase, "I paranoided out" seemed more straightforward. Carr had drifted to the center of where powerful and shadowy forces met and warred, and he had been marked by that battle. As for his actual death, it seemed a matter of interpretation. What was it finally that he was trying to confess? Steven Carr was the only one who knew. But it was typical of his compulsive honesty to try to tell us something. As Mel Arnold succinctly put it: "He was the best witness to his own foul play."

 

Meanwhile, Peter Glibbery was heading into what he hoped was his last year in La Reforma. He had liked Steven Carr in the end. "He tried to be a redneck but he was really a good guy," Glibbery recently said of Carr to a friend. "Very responsible, very irresponsible. Not too good, not too bad. I cried when I heard he died."



MORE ARTICLES ON CARR'S DEATH
http://www.ncoic.com/contra.htm


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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http://www.madcowprod.com/2012/11/19/report-launch-of-cia-cocaine-coup-turned-on-romney-win/#more-2646

Report: Launch of CIA ‘cocaine coup’ turned on Romney win

For more than a year the CIA has been trafficking 300 kilos of cocaine a month from Ecuador to Chile for export on to Europe, according to recent credible media reports from Santiago, the Chilean capital.

Proceeds from the 300 kilo-a-month business have been used to create a war-chest to finance a Cocaine Coup in Ecuador that was scheduled to be “green-lighted” after the expected win in the just-concluded U.S. Presidential election—expected, at least, by some Agency officials—of Mitt Romney.

It's a CIA “Ay, there’s the rub” moment.

 

He's a leftist. Isn't that enough?

The machinations were part of a plan to topple current Ecuador President Rafael Correa, who is unpopular in Washington.

An unexpected side effect of the revelation of the plan, which has received little publicity, has been to focus an observer's attention on what's going on in the drug trade in Ecuador lately. The country's history in the drug business, almost as rich as Switzerland's with banks, goes back a long way.

When it comes to efficiently moving drugs, this is far from Ecuador's first rodeo, and the drug network there is one of long-standing, (Wikileaks PDF).

So too is its relationship with both the the CIA and DEA.

For example, when famous CIA drug pilot Barry Seal was first caught smuggling cocaine way back in 1979, he picked up his huge load of cocaine—it was 45 kilos; those were more innocent times—in Guayaquil, one of Ecuador’s three major seaports.

The Americans recently convicted of laundering money for the Ecuador-based network are no parvenus, either. One is a prominent Louisiana attorney; the other an aviation broker in Oklahoma.  And both took direction from a drug pilot with his own long pedigree in the drug trade.

Jorge Arévalo Kessler has been flying drugs out of Ecuador since 1989, he states in an affadavit at his trial.  He is the nephew of a long-time Mexican Secretary of Defense, and was the personal pilot of disgraced former Mexican President Carlos Salinas.

His American connections are visible too. When finally arrested, Arévalo Kessler was flying a former U.S. military plane that was part of the 1990’s Forest Service scandal,  involving planes intended for firefighting diverted into CIA covert drug running operations, the most spectacular result being the C-130 busted on a runway at Mexico City’s Intl Airport carrying cocaine worth $1 billion.

Or maybe the most spectacular result was this: 14 firefighters burned to death in an out-of-control forest fire in Colorado in August of 1994. No planes were available to help. They'd all been leased out on more lucrative assignments.

Why no "Drug Money Times?"

News in the drug trade is almost always surprising, and there's a good reason why: Imagine the world’s huge automobile industry without “Auto Week.”

Or the even more massive weapons business—the death trade—without “Jane’s Defense Weekly.”

Why drug traffickers don’t have a slick weekly magazine reporting on current events—whose head is still screwed on straight, whose not so much anymoreis a question better left unasked by those with no relish for being tagged  “conspiracy theorists.”

Because there is no trade publication chronicling the drug business—by any measure one of the world's largest industry—current events come as a surprise.

Example: the current kerfuffle concerning Ecuador led to a belated discovery:

The same drug trafficking network active in Ecuador was also behind the doomed flights of two American planes from St. Petersburg Fl. seized in Mexico carrying almost 10 tons of cocaine. Evidence can be seen in Kessler's indictment, whose 'headliner' is Alejandro Flores-Cacho. Both men worked for Colombian Pedro Antonio Bermudez Suaza, "The Architect, now called the mastermind behind the St Petersburg flights by no less an authority than the DEA.

Bermudez Suaza is one of the world's richest and most sophisticated drug lords, worth perhaps a half-billion dollars. In law enforcement recordings he can be heard talking with the frantic pilot in the cockpit of the second of the two American planes busted in the Yucatan,  a Gulfstream II (N987SA) which went down in the jungles of the Yucatan.

Tracing the provenance of the two planes led the Mexican Atty. General's office to where the money was being laundered; the startling discovery that $378 billion in drug money had been laundered through Wachovia Bank in Charlotte, NC…in just six years.

It was a  “faux pas” from which Wachovia never recovered, and the cause of the bank’s demise in a forced sale to Wells Fargo.

Nepotism, bane of the drug trade

One of the Americans convicted of laundering money and buying planes for the Ecuadorian drug network is prominent Louisiana attorney Hugh Sibley. A glance through his court case shows his trial producedmore uestions than answers, and enough sealed documents to raise questions about the privatization of justice.

Apparently, rank has its privileges.

The other convicted American owned an aviation brokerage in Broken Arrow.  Lee R Snider, (PDF) the son of a respected local football coach, admitted to laundering drug money and arranging the purchase of eight planes, including a 727, in court documents.

Both Sibley and Snider worked under the direction of a 43-year-old drug pilot, Gustavo Jorge Arévalo Kessler(PDF), who testified he had been smuggling drugs through Ecuador since 1979.

As already reported, Kessler is the nephew of a long-time Mexican Secretary of Defense, who served under Miguel de Madrid, President of Mexico between 1982 and 1988.

After that he became the personal pilot of disgraced former Mexican President Carlos Salinas, now living in exile in Ireland.

Kessler, busted in Mexico several years ago, was flying a Gulfstream II (former registration N914MH) that was one of the "mis-placed" airplanes in the US Forest Service scandal during the 1990′s. Briefly, that scandal involved U.S. government airplanes intended for firefighting that were diverted into CIA covert drug running operations; the most spectacular of which was, as stated, the  C-130 busted on a runway at Mexico City’s Intl Airport  carrying $1 billion dollars worth of cocaine.

Kessler's "ride" had been "exported" to become a drug plane by an Arizona company called INTERNATIONAL AIR RESPONSE INC said to be deeply–deeply!–involved in the CIA operation.

The jig was finally up after 14 firefighters burned to death in an out of control forest fire in Colorado in August 1994.  The Federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration subsequently cited the Forest Service for "inadequate use of aviation resources." Where were all the planes?

Out of the country, many of them, doing anything but fighting fires.

A personal note: I knew the courageous man who broke that scandal. Gary Eitel was a former military pilot in Vietnam, who went on the become a CIA pilot and then later a lawyer for the Agency. Now deceased, Eitel was fearless in pursuit of the truth.

“Prepping” for the next Iran Contra Scandal

The story of the CIA-DEA's earmarked 300 kilos a month in support of an alleged CIA cocaine coup begins with Fernando Ulloa.   Ulloa was an Inspector in the Chilean Federal Police (Policia de Investigaciones, or PDI). Over a year ago, he uncovered a drug ring operating out of the local CIA and DEA stations;  with assistance and support from Chilean political authorities and the Chilean Army, the ring trafficks 300 kilos of cocaine a month.

Most cops see the world in black and white. So Ulloa immediately took his evidence to the Chilean Minister of the Interior in Santiago’s La Moneda Palace, mostly remembered for having been destroyed by the Chilean Air Force in the coup which took Socialist President Salvador Allende’s life in 1973.

No investigation was launched, however, and no action was taken.

When 10 Chilean police officials were recently charged with assisting a much smaller drug smuggling ring, the resulting public scandal gave Ulloa the opening (and the media coverage) to publicly accuse the Interior Minister, Rodrigo Hinzpeter, of covering up the much larger—and still active—CIA cocaine trafficking.

"He must be a leftist, too. Put him on the list"

Chilean intelligence sources confirmed Ulloa’s allegation to Chilean reporter Patricio Mery Bell of Panorama News in Santiago: the CIA is using proceeds from the monthly sale of 300 kilos of cocaine to fund opposition to Rafael Correa  in next year’s Ecuadorian election.

“An anonymous source from the Agencia Nacional de Inteligencia (ANI) told Panoramas News that the smuggling of 300 kilos of cocaine was in fact a highly sensitive CIA/DEA operation to raise money to topple the government of Ecuador,” reported Mery.

“The operation is similar to the one carried out by the Agency in Central America during the Iran-Contra scandal in the 1980’s, the source said.”

Also offering corroboration for the charge (but not proof) was the controversial former British diplomat Craig Murray, who alleged the CIA has invested $87 million for a campaign to bribe and blackmail media and government officials to prevent Correa’s  reelection.

Location, location, and…logistics

The answer to what makes Ecuador important enough to merit its own CIA cocaine coup emphasizes the point made by UPS commercials: Logistics.  

Ecuador, strategically situated between the two major drug producing nations of Colombia and Peru, has long been an important transshipment point for cocaine, a fact not lost on previous generations of drug traffickers.

States a U.S. Congressional Research Service report,  “The country’s lengthy maritime and land borders have long provided an attractive and relatively unregulated environment for drug trafficking.”

That means—translating the reports Congressional-ese—fewer people to pay off.

According to numerous reports Rafael Correa, Ecuador’s President, stirred the ire of the U.S.  when he ordered the eviction of the U.S. military and CIA-DEA presence at a large military base in Manta, one of Ecuador’s three main ports.

So what was at Manta that made it so valuable? On Wednesday, we'll tell you.

Stay tuned.

 
Patricio Mery entrega detalles de narcotráfico ...
 
 
 
 
0:00 / 8:58





********

Mexico’s New President Set to Empower a “Devil’s Cartel”

CIA Operative Claims Corrupt Colombian Law Enforcer Now Advising Peña Nieto Is Sign Of That Danger Ahead


http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2012/11/mexico-s-new-president-set-empower-devil-s-cartel


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #305 
Costa Rican Legislative Assembly Special Commission
July 10,1989
Appointed to Investigate the Acts Reported on Drug Trafficking Document 10.684
FINAL REPORT
San Jose, July 10, 1989
CRS Congressional Research

The Library of CongressWashington, D.C.

http://www.apfn.net/dcia/lapenca.html






*********************




STATEMENT OF FREDERICK P. HITZ
INSPECTOR GENERAL
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
BEFORE THE
PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Regarding investigation of
allegations of connections between CIA and
The Contras in drug trafficking to the United States
Volume I: The California Story

16 March 1998

Chairman Goss, Congressman Dicks, Congressman Dixon and members of the Committee and Congress, thank you very much for affording me the opportunity to appear before you to discuss the progress of our investigation.

When I appeared before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in open session on October 23, 1996, I reported that, at the request of then-Director of Central Intelligence John Deutch on September 3, 1996, I immediately initiated an inquiry into allegations that stemmed from a three-part series called ''Dark Alliance'' that was published in the San Jose Mercury News in August 1996. That series discussed the drug trafficking activities of several individuals who had been implicated in cocaine trafficking in California. As you know, the series also suggested that the Nicaraguan Contras--described as ''CIA�s Army''- -benefited from the drug trafficking activities of Ricky Ross, Danilo Blandon, Norwin Meneses, and others, and that these activities were responsible for the emergence of crack cocaine in South Central Los Angeles and elsewhere in America. The series also intimated that CIA may have been involved in drug trafficking--or at least had knowledge of those activities and may have given its approval for them.

On October 23, 1996, I promised Congress and the American people to have my Office ''conduct as thorough a review as possible of all available information [and] report what we find candidly and completely.'' I am pleased to be able to come before this committee today and say that we have done that.

On December 17, 1997, we published our classified Report of Investigation Volume I--called ''The California Story''--that specifically focused on CIA knowledge of, and actions taken regarding, the individuals and events that were the focus of the Mercury News series. A little over a month later--on January 29, 1998--we released this report in an unclassified version following a classification review by the Agency.

I believe those of you on the Committee who have read the classified version of Volume I and have had the opportunity to compare it with the unclassified version will agree that the information about this matter that is now publicly available does not differ in any significant way from that presented in the classified report. Our purpose is to provide the American public with the relevant facts without compromising information relating to the national security that the DCI is--by law--bound to protect.

Our report presents an exhaustive array of facts and allows me to reiterate what I said before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in 1996: ''[W]e will present the unvarnished truth as we find it and will do so to the best of our abilities.'' Today, I can say that we have done that.

We reviewed an estimated 250,000 pages of documents and used the information gleaned from these documents to conduct over 365 interviews of persons on four continents. These interviews included current and former Directors and Deputy Directors of Central Intelligence, current and former senior Agency staff personnel, secretaries, communicators, logistics personnel, operations officers, attorneys, present and former CIA assets, contractors, law enforcement personnel, former Contra leaders, convicted drug traffickers, and others.

Our investigative team went to great lengths to obtain relevant documents. We sent officers to the National Archives to review records compiled by the Office of Independent Counsel for Iran-Contra Matters. We examined CIA's own Iran-Contra records that comprised about 300 linear feet of Agency and other Executive Branch documents. We worked directly with DEA, FBI, and the Department of Justice IG to obtain relevant information from the files of those organizations. We reviewed reporting from other intelligence community agencies--including NSA and DIA--that had been shared with CIA. We contacted DoJ's National Drug Intelligence Center and DEA's El Paso Intelligence Center to seek further information. We reviewed available Congressional records, including relevant information compiled by the Kerry Committee and the intelligence oversight committees and spoke with individuals associated with the Joint Iran-Contra Investigating Committee and Office of Independent Counsel for Iran-Contra matters.

It is important to note that our investigation was not intended to prove or disprove allegations of drug trafficking by specific individuals or organizations. Rather, our 17-person team worked some eighteen months to identify:

Any information in CIA�s possession relating to Danilo Blandon, Norwin Meneses, or Ricky Ross;
Any information in CIA�s possession relating to possible drug trafficking activities by the Contras in California and elsewhere in the United States, and what action--if any--CIA may have taken upon receiving that information; and
Any contacts between CIA and law enforcement authorities regarding that information.

I believe our investigation is the most comprehensive and exhaustive ever conducted by the CIA/OIG and that the Report of Investigation reflects accurately what was found by our team. Having said that, one may ask if it is possible there is some relevant document we did not find or some relevant person we did not interview that would alter our conclusions. As for the documents, the answer to that is, ''Yes, it is possible, but I do not believe it is likely.'' As for individuals, the Report explains that six former CIA employees and a former DEA agent refused our request to be interviewed. We had no power to compel them to do so. Given the effort I have described, however, I do not believe it is likely that any significant information that would have substantially altered the conclusions of this Volume has escaped our attention.

Now let me turn to the Findings of Volume I. Before I go any further, I want to make clear that we found absolutely no evidence to indicate that CIA as an organization or its employees were involved in any conspiracy to bring drugs into the United States.

The first half of Volume I discussed CIA knowledge of the activities of Ross, Blandon and Meneses. Ross, Blandon and Meneses are convicted drug dealers. Our investigation found no information to indicate that any past or present employee of CIA, or anyone else acting on behalf of CIA, had any dealings with Ross, Blandon or Meneses, or had any knowledge of their drug trafficking activities.

Ross was a drug dealer who, by his own admission, says his sole motivation was to derive personal financial gain from the illegal trafficking of drugs. During the 1980�s, Ross was a major cocaine and crack trafficker who says he made millions in the drug trade. His activities helped to foster the crack epidemic that erupted in South Central Los Angeles. However, Ross told us that he never sold drugs for the Contras or donated any money to the Contras. CIA never had any relationship with Ross.

Likewise, Blandon and Meneses also trafficked in drugs to derive personal financial gain. While CIA had no relationship with Blandon and Meneses, our investigation did find that Blandon and Meneses were affiliated with California Contra support organizations and each made financial contributions to those groups. Blandon and Meneses each claimed to have provided between $3,000 and $40,000 worth of support to the Contras, although we found no information to substantiate these claims. Blandon claims that portions of his contributions were from the proceeds of his narcotics trafficking. Blandon states that he gave the impression when donating money that it was derived from his legitimate business activities, while Meneses claims his contributions were from the proceeds of legitimate business activities.

Our investigation found that Blandon had a personal relationship with Contra leader Eden Pastora, and that he provided Pastora with assistance in the form of rent-free housing in Costa Rica and two used vehicles for personal transportation. Much of this assistance was provided to Pastora after he left the Contra movement. Blandon also claims Pastora was not aware he was engaged in drug trafficking. Pastora confirmed this when he testified before the SSCI in November 1996.

Blandon also says he met Contra leader Enrique Bermudez on four occasions from 1981 to 1983. Blandon states that one meeting occurred in Honduras in 1982 while he and Meneses were traveling to Bolivia to conduct a drug deal. Blandon says that Bermudez told them that the Contras were having trouble raising funds and asked that he and Meneses help, stating that ''the ends justify the means.'' Blandon adds that it is his belief Bermudez did not know that he and Meneses were engaged in drug trafficking, but was aware of Meneses� alleged Nicaraguan organized crime connections. This investigation found no further information on this subject. Unfortunately, we could not obtain information from Bermudez since he was murdered in Managua in 1991.

No information has been found to indicate that CIA hindered, or otherwise intervened in, the investigation, arrest, prosecution, conviction, or sentencing of Ross, Blandon or Meneses. Additionally, Ronald J. Lister or David Scott Weekly-- who were mentioned in the media in connection with Blandon--had no relationship with CIA or its employees. Lister, a former police officer, trafficked in drugs for personal benefit and admits that people may have received the false impression that he was connected with CIA and that he may have fostered such misconceptions because it benefited his private security business. Our investigation also found no information to connect Weekly to the drug trafficking activities of Ross, Blandon, Meneses, or Lister.

The second half of our Volume I--The Northern California Story--pertains to a case in San Francisco often referred to as ''The Frogman Case.'' The case got its name when law enforcement authorities in San Francisco arrested several swimmers who had come ashore from a Colombian freighter on January 17, 1983. At the time of their arrest, the swimmers had with them some 430 pounds of cocaine. In all, some 12 arrests were made on January 17 and more followed soon thereafter--including the arrests of two Nicaraguans: Julio Zavala and Carlos Cabezas. Unlike the events relating to Ross, Blandon or Meneses, this was a case where the CIA became involved because it mistakenly thought it had an interest to protect.

CIA first learned of The Frogman Case in late July 1984-- about a year-and-a-half after Zavala�s arrest. At that time, CIA was informed that two representatives of the U.S. Attorney�s office in San Francisco--which was prosecuting Zavala--planned to attend depositions in Costa Rica from two members of Contra organizations who had provided Zavala with letters that claimed that some $36,000 that the authorities had seized from Zavala at the time of his arrest belonged to the Contras. CIA officials mistakenly identified one of the Contra members as a former CIA asset, and there was a concern that the depositions might expose a Contra support group in which CIA had an operational interest.

No information was found to indicate that the two Contra officials who wrote the letters supporting Zavala or the organizations with which they were affiliated were involved in drug trafficking. Moreover, the principal author of the letters reportedly was later expelled from the Contra group when its leadership learned he had written the letter in support of Zavala's claim and he could not satisfactorily explain the basis for his actions.

In any event, an attorney from the CIA�s Office of General Counsel met with the responsible prosecutor and possibly other representatives from the U.S. Attorney�s Office. Prior to the CIA attorney's meeting with the prosecutor, the prosecutor had discussed with one of Zavala's attorneys the possibility of returning the money to Zavala rather than expending the time and money necessary to travel to Costa Rica in connection with the depositions.

That said, accounts differ as to why the money was returned to Zavala. The AUSA who prosecuted Zavala, the U.S. Attorney at the time--Joseph Russoniello, and others involved in the prosecution state that the decision to return the money to Zavala was not based on any CIA representations, but on their own judgment as to whether it was worth the time and expense to go to Costa Rica for the depositions. However, we found a CIA cable that was written soon after the CIA attorney had met with the responsible prosecutor. The cable indicated the money was returned to Zavala at CIA�s request. Unfortunately, the CIA attorney cannot recall the facts of the case or the meeting in question.

In summary, the key points I would emphasize with regard to the Frogman Case are that:

Whatever impact the CIA attorney may have ultimately had on the decision of the U.S. Attorney's Office to return the money to Zavala, we have found no evidence to indicate the return of the money weakened the prosecution�s case against Zavala. Zavala was convicted and sent to prison.
Carlos Cabezas, who was also arrested and convicted in connection with The Frogman Case, claims he was a part of a network that sold cocaine for the Contras. We found no information to support his claim.
We found no information, as stated in the Mercury News series, to connect Meneses with The Frogman Case. Meneses says he was never part of the Zavala organization. Zavala and Cabezas confirm this assertion.

We will soon be issuing Volume II of our report. Whereas Volume I focused on drug traffickers in California, Volume II will closely examine any other linkages between CIA, drug trafficking, the Contra program, and Contra leaders and organizations.

In Volume II, we will set the background by describing what, at the time, were CIA�s legal and regulatory responsibilities, policies and guidelines governing dealings with people and organizations that were subject to drug trafficking allegations. We will also explain the intelligence collection requirements that existed at the time concerning drug trafficking.

However, the bulk of Volume II--and it is bulky, approaching 600 pages--will be devoted to a detailed treatment of what was known to CIA regarding dozens of people and a number of companies connected in some fashion to the Contra program or the Contra movement that were the subject of any sort of drug trafficking allegations. Each is closely examined in terms of their relationship with CIA, the drug trafficking activity that was alleged, the actions CIA took in response to the allegations, and the extent of information concerning the allegations that was shared with U.S. law enforcement and Congress.

As I said earlier, we have found no evidence in the course of this lengthy investigation of any conspiracy by CIA or its employees to bring drugs into the United States. However, during the Contra era, CIA worked with a variety of people to support the Contra program. These included CIA assets, pilots who ferried supplies to the Contras, as well as Contra officials and others.

Let me be frank about what we are finding. There are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity or take action to resolve the allegations. Volume II will be delivered to the Director of Central Intelligence and the intelligence oversight committees as a classified report near the end of this month. To the extent possible, we and the Agency are committed to producing an unclassified version of Volume II as well, although the time required for that effort is uncertain.

In closing, I urge the American public to read Volume I which is available on the Internet at http://www.odci.gov/cia. That Report includes a great deal of information and quotes many documents. Those who read it will then see the full weight of our effort and be in a position to judge for themselves.

https://www.fas.org/irp/congress/1998_hr/980316-ps.htm

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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2012 UPDATE ON LINKS AND WEBSITE ADDRESSES


AFTER 8 YEARS, THE LINKS IN THIS THREAD HAVE BROKEN, WEBSITES HAVE SHUT DOWN OR DISAPPEARED.  NEW INFORMATION EMERGES.

THESE ARE THE UPDATED ADDRESSES FOR 2012.

CIA Inspector General Frederick P. Hitz conducted an investigation and released the following information after a huge controversy erupted over Gary Webb’s 1996 “Dark Alliance” series:

 

·  On January 29, 1998, Hitz published Volume One of his internal investigation. This was the first of two CIA reports that eventually substantiated many of Webb's claims about cocaine smugglers, the Nicaraguan contra movement, and their ability to freely operate without the threat of law enforcement.[21]

 

·  On March 16, 1998, Hitz admitted that the CIA had maintained relationships with companies and individuals the CIA knew were involved in the drug business. Hitz told the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence that "there are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug-trafficking activity or take action to resolve the allegations."[22] Senator John Kerry reached similar conclusions a decade earlier in 1987. (See:[5])

 

·  On May 7, 1998, Rep. Maxine Waters, revealed a memorandum of understanding between the CIA and the Justice Department from 1982, which was entered into the Congressional Record. This letter had freed the CIA from legally reporting drug smuggling by CIA assets, a provision that covered the Nicaraguan Contras and the Afghan rebels.[3]

 

·  On July 23, 1998, the Justice Department released a report by its Inspector General, Michael R. Bromwich. The Bromwich report claimed that the Reagan-Bush administration was aware of cocaine traffickers in the Contra movement and did nothing to stop the criminal activity. The report also alleged a pattern of discarded leads and witnesses, sabotaged investigations, instances of the CIA working with drug traffickers, and the discouragement of DEA investigations into Contra-cocaine shipments. The CIA's refusal to share information about Contra drug trafficking with law-enforcement agencies was also documented. The Bromwich report corroborated Webb's investigation into Norwin Meneses, a Nicaraguan drug smuggler.

 

·  On October 8, 1998, CIA I.G. Hitz published Volume Two of his internal investigation. The report described how the Reagan-Bush administration had protected more than 50 Contras and other drug traffickers, and by so doing thwarted federal investigations into drug crimes. Hitz published evidence that drug trafficking and money laundering had made its way into Reagan's National Security Council where Oliver North oversaw the operations of the Contras.[4] According to the report, the Contra war took precedence over law enforcement. To that end, the internal investigation revealed that the CIA routinely withheld evidence of Contra crimes from the Justice Department, Congress and even the analytical division of the CIA itself. Further, the report confirmed Webb's claims regarding the origins and the relationship of Contra fundraising and drug trafficking. The report also included information about CIA ties to other drug traffickers not discussed in the Webb series, including Moises Nunez and Ivan Gomez. More importantly, the internal CIA report documented a cover-up of evidence which had led to false intelligence assessments.

See Hitz’s interview: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/special/hitz.html



Where to get more information

 

http://www.powderburns.org  - The website of the author. Contact Cele at powderburns013@yahoo.com or 956-345-5770

The author is available for lectures, to answer questions and as an expert court witness.  Celerino Castillo III lectures regularly on topics such as U.S. Foreign Policy, law enforcement, military, and intelligence matters. http://www.freecelecastillo.com/free-archives.html - Contra-Drug War Videos are located here.

http://mediafilter.org/MFF/DEA.35.html -Photographs and additional notes from Castillo’s career.

 

http://www.scribd.com/doc/117073689/Powderburns-2012

http://narconews.com/darkalliance/ - Gary Webb’s original Dark Alliance series.  Hosted by Bill Conroy’s Narco News site.  Bill has continued on with much of Gary Webb’s research located here: http://www.narconews.com

 

Webb, Gary (1998). Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the crack cocaine explosion. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1-888363-68-1. (Forward written by Congresswoman Maxine Waters D-CA)  Free online copy:

http://www.scribd.com/doc/98863510/The-CIA-The-Contras-And-the-Crack-Cocaine-Explosion-by-Gary-Webb-amp-Maxine-Waters

 

US Congresswoman Maxine Waters reviews the LASD, CIA, DOJ reports clearing themselves and finds that the summary of the misleading reports contradict the content in the body of the report.  Congresswoman Waters was also notified by a source on the HPSCI that a CIA Officer was found to be directly involved in drug trafficking, but that portion of the classified report was removed before release.

 

http://www.scribd.com/doc/117070568/Waters-1998-Review-of-Reports

 


The Oliver North File:  His Diaries, E-Mail, and Memos on the Kerry Report, Contras and Drugs National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 113 February 26, 2004 For further information Contact Peter Kornbluh: 202-994-7116.   From United States v. Oliver L. North, Office of the Independent Counsel (OIC) Papers, National Archives & Records Administration, College Park, Maryland.  http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB113/index.htm 

 

The Expert Witness Radio Showhttp://www.expertwitnessradio.org – Website of Retired DEA agent Mike Levine.  Levine also had similar experiences when he found that in all of his major cases, the targets of his investigations worked for the CIA.  He has posted radio shows and essays here documenting what happened when he went after the CIA assets during drug investigations.

http://www.youtube.com/user/michaellevine53/videos  Mike Levine’s youtube channel.

Mainstream Media: The Drug War Shills by Michael Levine --  October 28, 2009

http://expertwitnessradio.org/site/mainstream-media-the-drug-war-shills/

 

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/archive/gunsdrugscia.html - PBS Frontline Special on Drugs. #613 Original Air Date: May 17, 1988 Produced and Written by Andrew and Leslie Cockburn. Includes an interview with legendary Intelligence officer Tony (“Tony Poe&rdquo Poshepny.  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Poshepny

Poe admits that he was the handler for the Opium Warlord Vang Pao who made millions from the opium trade through the airline Air America.  Pao was later allowed to immigrate to the United States, and upon his death, it was suggested that he be allowed burial in Arlington National Cemetery!

 

“Freeway” Ricky Ross’ legal case sparked the “Dark Alliance” series.  Ross was released from prison on September 29, 2009.  http://www.freewayrick.com/ 

 

  "CIA are drug smugglers" Robert Bonner, DEA Administrator, - Federal Judge Bonner, head of DEA on 60 Minutes video-You don't get better proof than this  (Posted by Mike Levine ) http://www.prweb.com/releases/2011/03/prweb5135164.htm

 

http://www.thememoryhole.org/kerry/index.htm - Senate Subcommittee Report on Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy (Kerry Committee Report) - a/k/a the Kerry Report Transcripts-  hearings chaired by Senator John Kerry which found the United States Department of State had paid drug traffickers. Some of these payments were after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges or while traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies. The Kerry investigation lasted two and a half years and heard scores of witnesses; its report was released on April 13, 1989. The final report was 400 pages, with an additional 600 page appendix. The committee stated "It is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking...and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers."A Summary is located at National Security Archives:  http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB113/north06.pdf

 

The BCCI Affair  -- A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations
United States Senate
by Senator John Kerry and Senator Hank Brown, December 1992
102d Congress 2d Session Senate Print 102-140

http://www.globalsecurity.org/intell/library/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/

 

http://www.consortiumnews.com/archive/crack.html - Contra Crack Series- Complete coverage by Former Associated Press & Newsweek writer Robert Parry who originally broke the Contra Drug story a decade before Gary Webb.  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Parry

http://consortiumnews.com/2011/12/09/the-warning-in-gary-webbs-death/ December 11, 2011

http://baltimorechronicle.com/2010/121710Parry.shtml Hitler's Shadow Reaches toward Today

describes Bolivia’s cocaine coup and state sponsored drug dealing in Latin America. 17 December 2010.

Gary Webb's Enduring Legacy by Robert Parry http://www.consortiumnews.com/2007/121007.html 

How John Kerry exposed the Contra-cocaine scandal By Robert Parry Monday, Oct 25, 2004

http://www.salon.com/2004/10/25/contra/

 

http://www.counterpunch.org/ - Website of the late Alexander Cockburn and Bill St. Clair, authors of “Whiteout” Which examined links between the Central Intelligence Agency, the Nicaraguan Contras, and the Los Angeles crack trade. This book covers all original material unrelated to the Gary Webb story.

http://www.amazon.com/Whiteout-The-Cia-Drugs-Press/dp/1859841392

http://ciadrugs.homestead.com/files/    Narco Colonialism in the Twentieth Century

 

In 1986, Lieutenant Colonel James "Bo" Gritz (U.S. Army-Retired) travelled to South East Asia seeking to rescue prisoners of war held since the Vietnam War.  During his search, he met with infamous drug lord Khun Sa and filmed 40 hours of video of the drug lord explaining who his customers were.  An extensive campaign to discredit Gritz ensued and former members of his team were arrested on fabricated charges.

http://www.supremelaw.org/authors/gritz/index.htm   Transcript of Gritz’ Video “A Nation Betrayed” and a June, 1990 speech by Gritz in San Francisco.

http://www.ncoic.com/heroin-4.htm Copy of Gritz Congressional Testimony dated 30 June 1987

http://www.apfn.net/dcia/trimmer.html Letter sent by Lance Trimmer as part of a “Citizen Complaint of Wrongdoing by Federal Officers” dated September 17, 1987.  The letter mentions Scott Weekly as a member of his team.  Weekly would later turn up in Gary Webb’s Dark Alliance series.

http://www.serendipity.li/cia/gritz1.htm  Letter sent by Gritz to the President, dated 1 February 1988.

http://www.apfn.net/dcia/khun-sa.html  June 27, 1987 Letter sent by Khun Sa to DOJ offering to help end drug trafficking. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khun_Sa

http://www.apfn.net/dcia/smith.html  June 15, 1987 letter by Major (Ret) Mark A.Smith to Congressman Brian Bilbray stating that Gritz was on a government sanctioned mission.  Smith states that he reported in to HQ DIA during the three year period on Gritz’ mission and activities.   

Costa Rican Legislative Assembly Special Commission July10,1989   http://www.apfn.net/dcia/lapenca.html

 

http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0202/S00069.htm  18 February 2002, “The Ultimate New Business Cold Call” –On June 27, 1999, the AP reported that NYSE Chairman Richard Grasso visited Colombia to meet with the FARC guerillas.  Grasso tells the Associated Press he is making “cold calls” "to bring a message of cooperation from U.S. financial services" and to discuss foreign investment and the future role of U.S. businesses in Colombia. “I invite members of the FARC to visit the New York Stock Exchange so that they can get to know the market personally.” (Photo:  NYSE Chairman Richard Grasso Embracing FARC Commander Raul Reyes)  FARC is considered a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department.  http://articles.latimes.com/1999/jun/27/news/mn-50699

 

Drug money saved banks in global crisis, claims UN advisor— Sunday 13 December 2009

Drugs and crime chief says $352bn in criminal proceeds was effectively laundered by financial institutions

Drugs money worth billions of dollars kept the financial system afloat at the height of the global crisis, the United Nations' drugs and crime tsar has told the Observer. Antonio Maria Costa, head of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, said he has seen evidence that the proceeds of organised crime were "the only liquid investment capital" available to some banks on the brink of collapse last year.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/global/2009/dec/13/drug-money-banks-saved-un-cfief-claims

 

 


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #307 
2012 end of year update- website addresses-where to find information

continued)))

Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America, Updated Edition Peter Dale Scott (Author), Jonathan Marshall (Author)  279 pages  Publisher: University of California Press (April 10, 1998)

This important, explosive report forcefully argues that the "war on drugs" is largely a sham, as the U.S. government is one of the world's largest drug traffickers. The authors unearth close links between the CIA and Latin American drug networks which provide U.S. covert operations with financing, political leverage and intelligence. CIA-protected Panamanian ruler Manuel Noriega supplied drugs, pilots and banking services to Honduran and Costa Rican cocaine smugglers who were partners in Reagan's support program for Nicaragua's Contras. Together, Honduran and Costa Rican traffickers supplied one-third of the cocaine smuggled into the U.S. in the 1980s. The Bush administration showers hundreds of millions of dollars on Latin American military elites in Guatemala, Colombia, etc. to enlist them in the "war on drugs, empowering the very forces that protect drugtraffickers. The U.S. also gave covert aid to Afghan guerrillas who smuggled drugs in concert with Pakistan's military--an operation that produced half of the heroin consumed in the U.S. during the 1980s. Scott, a professor at UC-Berkeley, and San Francisco Chronicle economics editor Marshall carefully document Washington's complicity.

 

Down by the River : Drugs, Money, Murder, and Family by Charles Bowden, Simon & Schuster, October 29, 2002. 

Lionel Bruno Jordan was murdered on January 20, 1995, in an El Paso parking lot.  His brother Phil Jordan, was head of DEA’s El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC). The book documents the Jordan family’s attempts to solve the murder case and get justice for their son.   Bowden interviews several Mexican oficials who have fled the country for their lives. The Mexican government was implicated in the drug trade all the way up to the office of then-president Carlos Salinas.  Interestingly, Phil Jordan mentions a case where he intercepted a money courier working for the BCCI bank with $18.8 million dollars in cash.  Jordan states that he “received a call from a high level DOJ official” who ordered him to release the man and return his money.

 

 

National Security Archives:

 

The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations -- Documentation of Official U.S. Knowledge of Drug Trafficking and the Contras

This electronic briefing book is compiled from declassified documents obtained by the National Security Archive, including the notebooks kept by NSC aide and Iran-contra figure Oliver North, electronic mail messages written by high-ranking Reagan administration officials, memos detailing the contra war effort, and FBI and DEA reports. The documents demonstrate official knowledge of drug operations, and collaboration with and protection of known drug traffickers. Court and hearing transcripts are also included.  http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/nsaebb2.htm

 

The Iran Contra Affair 20 Years On. Convicted (and pardoned) Iran Contra veterans return to power under George W. Bush.

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/index.htm

Iran Contra 25 years on- "Memoranda on Criminal Liability of Former President Reagan and of President Bush" Show Reagan briefed before each missile shipment to Iran, Bush chaired meetings authorizing the mining of Nicaraguan harbors.

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB365/index.htm

 

Testimony of Peter Kornbluh, Senior Analyst, National Security Archive October 19, 1996 (Includes declassified documents)

“..I can and will address the central premise of the story: that the U.S. government tolerated the trafficking of narcotics into this country by individuals involved in the contra war. To summarize: there is concrete evidence that U.S. officials-- White House, NSC and CIA--not only knew about and condoned drug smuggling in and around the contra war, but in some cases collaborated with, protected, and even paid known drug smugglers” 

“..Mr. North called a press conference where he was joined by Duane Clarridge, the CIA official who ran the contra operations from 1981 through mid 1984, and the former attorney general of the United States, Edwin Meese III. Mr. North called it a "cheap political trick...to even suggest that I or anyone in the Reagan administration, in any way, shape or form, ever tolerated the trafficking of illegal substances." Mr. Clarridge claimed that it was a "moral outrage" to suggest that a Reagan Administration official "would have countenanced" drug trafficking. And Mr. Meese stated that no "Reagan administration official would have ever looked the other way at such activity."

The documentation, in which Mr. North, Mr. Clarridge and Mr. Meese all appear, suggests the opposite. Let me review it here briefly:

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/pktstmny.htm 

 

The Storm over “Dark Alliance” by Peter Kornbluh, From Columbia Journalism Review (January/February 1997)

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/storm.htm

 

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/   The President of Colombia, Alvaro Uribe was considered “One of the most important drug traffickers in the country” in 1991 Intelligence reports. Then-Senator Uribe was “Dedicated to collaboration with the Medellin cartel at high government levels.”   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%81lvaro_Uribe

 

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB37/index.html  -- Vladimiro Ilyich Montesinos Torres (born May 20, 1945) was the long-standing head of Peru's intelligence service.  He amassed a huge fortune through graft and drug and gun running in South America while on the payroll of the U.S. Government. http://ciadrugs.homestead.com/files/peru01.html

 

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB334/ Luis Posada Carrileshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Posada_Carriles

and Orlando Bosch https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orlando_Bosch resided openly in the United States despite committing multiple terrorist acts and are protected by the US government.  Posada is an assassin and drug trafficker observed by Castillo at Ilopango running the Contra operations. In 1976, 73 civillians wre blown up by the men in the only mid air bombing attack in history in the western hemisphere. Posada boasted in interviews that he masterminded a series of bombings in Havana nightclubs designed to scare tourists from Cuba’s tourism industry.  One Italian tourist was killed and 11 wounded in the 1997 bombings.  Posada was arrested and later pardoned for the 2000 assassination attempt of Fidel Castro at a university in Panama City using 33 pounds of c-4 explosives.  He has never faced charges for terrorism in the US.

 

Former CIA Asset Luis Posada Goes to Trial Peter Kornbluh January 5, 2011  

http://www.thenation.com/article/157510/former-cia-asset-luis-posada-goes-trial 

 

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB157/index.htm  The Posada File Part II

http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB153/index.htm  The Posada File I

 

Atlantic Monthly story by Ann Lousie Bardach on Posada and Bosch

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2006/11/twilight-of-the-assassins/305291/

 

A Startling Tale of U.S. Complicity July 14, 1998 by ROBERT SCHEER http://articles.latimes.com/1998/jul/14/local/me-3470

 

Our Man's in Miami. Patriot or Terrorist? April 2005 - Summary of Posada’s Career by Ann Louise Bardach

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58297-2005Apr16.html

 

Amid Cheers, Terrorists Have Landed in the U.S. -- To curry favor with Cuban Americans, Bush turns a blind eye.  September 12, 2004  -- Julia E. Sweig and Peter Kornbluh | Julia E. Sweig is senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and author of "Inside the Cuban Revolution." Peter Kornbluh is the author of "Bay of Pigs Declassified."

http://articles.latimes.com/2004/sep/12/opinion/op-sweig12

 

http://ciadrugs.homestead.com/files/alfredmccoy.html - Interview with Professor Alfred McCoy, author of The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. CIA complicity in the global drug trade    McCoy has since stated that this pattern of smuggling in SE Asia continued in Latin America and Afghanistan wars.

The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade – This is an update to the original classic. Revised in 2003.

Alfred W. McCoy, http://www.amazon.com/dp/1556524838/?tag=theasipacjo0b-20

"Can Anyone Pacify the World's Number One Narco-State? The Opium Wars in Afghanistan," The Asia-Pacific Journal, 14-4-10, April 5, 2010    http://japanfocus.org/-Alfred_W_-McCoy/3339 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_W._McCoy

Professor McCoy’s home page. http://history.wisc.edu/people/faculty/mccoy.htm 

 

Testimony of IRS investigator William C. Duncan June 21, 1991 before the committee chaired by Rep. Bill Alexander (D-Ark.) Duncan describes how the Justice Department asked him to perjure himself before a grand jury. http://www.idfiles.com/duncan.htm

Arkansas State Police officer Russell Welch testimony before the Alexander Committee. http://www.idfiles.com/rwdepo1.htm

 

Kerry: CIA Lied About Contra-Cocaine Connections Posted: 06/21/09 Updated: 05/25/11

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/05/21/kerry-cia-lied-about-cont_n_206423.html

The Senator Who Exposed The Criminal Bankers  http://www.albionmonitor.com/0411a/kerrybcci.html
1992 Congressional Report on BCCI
https://www.fas.org/irp/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/13clifford.htm

Kerry's Contra Cocaine Investigation http://www.albionmonitor.com/0411a/kerrycontracocaine.html

 

Interview with Jonathan Winer-- A lawyer and former State Department official, Jonathan Winer was a counselor to Kerry from 1983 to 1997.  He served as U.S. Deputy Ass't Secretary of State for International Narcotics Matters 1994-1999 under the Clinton Administration.  http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/choice2004/interviews/winer.html

Drug War interview of Jonathan Winer on PBS Frontline http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/special/winer.html

 

The Iran Contra Affair:

 

Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters (Walsh Report)https://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/ 

 

Walsh Investigation Outline at U.S. Archives   http://www.archives.gov/research/investigations/walsh.html

 

Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair (S. Rep. No. 216, H.R. Rep. No. 433, 100th Cong., 1st Sess.). United States Government Printing Office, via Google Books. November 11, 1987.

 

Summary of the Walsh Report  https://www.nytimes.com/books/97/06/29/reviews/iran-transcript.html

 

News Media Cover-up

 

FAIR covers the media cover-up of the Contra-Crack Controversy  http://www.fair.org/issues-news/contra-crack.html

 

Professor Peter Dale Scott addresses the Media cover-up  http://www.copi.com/articles/darker.html

 

American Drug War: The Last White Hope is a 2007 documentary by writer/ director Kevin Booth about the War on Drugs in the United States. Includes interviews with former law enforcement officials.  The full two hour film is here:   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6CyuBuT_7I4 

Read the wiki here:  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Drug_War:_The_Last_White_Hope

 

Freeway Ricky Ross - complete episode on BET Channel’s “American Gangster “ series: (6/6/2009)

http://watchamericangangster.com/american-gangster-season-1-episode-2-freeway-ricky-ross/

 

Robert Knight and Dennis Bernstein articles on drugs and the Iran-Contra affair.

http://intelligent-designs.biz/wbai/Earthwatch/www/crackwatch.html#pubs

http://www.albionmonitor.com/9612a/ciacontra.html

 

In June 6, 2007 email, titled "RE: Humint - Afghanistan - Karzai (Strictly Protect - Confidential," Stratfor vice president of intelligence Fred Burton wrote: The brother of President Karzai of Afghanistan is under investigation by DEA as a major narcotics trafficker. For political reasons, DEA has been told to backoff [sic] by the White House and CIA. DEA is seeing a direct nexus between terrorism and narcotics in Afghanistan with narcotics sales being used to fund jihadist operations

 

2011 hack of  2007 Stratfor email: “CIA and White House told DEA to back off investigation” of Ahmed Wali Karzai, brother of the President, Hamid Karzai. AWK was named as a major trafficker and on US payroll since 2001.

http://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/5522439_re-humint-afghanistan-karzai-strictly-protect-confidential-.html

http://www.businessinsider.com/hacked-stratfor-emails-dea-told-to-back-off-from-the-brother-of-afghan-president-hamid-karzai-2012-9#ixzz26t3ZkYiE

 

Brother of Afghan Leader Said to Be Paid by C.I.A.

https://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/28/world/asia/28intel.html?pagewanted=all&_moc.semityn.www&_r=0

 

19 October 2009 Classified Embassy Cable: Afghan Vice-President Ahmad Zia Masood was stopped by DEA with $52 million he was ultimately allowed to keep without revealing the money's origin or destination

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/02/wikileaks-elite-afghans-millions-cash

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/230265

 

Photos of U.S. and Afghan Troops Patrolling Poppy Fields June 2012

https://publicintelligence.net/us-afghan-patrolling-poppy-fields-2012/

 

Afghan opium production 'rises by 61%' compared with 2010

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-15254788

 

2012 Afghanistan’s Opium Production on the Rise

“We are back in the situation we had in 2007-08,” UNODC country representative Jean-Luc Lemahieu told the paper. “The Taliban definitely get income from opium cultivation … but the lion’s share of the income still disappears here, into the hands of the big patrons of this country.”

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/afghanistan-pakistan/opium-brides/afghanistans-opium-production-on-the-rise/

 

Opium farming in Afghanistan rising again, bleak UN report admits   

Emma Graham-Harrison in Kabul The Guardian, Tuesday 17 April 2012

In 2011, the farm-gate value of opium production more than doubled from the previous year to $1.4bn (£880m) and now accounts for 15% of the economy, Reuters news agency reported.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/apr/17/opium-poppy-farming-afghanistan-rising

 

2012 United Nations Opium Report

“…the government lacks the political will to clamp down on a crop worth hundreds of millions of dollars a year”, the United Nations' leading drug control official in Afghanistan said.  The bleak figures were laid out in an annual risk assessment PDF, which has previously been announced with a press release but this year was uploaded to a UN website with no publicity. http://www.unodc.org/documents/crop-monitoring/Afghanistan/ORAS_report_2012.pdf

 


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #308 
2012 year end summary--where to find information

Continued))))

Former British Ambassador to Uzbekistan (August 2002 to October 2004) Craig Murray says UK and USA sent prisoners to Uzbekistan to be tortured.  Murray says that the Taliban sympathizers only account for 10% of drug exports from Afghanistan, whereas Karzai’s people account for well over 50%. See this recent speech by Murray at the 7:20 mark:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0MQoG5wfx5g&feature=player_embedded

 

Britain is protecting the biggest heroin crop of all time  By Craig Murray on August 27, 2007

My knowledge of all this comes from my time as British Ambassador in Uzbekistan. I ... watched the Jeeps ... bringing the heroin through from Afghanistan, en route to Europe. I watched the tankers of chemicals roaring into Afghanistan.

The four largest players in the heroin business are all senior members of the Afghan government – the government that our soldiers are fighting and dying to protect.

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-469983/Britain-protecting-biggest-heroin-crop-time.html

 

Craig Murray article archive

http://www.thetruthseeker.co.uk/?author=122

 

CIA pays many in Karzai administration: report

http://www.reuters.com/article/2010/08/27/us-afghanistan-usa-cia-idUSTRE67Q0YG20100827

 

Anti-Drug Unit of C.I.A. Sent Ton of Cocaine to U.S. in 1990  By TIM WEINER

Published: November 20, 1993

A Central Intelligence Agency anti-drug program in Venezuela shipped a ton of nearly pure cocaine to the United States in 1990, Government officials said today.

http://www.nytimes.com/1993/11/20/world/anti-drug-unit-of-cia-sent-ton-of-cocaine-to-us-in-1990.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm

Retired DEA agent Mike Levine spoke with former colleagues and found that the amount was “27 tons minimum”

 

Mexican Diplomat Says America Pretty Much Invited The Sinaloa Drug Cartel Across The Border

Michael Kelley | Oct. 1, 2012, 4:31 PM 

http://www.businessinsider.com/stratfor-the-us-works-with-cartels-2012-9

 

Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department Investigation into Contra involvement in drug trafficking.

December, 1996 LASD summary of the 3,600-page report  http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cia-drugs/files/

http://www.scribd.com/doc/111254696/Los-Angeles-County-Sheriff’s-Department-Investigation

 

Where the Mob Keeps Its Money  By ROBERTO SAVIANO Published: August 25, 2012

THE global financial crisis has been a blessing for organized crime. A series of recent scandals have exposed the connection between some of the biggest global banks and the seamy underworld of mobsters, smugglers, drug traffickers and arms dealers. American banks have profited from money laundering by Latin American drug cartels….Many of the illicit transactions preceded the 2008 crisis, but continuing turmoil in the banking industry created an opening for organized crime groups, enabling them to enrich themselves and grow in strength. In 2009, Antonio Maria Costa, an Italian economist who then led the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, told the British newspaper The Observer that “in many instances, the money from drugs was the only liquid investment capital” available to some banks at the height of the crisis. “Interbank loans were funded by money that originated from the drugs trade and other illegal activities,” he said. “There were signs that some banks were rescued that way.” The United Nations estimated that $1.6 trillion was laundered globally in 2009, of which about $580 billion was related to drug trafficking and other forms of organized crime.

https://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/26/opinion/sunday/where-the-mob-keeps-its-money.html?_r=0

 

The U.S. War for Drugs and of Terror in Colombia    by Dan Kovalik

02/16/2012 

The book quotes the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP) which concludes that, today, "the biggest heroin and cocaine trading institutions in the world are the militaries of Burma, Pakistan, Mexico, Peru and Colombia - 'all armed and trained by U.S. military intelligence in the name of anti-drug efforts.'" In the case of Colombia, while the U.S., to justify its massive counterinsurgency program, vilifies the FARC guerillas as "narco-terrorists," this title is more befitting of the Colombian state and its paramilitary allies.

Indeed, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, who had been both the darling of the Bush and Obama Administrations, had himself been ranked by the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency as number "82 on a list of 104 'more important narco-traffickers contracted by the Colombian narcotics cartels . . . ."

As the book explains, the U.S.'s own Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) has concluded that the "FARC involvement in the drug trade mainly involves the taxation of coca, which does not involve cocaine manufacturing, trafficking, and transshipment." As the UNDCP explains, some FARC fronts are not involved in even the taxation of coca, and still others "'actually tell the farmers not to grow coca.'" In terms of the actual trafficking in drugs, it is the friends of the U.S. who are largely responsible for this. Thus, as the book notes, quoting the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, while there is "no evidence of FARC involvement in drug trafficking," there is indeed "extensive drug smuggling to the United States by 'right-wing paramilitary groups in collaboration with wealthy drug barons, the [U.S.-funded] armed forces, key financial figures and senior bureaucrats." And yet, the U.S. war in Colombia is focused upon destroying the FARC, and, to the extent it is aimed at the manual eradication of coca crops, this eradication takes place almost solely in areas under FARC control, leaving the big-time drug traffickers alone.  http://monthlyreview.org/press/books/pb2518/

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dan-kovalik/us-war-colombia-drugs_b_1279321.html?ref=books&ir=Books

 

Western banks 'reaping billions from Colombian cocaine trade'  By Ed Vulliamy The Observer, Saturday 2 June 2012

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/02/western-banks-colombian-cocaine-trade

 Iran Contra docs

http://www.pinknoiz.com/covert/irancontra.html


The Case of Richard Horn DEA in Burma

 

Ex-DEA Agent Wins 16-Year Legal Battle | Main Justice 31 Mar 2010 ... Ex-DEA Agent Wins 16-Year Legal Battle ... A federal judge in the District of Columbia endorsed a $3 million settlement with Richard A. Horn

http://www.mainjustice.com/2010/03/31/ex-dea-agent-wins-16-year-legal-battle-with-government

 

Former DEA Agent Reaches Tentative Settlement in CIA Case 1 Oct 2009 ... Former DEA Agent Reaches Tentative Settlement in CIA Case ... The lawsuit, brought by Richard A. Horn, accused the CIA of illegally bugging ...

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/01/AR2009100103373.html

 

Bugged coffee table used by CIA against State Department and DEA employees

http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2009/11/coffee-table-suit/

http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2009/09/classified-material/

 

Former DEA agent's lawsuit exposes CIA "fraud" Posted by Bill Conroy - July 26, 2009 at 3:16 pm
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2009/07/former-dea-agents-lawsuit-exposes-cia-fraud

DEA Agent’s Whistleblower Case Exposes the “War on Drugs” as a “War of Pretense”

Agent’s Sealed Legal Case Dismissed on National Security Grounds; Details Leaked to Narco News

By Bill Conroy Special to The Narco News Bulletin September 7, 2004
http://www.narconews.com/Issue34/article1063.html

 



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #309 
2012 year end updated links
Continued)))


CIA Internal Investigation

 

"When CIA Inspector General Fred P. Hitz testified before the House Intelligence Committee in March 1998, he admitted a secret government interagency agreement. `Let me be frank about what we are finding,' Hitz said. `There are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity.'

"The lawmakers fidgeted uneasily. `Did any of these allegations involved trafficking in the United States?' asked Congressman Norman Dicks of Washington. `Yes,' Hitz answered. Dicks flushed."

"And what, Hitz was asked, had been the CIA's legal responsibility when it learned of this? That issue, Hitz replied haltingly, had `a rather odd history...the period of 1982 to 1995 was one in which there was no official requirement to report on allegations of drug trafficking with respect to non-employees of the agency, and they were defined to include agents, assets, non-staff employees.' There had been a secret agreement to that effect `hammered out between the CIA and U.S. Attorney General William French Smith in 1982,' he testified."

 

Hitz concluded his testimony by stating “This is the grist for more work, if anyone wants to do it.”

 

 

Overview: Report of Investigation

https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/overview-of-report-of-investigation-2.html

 

Report of Investigation -- Volume I: (96-0143-IG) The California Story, Office of Inspector General

Allegations of Connections Between CIA and The Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States
https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/report/index.html

 

Report of Investigation -- Volume II: (96-0143-IG)  The Contra Story, Office of Inspector General

Allegations of Connections Between CIA and The Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States (1)
https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/contra-story/contents.html

 

Findings- Describes what crimes they were required to report (Obviously not drugs) and the history of the MOU (only half of the 600+ pages in the report were released)

https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/contra-story/findings.html#top

 

Hitz, Frederick P. "Obscuring Propriety: The CIA and Drugs." International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 12, no. 4 (Winter 1999): 448-462.

 

 


DOJ INVESTIGATION

 

Statement of Michael R. Bromwich, Inspector General.  U.S. Department of Justice before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence concerning The Office of the Inspector General report entitled The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department’s Investigations and Prosecutions May 25, 1999 .  407-page report was completed in December 1997.

http://www.justice.gov/oig/testimony/9905a.htm

 

USDOJ/OIG Special Report THE CIA-CONTRA-CRACK COCAINE CONTROVERSY:
A REVIEW OF THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT’S INVESTIGATIONS AND PROSECUTIONS (December, 1997)

http://www.justice.gov/oig/special/9712/index.htm





CIA’S BIN LADEN CT UNIT RUN BY CARTEL HITMAN SUSPECTED IN 7 MURDERS

Journalist Evan Wright discovers ties between drug cartels and CIA outsourcing of assassinations and intelligence to private contractors.  When Wright interviewed a drug trafficker named Jon Roberts, he disclosed participation in a murder with a hitman who would later join the CIA and rise to the top level of the agency.  Meyer Lansky’s stepson Richard Schwartz was killed on October 12, 1977, allegedly by the man who would eventually run the unit hunting for terrorist Osama Bin Laden. Ric Prado joined the CIA in 1982. By the time of the 9/11 attacks, he was the chief of counterterrorist operations with the rank of SIS-2.  He would later leave the CIA to become a Vice-President at Blackwater from 2004 to 2008.  The evidence against Ric Prado was so compelling that one investigator from the case described him as “technically, a serial killer.”  Mike Fisten, a former Miami-Dade detective who served on the federal task force stated “The CIA fought us tooth and nail, and basically told us to go fuck ourselves.”   Evan Wright interviewed more than a dozen law enforcement officials for this story.  He was told “You can’t indict people like Prado. It doesn’t work that way.”

The Terrifying Background of the Man Who Ran a CIA Assassination Unit

By Conor Friedersdorf  (July27, 2012)

A federal investigation alleged Enrique Prado's involvement in seven murders, yet he was in charge when America outsourced covert killing to a private company.

http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/07/the-terrifying-background-of-the-man-who-ran-a-cia-assassination-unit/259856/

 

Did a CIA Agent Work for the Mob?

Thursday, June 28, 2012, 1:57am (PDT) By Evan Wright

http://powerwall.msnbc.msn.com/politics/did-a-cia-agent-work-for-the-mob-1721447.story

How to Get Away with Murder in America









Retired CIA Officer Robert D. Steele appeared with Celerino Castillo III in Kevin Booth’s 2007 film American Drug War: The Last White Hope along with several other notable law enforcement agents and political figures.  Steele went on to review Dark Alliance and validated the Contra drug allegations.  His comments go even further as he alleges that intelligence agencies employed a “eugenics” policy towards low income blacks, considering them “expendable”.    “It is safe to say that all US Senators know the truth and have chosen to betray their Oaths of Office and their responsibility under Article 1 of the Constitution…. We the People are considered expendable by those who do this.”

The full Two hour film is here:  

 



CIA Case Officer from Central American Era Validates This Book, June 9, 2007

By Robert D. Steele

This review is from: Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion 

I am probably the only reviewer who was a clandestine case officer (three back to back tours), who participated in the Central American follies as both a field officer and a desk officer at CIA HQS, who is also very broadly read.

With great sadness, I must conclude that this book is truthful, accurate, and explosive.

 Website of Robert D.Steele:  http://www.phibetaiota.net/                 

robert.david.steele.vivas@gmail.com

Source:   http://www.amazon.com/review/REVFM3PIMTIUN








__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #310 

I FOUND THIS ON CRAIG MURRAY'S SITE:

THE ORIGINAL STATE SPONSORED DRUG TRAFFIC….
AFRICAN AMERICANS WERE NOT THE FIRST VICTIMS OF STATE SPONSORED DRUG DEALING, JUST THE LATEST.  THE OPIUM WARS ARE WELL DOCUMENTED AND ARE PART OF THE REASON BRITISH EMPIRE GOT A HOLD OF TERRITORIES SUCH AS HONG KONG.  NARCO COLONIALISM CONTINUES ON.  IF ANYONE ELSE HAS GOOD ARTICLES ON THE OPIUM WARS, PLEASE POST THEM HERE:

1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opium_Wars
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Opium_War
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Opium_War



2
This war with China . . . really seems to me so wicked as to be a national sin of the greatest possible magnitude, and it distresses me very deeply. Cannot any thing be done by petition or otherwise to awaken men's minds to the dreadful guilt we are incurring? I really do not remember, in any history, of a war undertaken with such combined injustice and baseness. Ordinary wars of conquest are to me far less wicked, than to go to war in order to maintain smuggling, and that smuggling consisting in the introduction of a demoralizing drug, which the government of China wishes to keep out, and which we, for the lucre of gain, want to introduce by force; and in this quarrel are going to burn and slay in the pride of our supposed superiority. — Thomas Arnold to W. W. Hull, March 18, 1840

http://www.victorianweb.org/history/empire/opiumwars/opiumwars1.html




3

http://www.sacu.org/opium.html
http://www.sacu.org/opium2.html



**************************

4
Article on opium trade in 1920s Shanghai
http://streetsofshanghai.pbworks.com/w/page/18638691/Opium
**********************
5

'Opium financed British rule in India'


http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7460682.stm


***********************
UNODC Afghanistan Opium Survey November 2012

November 24, 2012 in United Nations

Afghanistan Opium Survey 2012

  • 28 pages
  • November 2012

Despite the eradication of opium poppy by Governor-led Eradication (GLE) having increased by 154% in comparison to its 2011 level (9,672 hectares eradicated in 2012), the total area under opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan was estimated at 154,000 hectares (125,000 – 189,000) in 2012.

While that represents a 18% increase in cultivation, potential opium production was estimated at 3,700 tons (2,800 – 4,200 tons) in 2012, a 36% decrease from the previous year. This was due to a decrease in opium yield caused by a combination of a disease of the opium poppy and adverse weather conditions, particularly in the Eastern, Western and Southern regions of the country.

The high level of opium prices reported in 2011 was one of the principal factors that led to the increase in opium poppy cultivation in 2012. However, while opium prices remained high during 2012 there was some decline in all regions of the country, though differences between regions became more and more pronounced.

The vast majority (95%) of total cultivation took place in nine provinces in Afghanistan’s Southern and Western regions,6 which include the most insecure provinces in the country. Opium cultivation increased in most of the main opium poppy-growing provinces, including Farah, Nangarhar, Badghis and Nimroz, whereas cultivation remained stable in Uruzgan and decreased by 11% in Kandahar, the second most important poppycultivating province between 2009 and 2011.

Opium cultivation rose by 19% in Hilmand which, with 75,176 hectares or 49% of total opium cultivation in 2012, remained the largest opium-cultivating province in Afghanistan. However, a separate estimate was also available for the Hilmand “Food Zone” alternative livelihood project 8 , which showed that relatively less poppy is cultivated within the food zone than outside it.

Opium cultivation also increased in the Eastern region where it rose significantly in Kunar (121%), Kapisa (60%) and Laghman (41%) provinces. However, the Eastern region contributed only 4% to the national total of opium production in 2012. In the Northern region, opium cultivation increased by 10% in Baghlan province despite the eradication of 252 hectares in 2012.





__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #311 
http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0712/79224.html


HSBC’s misdeeds require prosecution, not a settlement

 

The DOJ is reportedly negotiating a deferred prosecution agreement, the author writes. | AP Photo

After reading the Senate Permanent Investigations Subcommittee report, I am convinced that HSBC should be criminally prosecuted. So should its responsible officers and board members.

The report and follow-up hearings have shown that the bank has knowingly violated many criminal laws. Individuals convicted of similar violations are now in jail — with sentences of up to 40 years. The only case that comes close to matching the range of crimes that HSBC committed is the Bank of Credit and Commerce International — the “bank of crooks and criminals,” which I investigated back in the late 1980s. It was closed and its leadership was prosecuted. HSBC deserves the same treatment.

 

The Justice Department is now reportedly negotiating a deferred prosecution agreement with the bank. HSBC might have to pay a $1 billion fine, according to some news reports and promise not to violate the law again.

For HSBC, given the size of its profits, the length of time over which it broke the law and the seriousness of the offenses, a billion-dollar settlement is like a parking ticket. One 20th of one year’s profits as a fine for 10 years of flagrant criminal behavior makes no sense.

The bankers who went along with the crimes should also be charged. They were clear in their directions to underlings — get a 15 percent return on equity and disregard the law if you have to. They fired compliance officers who tried to do their job. They fired employees who raised questions and who complained about lack of resources.

The corporate leadership must be charged — if only to protect the integrity of the compliance function. If compliance officers can be fired with impunity for doing their jobs, why have them?

Regulators and prosecutors have ignored the problem of mistreated compliance officers in past cases. Martin Woods, the Wachovia Bank compliance officer in London, was fired for bringing bulk money laundering for the Mexican cartels to management’s attention. When they failed to listen, he spoke to regulators.

No one at Wachovia was even reprimanded for firing him. HSBC must have been encouraged by that Wachovia outcome.

The list of HSBC crimes and violations includes:

• Bulk money laundering for the Mexican drug cartels;

 

• Selling traveler’s checks in bulk to Russian gangsters to help them launder money;

• Helping the governments of Iran, North Korea, Myanmar and others evade U.S. and U.N. sanctions;

• Offering customers products to help them evade taxes in the United States and in other countries;

• Offering banking services to “bearer share corporations,” in violation of U.S., European and Financial Action Task Force know-your-customer rules and recommendations;

• Firing compliance officers who have a statutory duty to report to the board when they believe there are problems to address.

In addition, HSBC is under investigation for rigging the Libor rate along with Barclays and other major banks.

Congress included a provision in the laws against money laundering that requires the government to revoke the banking license of firms that violate the law. Prosecutors have, in the past, danced away from prosecution because the Justice and Treasury departments have thought that law too draconian. Banks now expect that, no matter how bad their behavior, paying a fine and promising to be good will cover any misdeed.

We now have a long list of banks that have entered into deferred prosecution agreements. These clearly don’t provide the necessary deterrence. The stock market has clearly recognized their limited value. As the Senate hearing began, the HSBC share price rose on the London market. It was responding to the possibility of a deferred prosecution agreement.

In addition, there is the outrageous issue of the Treasury revolving door. HSBC hired Stuart Levey as a group managing director and chief legal officer. He had been Treasury undersecretary for terrorism and financial intelligence. He was a senior official at the Justice Department just before this. Though there was a one-year gap between his leaving Treasury and his HSBC start date, the investigation was already under way when he was at Treasury. Levey should be barred from meeting with or discussing the case with anyone in the administration.

Americans have been asking why there have been virtually no prosecutions of banks or bankers in the wake of the financial crisis. We have all heard complaints about the difficulty of making the case and identifying responsible individuals. Here is a case that cries out for real prosecutorial action.

Jack Blum, a lawyer who specializes on issues of money laundering and financial crime, spent 14 years as a Senate investigator with the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He played a central role in the 1970s Lockheed Aircraft bribery investigation, which led to the passage of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the investigation of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International. He is now chairman of Tax Justice Network USA.


**************






Another Embarrassment for Washington's Drug Warriors

The Sweet Deal With ‘El Narco’

by PAUL IMISON

Mexico City

The plea filed in a US federal court by Mexican drug-trafficker Jesus Vicente Zambada-Niebla – one of the top members of the Sinaloa Cartel – that he was protected by the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in exchange for information on the organization’s rivals should come as no surprise, even if it threatens to be another embarrassment for Washington’s “drug warriors”.

Zambada, who was extradited to the US in 2010 and is currently awaiting trial in Chicago, says a deal was made as far back as 1998 by which the Sinaloa Cartel was given carte-blanche to traffic drugs, and its bosses – including Mexico’s biggest drug lord, Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman – granted immunity from prosecution. Zambada was arrested by Mexican authorities hours after he alleges a sneaky meeting took place between him, the cartel’s attorney and DEA agents in Mexico City in 2009.

Zambada also claims that the DEA tipped off cartel leaders about anti-narcotics operations so they could evade arrest and suggests that “Operation Fast and Furious” – whereby the US government illegally smuggled weapons to Mexico in a failed “sting operation” – was designed to arm the Sinaloa Cartel and its allies.

 http://www.counterpunch.org/2011/09/07/the-sweet-deal-with-%E2%80%98el-narco%E2%80%99/


click the link to read the full article....


*****************



off topic.....

Fri Jul 31, 2009 at 05:01 AM PDT

Bombshell: Bin Laden worked for US till 9/11



http://www.dailykos.com/story/2009/07/31/760117/-Bombshell-Bin-Laden-worked-for-US-till-9-11


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Great article on Robert Baer, mentions some of the scandals.....

The Education of Bob Baer

Unlearning the CIA

by CHRISTOPHER KETCHAM

When I first met ex-CIA officer Bob Baer in Washington DC, I thought, The guy looks nothing like George Clooney.  But Clooney, who won an Academy Award playing Baer in the film Syriana, had in fact captured something about the posture, the pathos, the weariness of a CIA man who spends too many years getting filthy in the field – in the peculiar mire of the Middle East, no less – risking his life and being ignored for it. Clooney in the film cycles among the suits at Langley, the cubicled bureaucracy, looking somewhat like the only sane man in a mental ward.  

So it was with Bob Baer in DC – unfamiliar ground, “a city of crazies,” he said.   He was heading back home, out west, to the little mountain village of Silverton, and when I met him there a few months later, he took me on the big tour.   Silverton is a mining outpost turned tourist stop, but it still resonates with the dissident manners of men who dig silver out of the ground looking for paydirt and don’t like the authorities interfering.  The town is accessed by high passes where tractor trailers regularly fall off the cliffs in winter, and it has only one paved road, Main Street, and it has a church with upside-down crosses.  Several residents – so Baer assured me – are licensed to own fully-automatic machineguns.  “It’s to shoot at the black helicopters,” he laughed but didn’t seem to be joking.  The locals tell me the place has a tendency to welcome “people who messed up in some other life and come here to be nobody.”   I think Bob Baer came here partly because the CIA claimed he messed up.  Maybe he did.  Depends on who you talk to in this business, which is as it should be among professional liars.

Because maybe it was the Agency that messed up – this seems to be a CIA habit, the kind of habit that fails to see Al Qaeda on the horizon, that gets the country mired in Iraq, that makes you wonder, as a tax-paying citizen, whether the agency in its current incarnation has a reason for being other than to squander your money.  It’s something the citizens in Silverton might grouse about.        

Robert Baer dedicated 21 years to the storied Central Intelligence Agency, beginning in 1976, at age 22.   He was a believer.  He trained to blow things up – the tradition of covert action from which the CIA was born – and, more important, to make sure Americans didn’t get blown up.  He trained to listen, watch, take notes.   He dove into the cities of the Middle East, learning the spy game, learning to deceive and trick and be someone else, perfecting his Arabic, growing out his black beard, tanning his skin.  The Middle East was his crucible and eventually his obsession.   He became so good he passed as native, wandering Beirut in the 1980s during the civil war that ravaged Lebanon, wearing a headband that announced, in the calligraphy of the Qu’ran, We Crave Martyrdom.  “These fucking Americans are everywhere,” he’d tell his cabbies, looking to flush out martyrs.  “We should blow up their embassy!”   As early as 1983, he was chronicling the threat of Islamist terrorist networks in memos that he says few of the people who mattered in Langley or the Oval Office bothered to read.  His work would win him the CIA’s Career Intelligence Medal; Seymour Hersh, the dean of intelligence reporters in Washington DC and a personal friend, once called him the “best field operative the CIA had in the Middle East.”  The accolade from his higher-ups felt like cruel irony when years later the Islamists he warned about smashed into American shores.  

When he left the Agency in 1998, he hunkered down and wrote about his time as a spy.  His first two books – a memoir, See No Evil, and an expose, Sleeping with the Devil, about the demented US relationship with the Saudis – netted him a deal with Hollywood.  But what Syriana as film could not capture – because, after all, it’s a Hollywood operation and dedicated, like the CIA, to a good cover story, one that sells, keeps us watching without really understanding – is that the CIA isn’t very good at doing what it’s supposed to do, which is not to assassinate or to blow things up or to mount ill-conceived coups, but to know.  The agency Baer labored for and loved has been credited in its lowest hours with so much foolery, atrocity, waste and deception, so much that is subterranean and unaccountable, and meanwhile it’s supposed to know what the rest of us can’t know, to get a grip on the secrets of the world, to be accountable in the final sense of providing what’s called “intelligence” – not stupidity.     

So Baer had come to Silverton to get away from stupidity.   He suggested we go hiking into the mountains.  The day was warm and the sun high and the creeks full of melt.  When I walked to meet him at his old refurbished miner’s shack off Main Street, across from the church with the upside-down crosses, his wife Dayna, an ex-CIA counterterrorism officer, was on the carpet with their newly adopted 13-month-old Pakistani orphan girl, Khyber, who smiled and smiled.  “The Taliban judge in the adoption court didn’t trust two Americans wandering around the country looking for an orphan,” said Baer.  “But the US embassy was worse.”  He held Khyber’s little hand and kissed her foot and gave his impish smile.  “I’m not sure whether she’s the daughter of a suicide bomber or a Taliban warrior we killed,” he said.  Turned out neither was true.  Then we went hiking. 

***

The Central Intelligence Agency, established in 1947 under the National Security Act, was conceived by men who had learned the art of secret warfare in the Office of Strategic Services during World War II.  The OSS was a commando outfit, designed for covert action – assassination of Nazis, bombing of bridges – but the CIA was supposed to be something better, more subtle, more complex.  It would engage in covert action when the need arose, but preferably it would hang like fog over the countries it targeted, quiet and amorphous, floating in and out.  In the wake of WWII, intelligence gathering was the stated goal, not brute intervention, certainly not murder.  This was emphasized in the charter and the legislation that established the CIA, but the language of the law didn’t matter much.      

The agency was, and remains, divided into two main branches.  Foremost is the Directorate of Operations, the DO, which fields officers on the ground, trained in disappearing under cover, gathering information, and, in the extreme case, willing and able to engage in covert action, to fix elections, topple governments, arrange unfortunate deaths.  The DO is better known as the clandestine services – it is the CIA imagined in movies, alternately garlanded and smoke-screened but always romanticized.  By contrast, the Directorate of Intelligence, the DI, is staffed with intellectuals – the PhDs, the scientists, the psychiatrists, sociologists, the geeks – who analyze the information the DO officers are supposed bring in.  From the start there was conflict between the two directorates: one the home of mavericks, operators, the men who got dirty, the other the ivory tower of the thinkers who filtered the raw data to make it palatable for consumption by politicians.  In many ways, it’s a false dichotomy: the two directorates have worked hand in hand making bad decisions, but each habitually blames the other.  

Bob Baer, from his own account, was an operations guy by nature.  He grew up in the Colorado high country dreaming of a life as a competitive downhill skier.  He liked to run sheer slopes where a bad decision meant you died wrapped in pines or tossed off cliffs or lost in a crevasse.  The ambition stalled with his rotten performance at school – “Straight Fs, with a few worse grades,” as he recalls it, because he spent too much time on the slopes.  His mother, heiress to a sizable fortune from Bob’s grandfather, had a reasonable answer.  She took him to Europe for a kind of quack Henry James education at age 15, the schooling of a nascent CIA field man.   Bob and his mom traversed Europe for several years – his father, who “wasn’t good for anything,” had abandoned the family – and by 1968, they were in Paris when the city was burning and students were rioting.   He soon learned French, then German when his mother bought a Land Rover and headed east, aimed improbably for Moscow.  The Rover was an old piece of junk, “like riding a John Deere tractor.”  When they limped out of Prague, Soviet tanks passed them on the road, dispatched to crush the Prague Spring.   They made it Moscow, then Helsinki, then home to the states, where Baer was sent by his mother to a military school.  The discipline somehow took, and he was accepted into Georgetown University, graduating with a degree in international relations and, on a lark, he passed the Foreign Service exam. A year later, crashed out on a friend’s couch in Berkeley, with no job prospects and not much ambition for anything but the life of a ski bum, he applied, again on a lark, to the CIA.  He imagined a sinecure in the Alps, where he might spy on European governments between runs in the powder.  

Instead, Baer was dumped into the bowels of New Delhi to scope out Soviet influence in India.  He was now a Cold Warrior.  When he arrived to the house provided as cover, he was greeted by seven servants lined up under “a huge banyan tree and a pergola of jasmine that arched over the entire length of the driveway.” No snow, but this wasn’t so bad for a 25-year-old starting his first real job.

***

In 1976, the same year that Baer, bright-eyed and enamored, joined the Agency, a clandestine services veteran named John Stockwell, chief in the CIA’s disastrous Angola venture in the 1970s, prepared a series of investigative memoirs very much along the lines of the books Baer would write a quarter-century later.  What Stockwell had seen as an operative in Africa and across the Third World was a CIA that was purely interventionist – not gathering intelligence, but brutally machinating, vicious, a secret weapon of US presidents and White House policymakers to battle the Soviets for world control.   CIA paramilitary operations through proxy forces – the funding of mercenaries, terrorists, saboteurs – were, reported Stockwell, “all illegal,” their goal to “disrupt the normal functioning, often the democratic functioning, of other societies” (a blinding flash of the obvious for readers today).  For Stockwell, who would quit the CIA in 1976 to whistleblow before Congress, this “rais[ed] serious questions about the moral responsibility of the United States in the international society of nations.”  Secrecy in pursuit of the mercurial thing called “national security,” he wrote, had given license to amorality that issued from the highest rungs of government:  “The major function of secrecy in Washington is to keep the U.S. people and U.S. Congress from knowing what the nation’s leaders are doing,” he wrote.  “Secrecy is power. Secrecy covers up mistakes. Secrecy covers up corruption.”  And in the CIA, he concluded, “a profound, arrogant, moral corruption set in.”  Ex-CIA analyst Chalmers Johnson came to a similar conclusion: “Every president since Truman, once he discovered that he had a totally secret, financially unaccountable private army at his personal disposal found its deployment irresistible.”

By the mid-1970s, however, the veil was torn wide.  Congress under the direction of Sen. Frank Church in 1975-76 issued a devastating series of reports on the criminality of the agency.  The CIA had sponsored coups and fixed elections in Greece, Italy, Burma, Indonesia and dozens of other nations.  It had smuggled Nazi war criminals out of Germany to fight communism in Eastern Europe; it worked arm in arm with narcotics traffickers in Asia, Europe, the Middle East (and always seemed to leave behind a thriving drug nexus wherever it intervened); it supplied security forces worldwide with torture equipment, torture manuals, torture training.  In Vietnam, its massive Saigon Station oversaw the kidnapping and killing of tens of thousands of suspected Vietcong, many of them innocents, doing a good job of turning the peasant population against the US.  The rot came out almost daily as the Church Committee dug it up.  By the late 1970s, the CIA had planned or carried out the assassination of leaders in more than a dozen countries; CIA jokers called this “suicide involuntarily administered,” courtesy of the Agency’s “Health Alteration Committee.”  The agency’s work disrupting governments was often in service of corporations with close ties to Congress and the White House and whose business interests were threatened by anything that smelled of socialism.  The agency had been busy too on the homefront, in violation of domestic law, overseeing mind control programs in which unwitting Americans were poisoned with drugs, experimented upon, effectively tortured; opening the mail of US citizens; surveilling the political activity of Americans; infiltrating the media with disinformation; lying habitually to elected officials. The CIA appeared in this light as a threat to the republic itself.

Not much of this perturbed young Bob Baer, who was finishing his senior year at Georgetown as the Church revelations splashed across the front pages of the Washington Post and New York Times.  “I was left with the impression,” he wrote in his memoir, “that behind the dirt there must be some deep, dark, impenetrable mystery – a forbidden knowledge.”  Sojourning with his mother across Europe had given him a “romantic view of the world,” and the CIA, he said, “seemed for a moment like romance itself.”

***

Historians will argue the point, but in the wake of the Church hearings a kind of reform fell over the agency, certainly a scaling back of covert action that heralded the end of what nostalgics might call the heroic age of free-wheeling interventionism – though the reform didn’t last.  Baer matured as a field officer under the new dispensation, tasked to do what the CIA claimed it now wanted from the clandestine services: Not to disrupt or destabilize or assassinate – presidential directive 12333, issued in 1981, explicitly prohibited CIA assassinations – but to listen, speak the language, gather sources, stay quiet with an ear to the ground, know your host country, the critical issues, the people and players, learn the streets of the city where you’re posted, disappear into the fabric of the society.  Learn to move like fog.  Any case officer will tell you this is a lot harder than it sounds.  CIA officers who worked with Baer tell me he excelled at it wherever he went, in Beirut in the 1980s, in the disaster of Iraq post-Gulf War I, in Khartoum tracking terrorists, in Tajikistan as station chief, in Sarajevo during the Yugoslav wars, in Paris working cocktail parties.     

Tradecraft was the key.  You learned to dodge surveillance and to run surveillance.  You learned how to tap phones and to make sure you weren’t tapped.  You learned about the enemy’s weapons, battle plans, the latest technologies.  You devoured books, a CIA man devoting himself as a regional scholar.  You learned to use the toys of the trade, weird poisons like “Who, Me?”, which makes the victim smell literally like shit for days, the stench seeping from his pores.  You used standard-issue James Bond items like microdots, photographic negatives reduced to the size of a period on a page, and you learned stegonography, the art of caching data inside photographs.  You learned disguises.  Baer thought highly of the Diamond-Tooth Disguise – a false diamond incisor in your smile-line and “the only thing people remember about you is that diamond.”   You learned covers for action and covers for status, the latter being the big picture explanation for why you’re in-country.  Most often your cover for status is that you work in some capacity for the US embassy, a day job shuffling paper (Baer, like all CIA case officers, is constrained by lifetime contract with the CIA from revealing his status covers over the years).

The real work is after dark, when the embassy shuts down.  Then you hit the streets, the bars, the alleys, the dingy hotel rooms where you debrief your “agents,” the locals you’ve turncoated to work betraying their own government, stealing secrets.   Covers for action were the life or death of a mission, the determinant whether you’d head home for the night or get caught on a capital crime for spying.  The Laundry Cover came in handy.  If you’re running around a city late at night, make sure you know where the nearest 24 hour laundromat is, make sure you have the dirty laundry with you – it has to be really dirty – and “make sure you’re dirty too.”  Babies in a stroller are good cover.   Dogs late at night are good cover for dead-drops, because you can look to the dog as an excuse for your wandering.  “You can also hide messages,” says Baer, “in the dog poop.” 

The Mom Cover was one of Baer’s inventions.  “I’ve taken my mom as cover to the diciest places,” he tells me.  “I took her to the Garm Valley in 1992, in Tajikistan, which had just been overrun by Bin Laden extremists.”  Baer’s purpose as chief of station in Tajikistan was to find out how and where the factions were operating.  “We had an old Niva sedan with stolen Afghan diplomat plates and got stopped by twelve gunmen, fighting the civil war, who were filthy and cut up and hadn’t washed in weeks.   My mother said, ‘Oh hello, how are you?  I’m his mother.  And where are you from?’  Some of the gunmen spoke English.  They finally gave us tea.” 

So here was Baer among Jordanian princes, rogue oil traders in Iraq.  Here he was in 1993 stealing a kilo of cocaine from the airplane of Morocco’s King Hasan, simply to prove that one of our allies in the Middle East was a drug runner (“I wanted to rub Washington’s nose in it.&rdquo.  In Sarajevo he posed as an arms dealer, in Iraq he was an assassin, in Paris a pimp.  Once he was stalked by wolves on the Silk Road.  In Tajikistan, he spent his off-time cultivating his counterparts in the KGB, parachuting with them drunk on vodka or racing around in their tanks for a goof (headquarters reprimanded him for his initiative).  In the Tajik capital of Dushanbe, he found himself in the middle of an Islamic uprising, holed up in a hotel room with a cache of Stinger missiles, while people were shot in the town square and a man with a bull-horn screamed, “THERE ARE SPIES AMONG US.”  

Then there was Beirut in the 1980s, where Baer would fully understand the stakes intelligence work presented, the answers it could unfold.  Beirut was a tragic experience for the United States in the Middle East, eclipsed only by the disaster of the Iraq occupation 20 years later.  It began with the car bombing of the American embassy in April 1983, which killed 63 Americans, including six CIA officers.  Six months later, 241 US soldiers died in a car-bombing of the Marine barracks.  Then, in the spring of 1984, the beloved head of the CIA station in Beirut, William Francis Buckley, was kidnapped by elements of Hezbollah, and by 1985, Buckley in captivity was dead from pneumonia.  Never before had the CIA suffered so many losses in such short order.

No one knew who was behind the car bombings, least of all the CIA.  Solving the mystery became an obsession for Baer, and he set out on a four-year odyssey in the Beirut Station to get the answer.   Working Beirut was dangerous.  The place was shelled and rocketed daily, infested with snipers, divided into fiefdoms controlled by Druz militiamen, Hezbollah, Fatah terrorists.  Baer operated among them all. “Bob knew Beirut better than anyone I met there,” said former CIA officer John Maguire, now retired, who spied with him at the Beirut station for several years in the 1980s.  “He worked both sides of the Green Line, east Beirut, and west Beirut, the southern suburbs, and the Biqa valley.  He was a recruiter, and he worked alone, did it 24-7, with no fanfare, no back up.”  Baer finally concluded, in 1987, that the Islamist regime of Iran, employing local Fatah proxies, was the key player behind the embassy bombing and the Buckley kidnapping.  The revelations, said Baer, didn’t register at headquarters.  “It was old history by then.  They just didn’t care.  It was my first realization of the historical amnesia at the agency,” he says now.  

Baer claims he would go on to produce no small supply of intelligence in the Middle East and Central Asia.  He recruited an asset inside Hezbollah, which had never before been done.  He says he prevented a terrorist attack on the USS New Jersey, which was to be rocketed off the coast of Lebanon.  In the 1980s, he began plumbing the network of Islamists known as the Muslim Brotherhood, whose members would later link into Al Qaeda.  “I told headquarters, ‘Hey guys we gotta do something about the Brotherhood, they’re up to no good,’” Baer told me. “I went to Germany, found a Brotherhood source, but no one in DC was interested and they let the guy disappear.”  The source, Baer claims, was a member of the same cell that Mohammed Atta would join in Hamburg years later in preparation for the attacks of 9/11.   

The point, he told me again and again, is that the higher-ups at the CIA who reported to the White House did not seem to value real intelligence, the slow organic process of gathering information in bits and understanding it.   Presidents serve for four years; they want results today, they want intelligence that serves the political agenda that ensures re-election.  CIA director George Tenet in the run-up to the Iraq war provided just this kind of intelligence.  The Iraqi WMDs were a “slam-dunk,” said Tenet, and his pronouncement fit with the chief justification for a war the Bush Administration had predetermined.  But the WMDs were an illusion, and meanwhile there were dissenters on the ground in the CIA who said as much and were ignored.   

One day when I asked Baer to list his achievements as a spy, he offered up a litany of serious work.  “I also fixed the coffee machine on the 6th floor and fucked George Tenet’s wife,” he joked. 

***

Historical amnesia might seem a habit of every American administration since the founding of the national security state in 1947, but it stands out as a world-historic problem in the post-9/11 environment.  The attacks from Iran’s proxies in Beirut – the bombings of American military and intelligence sites, the kidnapping of Buckley – arguably presented a classic case of history coming back to haunt the CIA in the form of “blowback.”   Ex-CIA analyst Chalmers Johnson has made a career writing about blowback, the CIA’s term of art for when interventionism results in long-term negative consequences for US national security.  Johnson in his three books on the topic – his first was subtitled The Costs and Consequences of American Empire – makes a compelling universal argument for blowback as systemic in US foreign policy post-World War II.   

In hindsight, Iranian blowback against the US should have been expected, as easy to understand as the law of gravity.  In 1953, the CIA helped to topple the democratically-elected president of Iran, a socialist named Mohammed Mossadegh who threatened to nationalize British oil interests.  The agency installed the tyrannical Shah, who was friendly to oil corporations while instituting a reign of terror that begat the Islamic Revolution of 1979 – the same Islamists who stormed the US embassy to take 53 American hostages and spark the hostage crisis that would unravel the presidency of Jimmy Carter, the same Islamists who now aggressed against the US in Beirut, where the US also happened to be intervening.  During this period, the CIA was providing arms to another group of Islamist revolutionaries in Afghanistan, who were fighting off a Soviet invasion.   The past in Afghanistan was prologue: Our Islamist allies there would coalesce into Al Qaeda to provide a particularly nasty example of blowback on September 11, 2001.

***

How Bob Baer came to his unhappy end at the CIA after 21 years of service, reduced overnight to the status of pariah and forced to quit, is a matter of dispute.   By 1995 he was head of CIA operations in northern Iraq, based in Kurdish-held Salah-Al-Din, tasked with organizing opposition to the regime of Saddam Hussein.  It was his first foray into covert action, and it would be his last.  In early 1995, his sources inside the Iraqi army were talking about a coup attempt, the toppling of Saddam and the installing of a military junta friendly to the US.  This seemed to accord with Baer’s mission.  For months he had been directing Kurdish forces, with CIA support, to attack Saddam’s army outposts in the north.  The attacks resulted in the deaths of thousands of Iraqi soldiers. (When I asked Baer if he had ever committed assassinations for the agency, he said, “Nope, sorry to disappoint, but I ordered the deaths of over 2,000 Iraqis in paramilitary operations.   Does that make me an assassin or a mass murderer?&rdquo 

Washington said he had overstepped his authority in supporting the coup planners.  Baer claimed that the Clinton Administration had in fact given the go-ahead, then balked at the last minute.  Baer’s feeling was that the administration didn’t know what it wanted, was too “politically correct,” and that he was the scapegoat for its indecision.  The coup, when it finally unfolded, was crushed unceremoniously, the rebel generals killed.    

What then happened strained Baer’s imagination.  He was recalled to headquarters, investigated by the FBI, his passports confiscated, and he was charged – absurdly, it seemed, given the CIA’s history of screw-ups that went unpunished – with attempted murder for conspiring to assassinate a foreign leader.  Baer claimed he was only following orders.  After a six month inquiry, he was exonerated of the charge.  The ironies abound.  Baer had excelled in intelligence, not intervention, and his only attempt at covert action would backfire to ruin his career.  He was permanently desk-jobbed, hating the air-conditioned bureaucracy of Washington, knowing he’d never get posted again in the field where he thrived.   At the very moment when his career in the agency should have taken a turn for the better, he quit.  

Now he surveyed the landscape of his life, and it was not pretty.  He was broke, priced out of the bubble-economy real estate in DC, and, accustomed to living in hellholes and on the edge, he felt like a stranger in his own country.  His family was in shambles after years of neglect.  His marriage, he said, was loveless, sexless – he had long been escaping it purposely in assignments overseas.  He was a pariah to his three children, an absentee father.   “There’s this whole bullshit that they’ll come back to you in the end,” he says today.  “But that’s, well, bullshit.  My kids basically lie to me about everything.  Their grades.  Their lives.”  He soon got divorced, and re-married to a colleague, a CIA agent named Dayna Williamson, who he met while posted working the war in Sarajevo.   Dayna was a social worker in Orange County before she joined the agency, became a “shooter” in the CIA’s Office of Security, trained to kill with a pistol, trained in “target acquisition” in crowds using a quick-draw purse with a false bottom where she kept a Glock.  She once worked protecting the queen of Jordan during public appearances.  Orphaned from the agency, Bob and Dayna tried freelance intelligence consulting in Beirut, old and familiar territory.  One of the first offers Baer got was to commit an assassination.  That wasn’t an option. 

Instead, he would study Latin and Greek, would become a scholar.  He read Aristotle, Herodotus, Polybius, Tacitus in the original tongue.  He thought about writing books, something about his saga with the CIA.  The idea made sense.  It might even earn him money.  Baer worked for two years to complete “See No Evil,” and, when the book hit stores in early 2002, pegged to the 9/11 attacks, it was a best-seller.  Its argument was commonsensical and certainly held no news: The CIA had forgotten that intelligence depended on human beings in the field, what’s called in the parlance “humint.”  Computers crunching data, the satellites snapping photos from miles in the sky – these wouldn’t save us.  The failure to trust the perils of humint, argued Baer, helped allow 9/11 to happen.  He dedicated the book to his kids: “I hope this goes a little way,” he wrote, “in explaining where I was for all those years.” 

Baer liked the discipline of writing; it played to his strengths as a spy.  He could accomplish it alone, with no oversight, cultivating sources, listening on his own terms, unconstrained by the bureaucracy.  A number of ex-CIA case officers I spoke to said Baer’s memoir rang true: The CIA did not value its people in the dirt.  Ex-CIA deep cover agent Ishmael Jones, who last year published a pseudonymous memoir, “The Human Factor,” about his disillusioning years at the CIA, told me: “Baer’s achievements in books show that he is very talented and intelligent.  Imagine what he could have done for our national security in a functioning clandestine service.”  This is perhaps the greatest irony: Baer needed to leave the agency to fully thrive.  Working for the CIA was “a little boy’s adventure,” Baer told me.  “But you don’t mature.  You don’t grow up.” 

***

When Hollywood came calling after the success of “See No Evil” and Syriana went into production in 2004, Baer snagged a cameo role, playing an FBI agent.  He had one line, demanding George Clooney give up his “passports” – in the plural – and he kept flubbing it.  There are a lot of ex-CIA officers who tell me they’ve laughed at the Syriana version of the CIA, among them Bob Baer. 

What Syriana offers, beyond its obvious portrait of the symbiosis of big oil and aggressive foreign policy, is a clean conspiracist choreography of agency men.  The CIA dances without fail to the tune of oil corporation executives and DC lobbyists and lawyers who, in undisclosed channels as ethereal as ESP, order the agency to assassinate a Middle Eastern emir the oil corporations don’t like.  This preposterous clockwork CIA world is run, like most CIA conspiracies on film, with no snags, no accidents, no bureaucratic in-fighting, no paperwork, no stupidity or incompetence or laziness, and certainly nothing of the tiresome and tragically boring real world interregnums where officers like Baer sweat in those hotel rooms in Beirut debriefing sources, slowly making connections, piecing the puzzle or not piecing it at all.  Real intelligence work doesn’t make for good movies. 

In this regard, Syriana is a remarkably dated vision that aligns nicely with the agency of the 1950s and 1960s that swooped around the planet toppling governments during the golden age of covert action, back when the CIA was deadly effective and not the clipped-wing thing it is today.  One could argue that Syriana is in fact a kind of backhanded propaganda, as deafeningly simplistic as a James Bond film.  “The objection I have with Baer’s work is that the entertainment angle unintentionally shows the CIA as an efficient organization,” says Ishmael Jones, who spent 15 years in deep cover with the agency.  “Syriana may seem a negative portrayal of the CIA – as an organization of assassins seeking to advance American oil company interests – but it also presents the CIA as all-knowing, determined, tough and hard-working.  The CIA, as a living creature, would prefer this portrayal to that of being devoted only to its own feeding and growth, avoiding rigorous work and foreign duty.”  When I asked Baer about his fellow officer’s assessment, he shot back in an e-mail: “He’s right.”

The real story that Syriana missed is that the CIA today has more employees, more hangers-on in the bureaucracy, more private contractors, a fatter budget than ever, and it still can’t seem to effectively deploy field agents for the fundamental purpose of human intelligence.   In the long wake of 9/11, the agency, flush with money, engaged in vast new hiring, and the CIA now boasts over 20,000 employees, equal to the size of an army division.  Most serve in the Directorate of Intelligence, the geek squad; less than 2,000 work in the clandestine services at the Directorate of Operations.   But even the operations people are mostly staying home.  According to Ishmael Jones, some 90 percent of CIA employees live and work in the comfort of the US, unaccustomed to drinking ditchwater and sleeping on cots; during the Cold War, perhaps 45 percent lived stateside.  The physical evidence of the domesticity is all around Washington DC, in the form of huge new building construction for CIA offices.   

“Before 9/11, the CIA was bureaucratic and sloppy, but after 9/11 it got viciously more so,” Jones wrote me recently in an e-mail describing how the bloat functions.  “Instead of just calling someone and setting a meeting, as you do so often in your work as a journalist,” he told me, “the CIA will form committees to discuss how to contact someone and spend months on it.  Then instead of calling the guy on the phone, they’ll do something wildly expensive – create a convention in Rome at a fancy hotel, prepare events and speakers, and then invite the guy to the convention.  Or they buy the bank where he does business. Real estate is big, so maybe they’ll buy the house next door to the guy.  These programs never seem to work because the conditions never seem to be just right for meeting the person.  But meeting the man isn’t the goal,” Jones told me.  “Making everyone look busy and making money disappear is.” 

The agency is gripped in the privatization frenzy now commonplace in the US intelligence services, where officers are more interested in the revolving doors of the Beltway than, pace the Hollywood delusions of Syriana, whacking emirs halfway across the globe.   The intelligence-industrial complex is worth as much as $50 billion a year, with private sector contracts outsourced to ex-CIA officers who offer their services to the agency at thrice what the average CIA staffer makes (and with far less effectiveness, according to sources like Jones, than even the wasteful staffers).  This is a change unprecedented in the history of the agency.  “You never saw a private contractor inside CIA in my time and no one talked about getting a contract when they left,” Baer tells me.  “People retired and disappeared.  It was like Cincinnatus.  They went back to their farms.  Look at George Tenet.  He retires, makes millions of dollars on his book, and now he has multiple contracts consulting with the CIA.  When he wrote his book, the CIA gave him researchers and an office – a classified office at Langley – so he could have the CIA do his fact-checking for him.”  Ishmael Jones tells me that some $3 billion since 9/11 has been “wasted, lost or stolen” by ex-CIA officers working as contractors doing “support work,” running training programs, conducting “research,” writing “analysis.”  Private companies fleecing the US government is an American tradition, more starkly in the last decade than ever before, but the difference, notes Jones, “is that CIA contractors have no oversight, no accountability.”

The new hiring, the bigger budgets, the growth in contracting is clearly predicated on the ostensible concerns of national security.  All this effort is meant to defeat the noun called “terror” and find Bin Laden, who has taken up the useful spot on the horizon where Communism once loomed as the threat.  Bob Baer profited from the Bin Laden threat industry with his first book.  “There’s money, careers, whole reputations dependent on the Bin Laden threat.  But the threat has come and gone,” says Baer.  “We fucked that one up.”

Meanwhile, there is the Baghdad Station, where the investment is supposed to matter.  John Maguire, who worked with Baer in Beirut, recently came back from Baghdad, now the largest CIA clandestine operation since Saigon during the Vietnam War.  “Few if any case officers know their way around the city, rarely venture out, certainly not alone, and most can get lost.  ‘Too dangerous,’ they say.  When they do go out,” Maguire tells me, “it’s with personal body guards, drivers, armored cars, automatic weapons, and a profile from a Mad Max movie.”   So much for moving like fog.  Instead, there is the iron fist, the Abu Ghraibs and the CIA “black sites,” the super-secret gulags, where the agency has resurrected its criminal habit of torturing “sources.” Torture, as Bob Baer will tell you, has never produced a useful piece of intelligence and never will.  Torture does, however, produce a lot of pissed-off people who end up hating the United States when they might have been allies.  In other words, a good set-up for more blowback. 

***

One day last autumn, when I went to visit Baer in Silverton before the big snows hit and the roads would be closed for days, we walked in the mountains and talked about what a really effective CIA might have achieved.  It might have found Bin Laden (Baer thinks he’s dead, his videos that pop up the work of an Al Qaeda master in PhotoShop).  Might have gotten inside the Muslim Brotherhood that helped produce Bin Laden’s troops.   Might have been honest about the mirage of Saddam’s WMDs.   “The CIA supplied weapons to the mujahideen in Afghanistan for ten years and beat the Soviet army,” he said.  “Yet the agency hadn’t secured one single source inside Afghanistan who could tell us about Al Qaeda.” 

We talked about his latest book, “The Devil We Know,” an intelligence analysis of Iran that suggests everything in the popular discourse in the US about Iran is wrong.  It’s the sort of intelligence that likely would have been ignored if published inside the agency.  The US, offers Baer, should engage with Iran, a great power in the Middle East, the heir of the Persia of antiquity that is invested in a historical memory the American spy apparatus can’t be bothered to understand.  The US should come to a détente with Iran’s rulers, recognizing them not as madmen intent on destruction but as players in the world of realpolitik – not so very different in their intent than the United States.  Iran, says Baer, has abandoned its penchant for funding terrorism against the US.  Altogether this is a big-hearted argument, almost heroic, given the carnage visited on the CIA by the mullahs during Baer’s years in Beirut, the friends killed by Iran, the chaos spread by Iran.  The book in that sense is a peace offering in spite of the awful past – a recognition of historical memory and an attempt at an answer to it.

Almost nothing in what he suggests in the Iran book accords with the conventional wisdom in DC.  Iran must submit, goes the wisdom, or else suffer our bombs.  Iran, after all, is supposed to be the next big threat.  Baer’s dissenting voice is small in the scrum of interests in Washington.  That’s why he’s in Silverton.  He suggests the CIA transfer its headquarters to the mountains, to live in the hard cold winter and get a grip on reality, lose some fat.  I get the impression he no longer believes in US power as currently configured.  Perhaps he has come full circle from traveling the world with his mom.  He tells me he might run for county sheriff and that his first official act is that he will “no longer enforce federal laws.”  He tells me, “We’re a country of isolationists. We don’t do empires.  So we come home.  Build the perfect electric car, give away solar panels, retool the assholes on Wall Street to build public transportation.”  He’s got his new daughter Khyber to take care of, and his wife Dayna.  He has a new pair of skis.  As we walked into the mountains, snow started falling.  The peaks would soon be covered, and the valley.  Baer could go skiing. 

CHRISTOPHER KETCHAM, a freelance writer in Brooklyn, NY, is writing a book about secessionist groups in the US.  You can write him at cketcham99@mindspring.com or see more of his work at christopherketcham.com.


http://www.counterpunch.org/2009/10/23/unlearning-the-cia/


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #313 

excellent article explains the reality of the drug war and conflicts between intelligence gathering and law enforcement,,...


http://www.counterpunch.org/2010/03/04/of-course-narcs-are-crooked/


Douglas Valentine's History of the DEA

Of Course Narcs Are Crooked …

by RON JACOBS

We’ve all seen a television show or a movie about an undercover narcotics cop who become crooked.  He loses the trust of his colleagues, then his family.  Soon, the only contacts he has are with the world of drug dealers that he originally set out to destroy.  Now picture this scenario of the criminal cop on a worldwide scale and condoned by various governments and their agencies, including that of the United States.  Let’s go a step further and understand that not only are these governments condoning these rogue activities, they consider them valuable to their national security.  So, they allow drug dealers to bring huge amounts of heroin and cocaine into the country while at the same time others on the government payroll are arresting drug dealers not favored by US intelligence.

The scenario described above is but one aspect of the so-called war on drugs waged by the United States government. The "war" as it is being fought is, like all wars, much different than originally advertised.  Even if there were pure motives ascribed to this war at its inceptions, those motives have long since disintegrated into an abyss of duplicity, denial, and atrocity.  Like its progeny the global war on terror, the US war on drugs is a war that its antagonists never want to end since its termination would mean an end to their profit and status.  Indeed, an end to the war on drugs would mean an end to the very agencies designed to fight it and the billions of dollars those agencies take from the taxpayers every year.  Also like the global war on terror, the war on drugs is against an enemy that does not exist in terms of sovereignty persons, but as a phenomenon impossible to defeat.   Therefore, it is an endless pursuit.  In addition, it is a pursuit where the individual actors are often on both sides of the battle: where a drug dealer is also an informer and where a terrorist is also a CIA plant.  To top it all off, these two wars on phantasms are interlinked.  From the poppy fields and heroin labs of Afghanistan and Pakistan to the coca fields and cocaine labs of Colombia (with many other places in between), the funding of terror and insurgent groups and the funding of forces fighting them is connected to the international drug trade.

The web of individuals, criminal groups, and other organizations involved in the international drug trade is multidimensional and complex.  This is also the case with the individuals and agencies enlisted by the US government to fight that trade.  The federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) are among those who have attempted to catalog the elements involved in the drug trade.  Author Douglas Valentine (The Phoenix Program) is one of the few that have attempted to catalog and describe the web woven by the government agencies supposedly fighting that trade.  In so doing, he has described a system riddled with corruption and criminality.  Sometimes this is the work of individuals enlisted by the agencies; sometimes it is the result of interagency turf battles; and sometimes it is agency policy.

Valentine’s first book on the subject is titled The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America’s War on Drugs.  This book told the history of Henry Anslinger’s Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) in all of its corrupt detail and racist assumptions.  The stories between the book’s covers have enough fodder for a dozen Hollywood movies or a multitude of crime novels.  His latest on the subject, The Strength of the Pack: The People, Politics and Espionage Intrigues that Shaped the DEA, covers the period beginning with the dissolution of the FBN, the short tenure of the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD), and the creation and continued existence of the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA).  It is a voluminous work with more characters than the proverbial Russian novel.  Impeccably researched and documented, The Strength of the Pack details the cowboy attitudes of BNDD and DEA agents and the criminal acts with which they were often involved.  It is the story of a bureaucracy constantly at odds with itself and with other agencies, especially the CIA.  The conflict with the CIA was directly tied to that agency’s use of drug running enterprises in its counterintelligence endeavors.  It is the author’s contention that this conflict was a product of the CIA’s pursuit of its anticommunist agenda no matter what the cost.  This contention is supported by the facts presented.  There are mafia drug dealers let go and murderers employed by the CIA left to continue their criminal pursuits–all because of the role they played in Washington’s war against the Soviet Union.

The US war on drugs begun by Richard Nixon preceded the war on terror by almost twenty years.  The destruction of the Bill of Rights Americans currently accept as fact began then.  No Knock warrantless searches, torture of suspects, and the assassination of foreign individuals became accepted practice under the DEA.  Indeed, some of these became law.  Like the war on terror, the war on drugs preys on the fear of the unknown.  Likewise, it presents the use of force as the most effective means to fight the war, despite decades of evidence proving that this is not the case.  Also, like the war on terror, the war on drugs has created a bureaucracy and a subsidiary industry in the private sector that exists only to perpetuate itself.  This is arguably a primary reason why marijuana remains illegal in the United States–because too many people on the supposedly right side of the law make a living from its illegality.

Valentine seeks the truth in his books.  In doing so, he uncovers a lot of ugliness regarding the men and women who say they are protecting us.  For some readers, his revelations about the  US-run assassination program in Vietnam called the Phoenix program or his detailing of the corruption and criminality of those hired by the US government to keep heroin and cocaine away from America’s youth might be too much.  This in itself is reason enough to read his books.  The facade of morality that the DEA hides behind should be torn away if this country is to ever have a sane and humane drug policy.  Just as importantly, that facade needs to be destroyed if it is ever to have a sane and humane foreign policy.

As Valentine’s books make perfectly clear, there is more than a bit of venality behind almost every bureaucrat and political appointee presented to the populace in any given year.  Donald Rumsfeld or Hilary Clinton, Robert McNamara or William Colby, the men and women that run the United States are, after all, human.  Some would argue that they define humanity’s baser elements.

RON JACOBS is author of The Way the Wind Blew: a history of the Weather Underground, which is just republished by Verso. Jacobs’ essay on Big Bill Broonzy is featured in CounterPunch’s collection on music, art and sex, Serpents in the Garden. His first novel, Short Order Frame Up, is published by Mainstay Press. He can be reached at: rjacobs3625@charter.net 

 

************
excellent article by Peter Dale scott.....

Obama and Afghanistan: America’s Drug-Corrupted War





__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,553
Reply with quote  #314 
Maynard. As always you post some great material.
Any interest in cataloging how many movies that are made portraying the CIA  as good guys
or how man television programs are created showing the CIA  as good guys
especially after the CIA  has been portrayed as the bad guys in the news?
The same applies for the FBI.

Professor Cecil might help you using his students,eh?

 
 
             
 
 
 
 
 
The Janklow FBI files
argusleader.com
Gov. Bill Janklow uses a bullhorn to direct cleanup in Spencer after the 1998 tornado. / Argus Leader file photo

Excerpts from FBI files on Bill Janklow

“Max A. Gors, Chief Assistant Attorney General of South Dakota (retired Circuit Judge) advised he has been well acquainted with Mr. Janklow for the past four years. He stated Mr. Janklow is an outstanding attorney and legal expert on Indian jurisdictional matters. Mr. Gors advised Mr. Janklow’s morals, character and associates are above reproach. He stated Mr. Janklow is a loyal American whom he would recommend highly for a position of trust and confidence with the government.”

When the FBI redacts information it must note on the page where the information is absent what exemptions in the Freedom of Information Act it uses as justification to withold information. Two exemptions that taken together allow information to be withheld that would constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy are almost uniformly cited for all the names and information redacted from the Janklow files.
In its file on the potential anthrax threat Janklow received in 2001, the FBI withheld a name using an exemption that allows it to protect a confidential source.

Excerpts from FBI Files on Bill Janklow

March 10, 1975, summary report on background investigation:
“The files of the South Dakota Department of Public Safety, Pierre, South Dakota,
indicated that between June 25, 1968, and March 21, 1973, (Janklow) was charged

with speeding on 10 occasions, for which he was fined. The amount of the fines is not indicated. In one instance, Mr. Janklow was placed on a one-year driving probation.”

Letter from FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley to the White House:
“Richard F. Kneip, the Governor of the State of South Dakota, and five other state
officials, were interviewed and furnished favorable comments concerning Mr. Janklow’s character, loyalty, reputation and associates. He was described as a highly competent
and responsible individual whom they would recommend for a position of trust and confidence with the government.”
“This completes the investigation of Mr. Janklow.”

About the FBI

The nearly 36,000 FBI agents and professional staff nationwide investigate criminal activity related to terrorism, spying, cyberspace, public corruption, civil rights violations, organized crime, white collar crime — largely fraud — and violence and major thefts. The results of criminal investigations are presented to the appropriate U.S. Attorney or the Department of Justice, according to the FBI website.
Limited information from FBI central records also can be requested by other federal agencies, the administration, congressional committees, the federal judiciary, and some foreign police and intelligence agencies. Identification and criminal history information can legally be disclosed to federal, state and local law enforcement and criminal justice agencies.
Private citizens can request any criminal history the FBI has compiled on them.
The FBI’s intelligence activities are overseen by the Director of National Intelligence.

Bill Janklow arguably is the most influential and important politician in South Dakota history, but you don’t get a true sense of that by looking at his FBI file.

Over 34 years, the FBI created 10 files on the former attorney general, governor and congressman, ranging from an investigation of a rape allegation against him in 1967 to an incident in 2001 when a prison inmate sent him and three other officials envelopes containing a household cleaner purported to be anthrax.

But instead of offering deep insight into the life, times and character of one of South Dakota’s most fascinating and consequential leaders, the files reveal more about the FBI’s penchant for indiscriminately compiling information, much of it hearsay, without making any effort to verify it, analyze it or draw conclusions from it.

“There is just not enough there, and it is not definitive,” Matt Cecil, an associate professor of journalism and mass communication at South Dakota State University said of Janklow’s file.

Cecil has studied the relationship between journalists and the FBI in the era of its iconic leader, J. Edgar Hoover. Cecil is teaching a graduate level class this summer in which the Janklow files are a major resource.

“It’s interesting. It’s fun to read and to look at. But if you’re looking for the answer to some big question, it’s not there,” Cecil said of the FBI records on Janklow.

Cecil said he thinks he might be the first person to peruse Janklow’s files, and he added that he also has requested any information the FBI compiled on former Sen. Jim Abdnor, who died in May. Like Janklow, Abdnor was a dominant political figure in South Dakota.

“Somebody in South Dakota should be collecting these things,” Cecil said of the files.

The Argus Leader submitted a Freedom of Information Act request for Janklow’s files about the same time Cecil did in an effort to gain historical perspective on Janklow, a forceful but controversial figure whose vision for South Dakota in many ways shaped the contemporary state.

People can request and receive FBI files of people who have died. Janklow died in January.

Cecil’s interest in the FBI, its procedures and files goes back to his master’s degree thesis on a 1939 robbery of an Elkton bank.

“I got 5,000 pages of stuff from the FBI on that one bank robbery,” he said. Since then, “it sounds ghoulish, but every time someone passes, if it is a person of significance who might likely have been of interest to the FBI, I order their files.”

Ford administration used files in 1975

While material related to Janklow from the late 1970s to 2001 in great measure recounts FBI efforts to identify phone and letter threats against him when he was governor, the largest collection of documents, by far, in the files were used to write a report to the White House in 1975, when Janklow was South Dakota’s attorney general.

Janklow would have known about this, since the FBI investigated him at the administration’s request when President Ford wanted to nominate Janklow as a director of the National Legal Services Corp. Typically, such background checks start with the candidate, according to William Carter, an FBI spokesman in Washington.

“Usually the candidate fills out a form,” Carter said. “Based on the information provided, a background investigation is conducted to verify the information.”

Agents from the Washington, Minneapolis, St. Louis, Baltimore, Boston, Omaha, Denver, San Francisco, Albuquerque, N.M., and Chicago offices assisted in the 1970s Janklow inquiry.

In contrast to its criminal investigations, the FBI does not draw conclusions from background checks, Carter said.

“We gather facts and present those to the White House, which can make the determination of the suitability of the person.”

Janklow papers offer insight

The real “gold mine” of documents for attempting to understand Janklow, his actions and legacy might be the collection which only recently became available for public review. Janklow papers from his four terms as governor from 1979-87 and 1995-2003 were donated to the University of South Dakota last year and became accessible July 1.

They comprise 355 boxes of documents. In addition, 75 boxes of political papers and more than 1,000 media items, such as video cassettes, still are being curated and eventually will be available to the public.

“It’s a very extensive collection,” said Dan Daily, interim dean of libraries at USD. “The records are vital to really looking at the history of South Dakota in the last quarter of the 20th century. In terms of complexity and political richness, they are at the top of the scale.”

Janklow’s son, Russell Janklow, said: “My dad was very proud of his accomplishments” but viewed his legacy within the context of his administrative team. You’re only as good as the moving parts. My dad’s legacy was the legacy of his administration, bright, hard-working people who cared a lot about South Dakota."

Where Cecil said the FBI files lack “life,” Daily promises that Janklow’s papers definitely promote an understanding of his leadership and how it evolved.

“Like any human being, he was complex,” Daily said. “If you look at how his leadership developed over 25 years, it developed and changed, and the papers will bear that out.”

In contrast, about all that can be inferred from the FBI files is Janklow matured into a well-regarded lawyer with a fiery personality some considered brash after he left the Marine Corps and enrolled at the University of South Dakota. One thing that never changed was his penchant for aggressive, illegal driving. The FBI noted as early as 1975 that Janklow was receiving numerous traffic citations, and it was a stop-sign violation that led to the death of another motorist that triggered Janklow’s political downfall in 2003.

Documenting the early years

The interviews and document searches from the 1975 background check recount the early “Wild Bill” phase of Janklow’s life and were compiled in a report to the Ford administration made by the FBI’s Minneapolis office. They note two juvenile delinquency court appearances in Flandreau, one for reckless driving and one for assault from the mid-1950s. The assault complaint was dropped when Janklow entered the Marines. The files reference the incident on several occasions. But apparently, no FBI agent ever went beyond hearsay to interview the victim or determine the nature of the assault.

That includes an account from an lawyer who had once worked for Janklow at Rosebud who said, “he knows there had been a complaint and charge of rape against Janklow, while Bill was a juvenile at Flandreau, S.D. He said that charge was dropped,” according to the FBI report.

This is the sort of thing the FBI field offices routinely gathered, circulated to each other through mail and in telex messages sent through phone lines with teleprinters and moved on up the chain of command without comment. The document streams from that era have been characterized as the equivalent of contemporary emails.

The ability to verify anecdotal accounts and pursue them to their source is greater now than when the Janklow inquiry was conducted. “Methods have changed,” Carter said. “Access to information is so much easier with computers and such.”

Some discipline issues in Marines

Janklow served in the Marines from 1956-59 and was stationed in Okinawa for a time. He was honorably released from active duty as a private first class in 1959 and served in the Marine Reserve until 1962, when he was honorably discharged.

“No awards or decorations were noted” from his time in Okinawa, according to an FBI report. “His character and efficiency ratings ranged from fair to outstanding.”

On four occasions, though, the FBI report on Janklow’s military service points out that he ran afoul of Marine discipline. He received nonjudicial punishment twice for failing to be on duty at the prescribed time and once for making false statements about why he was not in proper uniform.He also received a summary court martial, the lowest level of military justice, and was sentenced to forfeit $50 pay and perform hard labor for 15 days. The offense was counterfeiting a charge sheet, a document specifiying violations of duty.

The FBI also tracked down a former employer, a Denver trucking company, that fired Janklow in 1961.

High regard after return to S.D.

Anecdotes about Janklow changed after the early 1960s. The FBI found several former neighbors who recalled incidents where Janklow’s St. Bernard dog allegedly got into flower gardens and damaged a rental house in Vermillion. But most people FBI agents talked with from the time Janklow was in college and law school spoke highly of him.

John Scarlett, who had been dean of the law school when Janklow attended USD, and who was heading the Drake University law school when he was interviewed by an FBI agent from Omaha in 1975, told him Janklow “was a very intelligent, hard working individual whose morals, character, reputation were above reproach, and who was well liked by all his fellow peers. Further advised that applicant was a very dynamic, idealistic individual who would do the U.S. government a great service and that he would highly recommend him for same.”

A former employee of South Dakota Legal Services at Rosebud where Janklow was director from 1966-72 characterized Janklow to an FBI agent from the Denver office as “a most competent attorney, a good manager of people, and an attorney with a competence capable of handling both clients and court cases. Janklow further described as having a sincere commitment to duty.”

South Dakota’s senators at the time, Jim Abourezk, and George McGovern, also were interviewed. Abourezk noted that he and Janklow were law school classmates, and Abourezk “recommends him for a position of trust and responsibility with the Government,” according to the FBI.

McGovern said he had no personal knowledge of Janklow and could not comment on him.

Barred from law practice in Rosebud

FBI offices across the country did much of the legwork in the 1975 inquiry for the Ford administration and submitted findings to the Minneapolis office. The report noted that five grievance complaints had been filed against Janklow with the State Bar of South Dakota, but they were resolved before being submitted to the bar grievance committee. It also pointed out that Janklow had been prohibited from practicing law at Rosebud by Rosebud Sioux Tribal Judge Mario Gonzalez, following an allegation Janklow had raped a 15-year-old girl.

In the 1980s, Janklow filed two libel lawsuits related to the sexual-assault allegation. He sued Peter Matthiessen, author of the book “In the Spirit of Crazy Horse,” and Viking Press for statements made in the book. He also sued Newsweek magazine, which reported on the claim. Both lawsuits were dismissed, with courts claiming the First Amendment shielded the writers.

The rape allegation in the FBI report concerned Sen. Alan Cranston, D-Calif., chairman of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, to the point that asked for additonal information about the investigation into the incident. Cranston also wanted more information about allegations Janklow was arrested on drunken driving charges on the Crow Creek reservation in 1973 and was not wearing pants at the time.

Cranston also wanted to know about claims that Janklow did not have a contract to represent the Rosebud Sioux Tribe and that he rode a motorcycle through a residential area of the Rosebud reservation while shooting dogs.

After a meeting with an FBI special agent June 9, 1975, a bureau memorandum notes that Cranston was convinced the claims were baseless.

Janklow was confirmed July 9, 1975, by the Senate for a two-year term as a National Legal Services Corp. director.

Sharp response to tribal officials

Janklow himself, in a letter to the grievance committee of the Sate Bar of South Dakota in November 1974, had responded to the allegations, and the letter became part of his FBI file.

“I am sick and tired of ‘crap’ like this coming from (Rosebud Tribal Chairman Bob) Burnette and (Crow Creek Sioux Tribe Police Officer Robert) Philbrick, and any answer I give to such charges is insufficient when they do things such as this, considering all the newspapers love to run the original story,” Janklow wrote of the nude drunk driving story.

Countering the claim, Buffalo County Sheriff Francis Healey told the FBI he learned of Janklow’s arrest at Fort Thompson and arrived “within the hour” to take custody of him. Healey said he found Janklow sober and clothed.

With regard to the sexual assault allegation, Janklow told the grievance committee: “Thanks to (redacted) and Bob Burnette, I will be living with and explaining this matter to South Dakotans for the rest of my life.”

Janklow’s extensive record of driving infractions was part of the 1975 background check, too. The FBI noteed that Janklow had 10 speeding citations from 1968 to 1973. “In one instance, Mr. Janklow was placed on one-year driving probation,” the FBI report noted.

Changes at the FBI after Hoover

In 1967, when the FBI first looked at the rape claim on the reservation, Hoover still ran the bureau. When the agency did the background check on Janklow in 1975, it was only three years after Hoover had left following 44 years as director, and his influence on the culture of the FBI remained profound.

The relentless stacking of information as if the weight of it was somehow justification for its existence “goes back to Hoover and his genius for bureaucracy,” SDSU’s Cecil said. The reluctance of agents to do anything more with information than compile it also was tied to Hoover. The FBI when he ran it “was a feudal kingdom, and Hoover was the Sun King,” Cecil said. “Everything flowed up to him.”

As Hoover’s influence waned, the FBI changed. The bureau now does a much better job of analyzing information instead of just taking it in and passing it on, Cecil said. “Today what it does it does really well,” he says of the FBI.

'Bill was cognizant of his uniqueness'

From 1981 to 1987, FBI files deal with letter threats Janklow received as governor. Then, in 1999 and 2000, a bureau narrative recounts a phone tap placed on the governor’s line after he received threatening phone calls. The final file, from 2001, recounts the incident of the household cleaner purported to be anthrax sent from the South Dakota State Penitentiary. An inmate confessed to mailing the envelopes.

The FBI did not investigate the last major event in Janklow’s public life, the fatal auto accident in 2003 in which Janklow’s vehicle struck and killed a motorcyclist near Flandreau. Janklow was convicted of second-degree manslaughter.

Files probably weren't influential

If the later FBI files were mostly mundane accounts of law enforcement happenings, the events the FBI in 1975 sought to document from Janklow’s youth and early professional career indeed became part of a narrative that endured the remainder of his life.

Dave Knudson, the former South Dakota Senate Majority Leader who served as Janklow’s chief of staff in 1995 and 1999, said he thinks this early reputation had no effect on Janklow’s later life.

“That was never anything I felt was lurking in the background of any decision Bill made or the way he approached life,” Knudson said.

According to Daily, the USD library dean, Janklow wanted his archives at the university to be readily available, and Knudson said that attitude stemmed from Janklow’s view of public service.

“I think Bill was cognizant of his uniqueness,” Knudson said. “At the start of his third term, when I was chief of staff, on his first day in office he became the longest-serving governor in South Dakota. I think he was always cognizant of his role in South Dakota history. But I can’t say I was aware of any special recordkeeping that went on” to document that role.

Russell Janklow described his father as “kind of a student of history himself” who had a great appreciation for the lessons it can teach. Similar to Knudson‘s assessment, Russell Janklow said his father felt his time heading South Dakota was out of the ordinary.

He viewed the state as “a great microcosm, almost a laboratory to do a lot of these different things you couldn’t do in Chicago or Los Angeles, because functionally government didn’t work, the bureaucracy wouldn’t allow it.”

Like Daily, Russell Janklow said his father wanted his records accessible.

“He was a firm believer there are certain things a government does that need to be private, but we’re supposed to be a transparent government. There are certain things you just can’t make public. But what you can, you should,” he said.

Complex history in Indian Country

Like Cecil, Daily and Knudson, Don Dahlin, emeritus professor of political science at USD, considers it is important for South Dakota that a historical perspective of Janklow emerges.

Dahlin is dismayed there is nothing in the FBI files that refers to the 1973 Wounded Knee Occupation, when Janklow was South Dakota attorney general. Dahlin said he hopes Janklow’s own archives cover that era as well as his time working as a lawyer at Rosebud.

“There is some criticism of him being anti-Indian,” Dahlin said.

“But apparently he brought some suits that were very powerfully in the interests of the tribes. I’d be fascinated to learn more about that chapter of his life.”

Dahlin and Cecil both point out that the FBI files and the documents surrounding Janklow’s public service aren’t going anywhere. It also still is possible to talk with many of Janklow’s associates.

“Bill Janklow was 72 when he died. A lot of people with whom he worked closely are at least that old,” Dahlin said.

From his own observation, Dahlin saw Janklow as “a man with uncommon gusto at the beginning, and it seemed to me he finished with uncommon gusto. He was willing to go and take bold policy stances. It would be fascinating to see how that does play out in the papers.”

Knudson suggests a series of documents provide useful insight into Janklow beyond the FBI’s scattershot collection of records, anecdotes and hearsay. These are Janklow’s addresses to the Legislature as governor.

“You get a pretty good flavor going through those,” he said.

“I had occasion to reread the 1995 things last summer. It was interesting reading, and vintage Janklow. You read those words, and you can hear him say them.”

 
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #315 

I found a interesting take on the CIA drug story coming from someone who was present in the Afghan capital-- another diplomat speaks out--this one Russian:

I looked into the board of directors of Veterans Today and was surprised to find some interesting members, like the former head of Pakistan's ISI.  this is a great opportunity to hear their side of the story:


"Russia  has opened up air corridor, has written off $12bil of Afghan debt and did  provide all imaginable actionable intelligence on terrorists and druglords – only to watch in frustration the action of NATO, corruption & drug expansion in Afghanistan."


http://www.veteranstoday.com/2010/09/23/col-eugene-khrushchev-exclusive-interview-u-s-policy-in-afghanistan/

((((((((((((((((((




GENERAL HAMID GUL, FORMER HEAD OF PAKISTAN’S ISI, JOINS VETERANS TODAY

By Gordon Duff Senior Editor

Former Pakistani Spy Chief Joins Editorial Board of VeteransToday.com

Veterans Today (http://www.veteranstoday.com) is pleased to announce the appointment of Lt. General Hamid Gul, former head of Pakistan’s ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence), to its Editorial Board of Directors, joining, among others, Jeff Gates, Dr. Alan Sabrosky, Col. Jim Hanke, Gordon Duff, Khalil Nouri and Col. Eugene Khrushchev.



Every fuel truck that heads into Afghanistan, and hundreds do each week, the United States pays the Taliban $3000 to let it through unharmed.  Dozens of other American schemes not only arm the Taliban but American allies like Israel  see to it they have state of the art encrypted communications, keeping them one step ahead of Americas efforts to control Afghanistan.

There is business to be done in Afghanistan, drugs, weapons and billions in “development projects” that suck in money but never seem to materialize.

No one speaks of the $65 billion in heroin Afghanistan, formerly drug free under the Taliban, is now exporting to the world or the 10% of Afghanis now dying a slow death as addicts.

General Hamid Gul had it right all along.  With the vast majorityof Americans either openly opposed to the war in Afghanistan or utterly oblivious to it, a majority tired of paying for the war, tired of hearing war news, tired of hearing about wounded soldiers, homeless veterans, a vast majority more frightened of losing their homes, their jobs, Gul predicted it all years ago.



http://www.veteranstoday.com/2010/08/04/general-hamid-gul-former-head-of-pakistans-isi-joins-veterans-today/

click the link to read the full article.....

))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))




EDITORIAL BOARD OF DIRECTORS

The Board is responsible for all content on VT and participates in all major decisions regarding content, columnists, and editorial direction for VT

  • Gordon Duff - Chairman, U.S. Marines, Vietnam, Board Member/Director  Adamus Corp.,  Switzerland
  • Lt. General Hamid Gul – Director General ISI (Former Chief of Intelligence Services, Pakistan)
  • Col. Eugene Khrushchev - Former Soviet/Russian Airborne, Intelligence, PsyOps, First Secretary, Soviet and Russian Embassies, Kabul, Afghanistan
  • Gwenyth Todd – Former Head, White House National Security Council, Middle East Desk, Chief Political Advisor, US Navy 5th Fleet
  • Jeff Rense - Radio host and investigative journalist (http://www.rense.com)
  • Major Bobby Hanifin - US Air Force
  • Khalil Nouri - Afghanistan Political Expert and Military Specialist
  • Carol Duff - RN, BA, MSN, Veteran’s Health Issues Editor
  • Jim W. Dean – Military Order of World Wars, Association for Intelligence Officers
  • Leo Wanta – Former National Director of Intelligence, White House, Inspector General, Department of Defense
  • Mike Harris – Financial Editor, Managing Director Adamus Defense Group, Switzerland
  • James H. Fetzer, Ph.D. – McKnight Professor Emeritus, University of Minnesota Duluth, former Marine Corps office










http://www.veteranstoday.com/author/khrushchev/

 
 

Biography


Colonel Evgeny Khrushchev, editorial board member of Veterans Today is also is the military analyst at Russia Today (RT)

Contrary to the family tradition, he didn’t apply to Vladivostok Navy Academy to join the Pacific Fleet but enrolled in the Red Banner Institute specializing in Central Asian affairs.

Experience

Afghanistan

PSYOPS officer of the 56th Airborne Assault Brigade in Gardez, Paktia, Democratic Republic of Afghanistan First Secretary of the Russian Embassy in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.

Yugoslavia

The Russian Airborne peace-keeping mission under the aegis of UNPROFOR.

The United States
The main mission: to promote rapport & rapprochement between Russian & American veterans, in close cohesion with US military attaché General Reppert and Special Forces General Metaxis.

* Led the 1st delegation of Soviet Afghan Vets to the US at the invitation of VVA & VVC
* Addressed SOLIC Command and JFK Special Warfare School
* Consulted CBS 60 Minutes on the Soviet campaign in Afghanistan
* Interviewed by ABC 20/20 and Discovery Channel
* Featured by France Press, Boston Globe and USN& WR during the 1st Moscow putsch.

Inspired by Chinese strategy, Persian Sufi poetry and British cats; addicted to Country & Blues and muscle cars.

Favorite personal/personnel carrier – KA-50 Black Shark, due to financial & social constraints, settled for KTM 950 SM.

Afghanistan: Is Creating a “Narco-State” Considered “Nation-building?”

If an occupation of a foreign land has patently failed to make ‘residual’ sense even for its cheerleaders, what would be a corrective action? To call it quits, and get the guys & gals back home?

November 12th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Barrel Bomb Baloney

Welcome to the latest spin of the Al-Qaeda psychological operation against the Syrian government, backed up by the Western advisers – the nefarious ‘barrel bombs’ bogey!

October 19th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Deadly Study Unclassified Part 2

This sequel examines the ‘initial intent’ of the pungent Red Team Study, introduced in the previous posts: mutual perceptions of Afghan & American soldiers and observations & recommendations to mitigate green-on-blue incidents.

October 4th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Deadly Study Unclassified

Afghan/American security ‘partnership’ is top-down unmitigated disaster, according to Jeffrey Bordin, political & military behavioral PhD scientist, who worked in Afghanistan for 4 years and conducted the 1st Green on Blue study.

September 19th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Green-on-Blue Mid-Action Report

“Anomalous surge in assassinations of foreign friends, dressed in American BDU, by hostile hosts, clad in Afghan uniform, has catapulted an obscure milspeak green-on-blue, into the limelight of public attention.”

August 31st, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Changing of US Guard at the Garden of Opium

- Consecutive appointments of straight shooting generals in charge of US Embassy & Command HQ in Kabul was a stroke of genius

August 15th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,World | Read More »

Helicopter Wars: US Helo Hooey

Under such penalizing conditions, the life & death issue of airborne navigating is aircraft reliability, not the fancy Caddy ergonomics or the wizardry of weaponry onboard – and the predominant tech factor in favor of Russian helicopters.

July 24th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,Military | Read More »

The Pakistan/American Option Strategy

Every country has its own peculiarities, but in international affairs, Pakistan stands out as the one and only state that, despite the perennial turmoil in internal affairs and lack of powerful Beltway lobby, has excelled splendidly in exploiting US ‘smart power’ ambitions .

When the US betrayed their staunchest ally, the Shah of Iran, General Zia ul-Haq – unlike Noriega, Hussein, Qaddafi, and Mubarak et al – was the first to conclude that, to count on succor from the White House when push comes to shove, would be a suicidal folly.

July 18th, 2012 | Posted in World | Read More »

The Af-Pak Fiasco – Reopening the Supply Line to Hell

The longest standoff between Washington & Islamabad is the latest display of US foreign policy modus operandi at its best & worst.

July 7th, 2012 | Posted in Asia,World | Read More »

US Foreign Policy Calculated Cul-De-Sac

The siege mentality that successive teams of US policy makers have finessed to perfection in the last decade in Pakistan and Afghanistan was inspired by the famous Bush slogan ‘who is not with us, is against us’.

June 29th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Straight dope on PSYOP in US Drug War

First, the Pentagon infiltrated the US mainstream media on the sly by a constellation of retired military stars to massage the major message on Operation Indefinite Liberty, OIL aka GWAT, globally.

Later, Fort Fumble reversed its spinmeister tactics and, in overt civ/mil joint venture, it imbedded tightly vetted quill-drivers into US Marines & Army units in Afghanistan to promote Obama’s double-down surge locally.

June 5th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

NATO Vulture Culture

Russian Aurora has discharged a preemptive salvo against the Atlantic freedom vultures in America, which have camped out at sweet home Chicago.

No, it wasn’t another Bolshevik mutiny at the legendary cruiser in St Petersburg; it was an audacious Russian think tank, Institute for Foreign Policy Research & Initiatives, http://www.invissin.ru that boarded ritzy Marriott Aurora in Moscow to test fire a new revolutionary manifesto – International Conference “NATO: myths and reality lessons for Russia and the world”.

May 20th, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Pakistan-Afghanistan, Washington’s Managed Chaos Backfires

­Washington’s policy of “managed chaos” has backfired in Afghanistan and Pakistan. VT Editor, Colonel Eugene Khrushchev says the US excelled at chaos building but has yet to succeed at managing it.

February 3rd, 2012 | Posted in Editor,WarZone | Read More »

Russian Expert: Bin Laden Death Doubts Continue

“It took Obama two years to find his own birth certificate, how long will it take to find Usama bin Laden’s death certificiate?”

October 13th, 2011 | Posted in Editor,Politics | Read More »

COL. EUGENE KRUSHCHEV: Smart Power Sophistry

SMART POWER SOPHISTRY By Colonel Eugene Khrushchev STAFF WRITER/Editor US foreign policy mavens have plucked from obscurity and put a new spin on Smart Power concept as the cornerstone of the US National Security Strategy. In theory and on paper, this paradigm shift is picture-perfect.  In practice, if it takes seeing to believing, don’t be [...]

February 20th, 2011 | Posted in WarZone | Read More »

COL EUGENE KHRUSHCHEV: THE LORD OF THE DRUGS

THE LORD OF THE DRUGS By Colonel Eugene Khrushchev (ret) STAFF WRITER/Editor With great gusto Karzai used to ‘play US like a fiddle’. Unabashed, he’ll continue to treat Uncle Sam as a sugar daddy – until the White House has the guts to face this worst kept secret fairly & squarely. US Administration should face [...]

November 6th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EUGENE KHRUSHCHEV: UNAMA HR devil’s advocate: part two. Afghan WMD collateral damage

UNAMA HR devil’s advocate: part two. Afghan WMD collateral damage By Col. Eugene Khrushchev (ret.) STAFF WRITER/Editor The Methodology section offers contradicting disclaimers that effectively negate the veracity of the 2010 mid-year report: • “The non-combatant status of the reported victims…cannot be conclusively established or is disputed”  • “UNAMA HR …does not presume fighting-age males [...]

August 29th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EUGENE KHRUSHCHEV: UNAMA Devil’s Advocate: Part One

By Col. Eugene Khrushchev (ret.) STAFF WRITER/Editor UNAMA HR’s 2010 mid-year Report, “Protection of civilians in armed conflict” is an important milestone of the UN’s lofty endeavor in Afghanistan. Also, it’s deeply disturbing – due to what is claims, and what it doesn’t. Devil’s advocate review questions UNAMA HR Report’s vision & veracity and offers [...]

August 25th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EUGENE KHRUSHCHEV: THE AFTERMATH OF AFGHANIFEST

THE AFTERMATH OF AFGHANIFEST By Colonel Eugene Khrushchev STAFF WRITER/Editor The latest international conference in Kabul didn’t have any suspense or surprise, but it came up with different outcomes for different stakeholders in Afghanistan. The cold snow job in the simmering summer For the international community represented by the UN as a whole, and by [...]

July 27th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EUGENE KHRUSHCHEV: AFGHANS DEEP DRUG DIVIDE

AFGHAN’S DEEP DRUG DIVIDE Colonel Eugene Khrushchev STAFF WRITER/Editor “Since Afghan drug lords’ special rep Richard Holbrooke, in cahoots with CIA and Karzai Bros Drug Inc., hijacked US Afghan policy, DEA & SOF counternarcotics strategy has gone into a tailspin and the war on drugs has been jettisoned in favor of micro-soft policy on dope. [...]

June 16th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

Col. Eugene Khrushchev: The Histrionics Of US Drug-Controlled Policy

By Colonel Eugene Khrushchev, STAFF WRITER/Editor From plight to blight The US has launched a surreptitious germ warfare against the hard-working drug-farmers – or so claimed the narco-jihadist propaganda when a “mysterious” blight had suddenly struck the “good” part of the opium poppy fields on the eve of the harvest. A shot in the foot [...]

May 27th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

Col. Eugene Khrushchev: Afghanistan: US Drug Policy, Total Corruption or Utter Insanity?

  AFGHANISTAN:  US DRUG POLICY, TOTAL CORRUPTION OR UTTER INSANITY? By Colonel Eugene Khrushchev (ret) STAFF WRITER/Editor The new American drug policy is easy to understand.  America is telling the world it can no longer eradicate opium/heroin production because “poor farmers” are going to suffer.  In truth, the poppy fields America now protects are run [...]

May 15th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EUGENE KHRUSHCHEV: False Flag Operation in Afghanistan a “Joint” Operation

NATO OPIUM “ERADICATION” GUARANTEES RECORD HEROIN PRODUCTION IN AFGHANISTAN AMERICA’S “FALSE FLAG” WAR ON DRUGS By Col Khrushchev (ret)  STAFF WRITER/Editor Monterey & Marja Right after 4/20 celebration of Weed Day in California, the duo of Supernova Afghan experts from Monterey published their mind-boggling trip on Marja opium. What could have been a funny frolic for [...]

April 27th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL EUGENE KHRUSCHEV: AMERICA’S DRUG DETANTE IN AFGHANSITAN “FRIENDLY FIRE”

The duplicity of dovish drug détente By Col.  Khrushchev (ret) STAFF WRITER/Editor Rear Adm. Gregory Smith, who is in charge of strategic communication & info ops in Afghanistan, has valiantly tried to present the past of the Operation Moshtarak as another Iwo Jima or Stalingrad battle – with a little help from designated imbeds. Under [...]

April 22nd, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EVGENY KHRUSHCHEV: HELL-MADE DAY OF RECKONING

Is that what the US military is for – to be duped into dope syringe surge? By Colonel Evgeny Khrushchev (ret) STAFF WRITER/Editor (Moscow) Soviet and Russian Army The CIA Red Cell insinuation campaign, led by its agents of influence and media imbeds to spin a Black Widow angle, is not by a long shot a [...]

April 15th, 2010 | Posted in AfPak,WarZone | Read More »

COL. EVGENY KHRUSHCHEV: THE SPECIAL FORCES OPINION

THE SPECIAL FORCES OPINION By Colonel Evgeny (Gene) Khrushchev STAFF WRITER/Editor Army of the Soviet Union/Russian Army (ret) The latest spike of the terrorist attacks against Russia by doped explosive zombies, DEZ, has unmasked the true nature of the Western attitude vis-à-vis Russia. The knee-jerk reaction from neocons and militant liberals was fast & furious [...]

April 12th, 2010 | Posted in 9/11 | Read More

********************



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #316 
Two of the world's leading experts on the CIA drug connection together on radio:


http://www.radio4all.net/index.php/program/54741&75267

Program Information
 Truth and Justice Radio 
 speaking: Professor Alfred W. McCoy and Professor Peter Dale Scott
 Unspecified
 Professor Alfred W. McCoy and Professor Peter Dale Scott
 Truth & Justice Radio (WZBC)  
 Public Domain 
 No Advisories - program content screened and verified.

This is from the first session (9/19/2011) of the American Democracy in Crisis speaker series, arranged by the Tufts U. Faculty Progressive Caucus. Pertinent books: The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (McCoy, 1972, 1999, 2003); The American War Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection, and the Road to Afghanistan (Scott, 2010).
Besides McCoy and Scott: Tufts U. Associate Professor Jerry Meldon (who courageously organized and introduced
this forum) and finally recordist Stan Robinson (co-producer of Truth and Justice Radio)
McCoy and Scott are among the serious experts who well understand that our government cannot be counted on for the truth.
The first four files are as broadcast on WZBC's Truth and Justice Radio 9/25/2011.
They are in order of the original live presentation, and fit into one hour.
The fifth file is Jerry Meldon's remarkably detailed introduction, showing slides. The only reason we didn't broadcast that was lack of time.
Due to popular demand, a full raw recording (over 2 hours) has now been added, with a lower bit rate.
Send comments (if any) to stanrob@world.oberlin.edu; I will see them even if you get a bounce message.
Please let me know if you decide to broadcast any of it.
 
 CIA complicity in the global drug trade
03:08:47English2011-09-19
 Fletcher School of Diplomacy, Tufts University
  View Script
   
McCoy initial presentation 00:20:04 128Kbps mp3
(19MB) Stereo
495
Scott initial presentation 00:21:20 128Kbps mp3
(20MB) Stereo
287
McCoy response 1 00:05:21 128Kbps mp3
(5MB) Stereo
181
Scott response 1 00:04:49 128Kbps mp3
(5MB) Stereo
165
Jerry Meldon's introduction (not aired) 00:13:20 128Kbps mp3
(13MB) Stereo
108
Raw full proceedings 02:03:53 32Kbps mp3
(29MB) Mono
211
  

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

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“Can Anyone Pacify the World’s Number One Narco-State? The Opium Wars in Afghanistan,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, 14-4-10, April 5, 2010 http://japanfocus.org/-Alfred_W_-McCoy/3339

Former Canadian Diplomat and UC Berkley Professor Peter Dale Scott, “Can the US Triumph in the Drug-Addicted War in Afghanistan? Opium, the CIA and the Karzai Administration” The Asia-Pacific Journal, 14-5-10, April 5, 2010.
http://japanfocus.org/-Peter_Dale-Scott/3340

see a complete archive of PDS Works is here:
http://www.peterdalescott.net/q.html


Read more about Professor Mc Coy's ground breaking research here:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_W._McCoy

Background on PDS:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Dale_Scott

Contact PDS at:

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Banks Are "Where the Money Is" In The Drug War

Big Lenders Face Few Hard Consequences for Violating Anti-Money Laundering Laws

By Bill Conroy
Via The Narcosphere

en español... En la guerra contra las drogas, los bancos están donde hay dinero

December 3, 2012


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Banking on Criminality: Drug Money & the Above-the-Law Global Banking Cartel

Friday, 14. December 2012 by Sibel Edmonds
http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/about-us/about-sibel-edmonds/

The “International Cartel” of Drug Money Banks & Their Political Protectors

In what the New York Times declared as a “dark day for the rule of law” on December 11, 2012, HSBC, the world’s second largest bank, failed to be indicted for extensive criminal activities in laundering money to and from regimes under sanctions, Mexican drug cartels, and terrorist organizations (including al-Qaeda). While admitting culpability, and with guilt assured, state and federal authorities in the United States decided not to indict the bank “over concerns that criminal charges could jeopardize one of the world’s largest banks and ultimately destabilize the global financial system.” Instead, HSBC agreed to pay a $1.92 billion settlement.

The fear was that an indictment would be a “death sentence” for HSBC. The U.S. Justice Department, which was prosecuting the case, was told by the U.S. Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve that taking such an “aggressive stance” against HSBC could have negative effects upon the economy. Instead, the bank was to forfeit $1.2 billion and pay $700 million in fines on top of that for violating the Bank Secrecy Act and the Trading with the Enemy Act. In a statement, HSBC’s CEO stated, “We accept responsibility for our past mistakes… We are committed to protecting the integrity of the global financial system. To this end, we will continue to work closely with governments and regulators around the world.” With more than $7 billion in Mexican drug cartel money laundered through HSBC alone, the fine amounts to a slap on the wrist, no more than a cost-benefit analysis of doing business: if the ‘cost’ of laundering billions in drug money is less than the ‘benefit,’ the policy will continue.

As part of the settlement, not one banker at HSBC was to be charged in the case. The New York Times acknowledged that, “the government has bought into the notion that too big to fail is too big to jail.” HSBC joins a list of some of the world’s other largest banks in paying fines for criminal activities, including Credit Suisse, Lloyds, ABN Amro and ING, among others. The U.S. Assistant Attorney General Lanny A. Breuer referred to the settlement as an example of HSBC “being held accountable for stunning failures of oversight.” Lanny Breuer, who heads the Justice Department’s criminal division, which was responsible for prosecuting the case against HSBC, was previously a partner at a law firm (along with the U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder) where they represented a number of major banks and other conglomerates in cases dealing with foreclosure fraud. While Breuer and Holder were partners at Covington & Burling, the firm represented notable clients such as Bank of America, Citigroup, JP Morgan Chase and Wells Fargo, among others. It seems that at the Justice Department, they continue to have the same job: protecting the major banks from being persecuted for criminal behavior.

With a great deal of focus on the $1.9 billion in fines being paid out by HSBC, little mention was made of the fact that HSBC had roughly $2.5 trillion in assets, and earned  $22 billion in profits in 2011. But not to worry, HSBC’s  executive said that they “accept responsibility for our past mistakes,” and added: “We have said we are profoundly sorry for them, and we do so again.” So not only did the executives of the world’s second largest bank apologize for laundering billions in drug money (along with other crimes), but they apologized… again. Thus, they pay a comparably small fine and face no criminal charges. I wonder if a crack dealer from a ghetto in the United States could avoid criminal prosecution if he were to apologize not once, but twice. Actually, we don’t have to wonder. In May of 2012, as HSBC executives were testifying before the U.S. Senate in Washington D.C., admitting their role in drug money laundering, a poor black man was convicted of peddling 5.5 grams of crack cocaine just across the river from the U.S. Capitol building, and he was given 10 years in prison.

Back in August the bank stated that they had put aside $700 million to pay fines for illegal activities, which conveniently was the exact amount they were fined by the U.S. Justice Department (not including the forfeiture of profits). Lanny Breuer declared the settlement to be “a very just, very real and very powerful result.” Indeed, one could agree that the results are “powerful” and “very real,” in that they provide a legal state-sanctioned decision that big banks will not be persecuted for their vast criminal activities, precisely because they are big banks. The “very real” result of this is that we can guarantee that such criminal behaviour will continue, since the banks will continue to be protected by the state. With news of the settlement, HSBC’s market share price rose by 2.8%, a clear sign that “financial markets” also reward criminal behaviour and the “pervasively polluted” culture at HSBC (in the words of the U.S. Senate report).

Jack Blum, a Washington attorney and former special counsel for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who specializes in money laundering and financial crimes stated that, “If these people aren’t prosecuted, who will be?” He further asked: “What do you have to do to be prosecuted? They have crossed every bright line in bank compliance. When is there an offense that’s bad enough for a big bank to be prosecuted?” But the Justice Department’s Lanny Breuer explained that his department had to consider “the collateral consequences” of prosecutions: “If you prosecute one of the largest banks in the world, do you risk that people will lose their jobs, other financial institutions and other parties will leave the bank, and there will be some kind of event in the world economy?”

In other words, the U.S. Justice Department decided that big banks are above the law, because if they weren’t, there would be severe consequences for the financial system. And this is not just good news for HSBC, the “favourite” bank of Mexican drug cartels (according to Bloomberg), but it’s good news for all banks. After all, HSBC is not the only bank engaged in laundering drug money and other illegal activities. Back in 2010, Wachovia (now part of Wells Fargo) paid roughly $160 million in fines for laundering some $378.4 billion in drug money. Drug money has also been found to be laundered through other major financial institutions, including Bank of America, Banco Santander, Citigroup, and the banking branch of American Express. Nearly all of the world’s largest banks have been or are currently being investigated for other crimes, including rigging interest rates (in what’s known as the Libor scandal), and other forms of fraud. Among the banks being investigated for criminal activity by U.S. prosecutors are Barclays, Deutsche Bank, Citigroup, JP Morgan Chase, Royal Bank of Scotland, UBS, Bank of America, Bank of Tokyo Mitsubishi, Credit Suisse, Lloyds, Rabobank, Royal Bank of Canada, and Société Générale, among others. Regulators and investigators of the Libor scandal – “the biggest financial scandal ever” – report that the world’s largest banks engage in “organized fraud” and function like a “cartel” or “mafia.”

The pervasive criminality of this “international cartel” is so consistent that one commentator with the Guardian has referred to global banks as “the financial services wing of the drug cartels.” But indeed, where could be a better place for drug cartels to deposit their profits than with a financial cartel? And why would banks give up their pivotal role in the global drug trade? While the pharmaceutical drug industry records annual revenues in the hundreds of billions of dollars (which is nothing to ignore), the global trade in illicit drugs, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, amounted to roughly 2.3-5.5% of global GDP, around $2.1 trillion (U.S.) in 2009. That same year, the same United Nations office reported that billions of dollars in drug money saved the major global banks during the financial crisis, as “the only liquid investment capital” pouring into banks. Roughly $325 billion in drug money was absorbed by the financial system in 2009. It is in the interest of banks to continue profiting off of the global drug trade, and now they have been given a full green light by the Obama administration to continue.

Welcome to the world of financial criminality, the “international cartel” of drug money banks and their political protectors. These banks not only launder billions in drug money, finance terrorists and commit massive fraud, but they create massive financial and economic crises, and then our governments give them trillions of dollars in bailouts, again rewarding them for creating crises and committing criminal acts. On top of that, we, the people, are handed the bill for the bailouts and have to pay for them through reduced standards of living by being punished into poverty through ‘austerity measures’ and have our labour, resources, and societies exploited through ‘structural reform’ policies. These criminal banks dominate the global economy, and dictate policies to national political oligarchies. Their greed, power, and parasitic nature knows no bounds.

The fact that the Justice Department refused to prosecute HSBC because of the effects it could have on the financial system should be a clear sign that the financial system does not function for the benefit of people and society as a whole, and thus, that it needs to be dramatically changed, cartels need to be destroyed, banks broken up, criminal behavior punished (not rewarded), and that people should dictate the policies of society, not a small network of international criminal cartel banks.

But then, that would be rational, so naturally it’s not even up for discussion.

 



http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/2012/12/14/banking-on-criminality-drug-money-the-above-the-law-global-banking-cartel/

 


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Archive of PDS articles on Japan Focus

http://japanfocus.org/-Peter_Dale-Scott
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PDS response to HPSCI hearings 2000

ANALYSIS: THE HOUSE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE RESPONSE TO THE WEBB ALLEGATIONS

The following excerpt is Chapter IV of Drugs, Contras and the CIA: Government Policies and the Cocaine Economy: An Analysis of Media and Government Response to the Gary Webb Stories in The San Jose Mercury News (1996-2000), by Peter Dale Scott, available exclusively at the COPvCIA STORE.

Chapter Four. The Response By Congress

In February 2000 the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence issued its own Report on the charges first brought forward by Gary Webb’s stories in the San Jose Mercury News. The Committee conducted its own interviews to supplement its review of the two CIA IG Reports (Hitz I and II) and the DOJ IG Report. The Committee claimed to have used Webb’s own articles and his book, Dark Alliance as “key resources” in focusing and refining their investigation (HR 2).

This Report represents a further episode in the on-going national debate stirred up by Gary Webb’s stories, rather than a useful resolution of that debate. Webb polarized this country into two outraged factions, an elite faction offended by Webb’s references to the CIA, and a public infuriated by Webb’s revelations of government favors to major drug dealers.

The House Committee [HPSCI], to no one’s surprise, has once again revealed its allegiance to the first faction. It barely addresses what Webb actually wrote, and misrepresents even the few sentences from which it quotes. Instead it focuses, over and over, on what it calls the “implications of the San Jose Mercury News” (HR 5), or “the government conspiracy theories implicit in the 'Dark Alliance' series” (HR 5). Although the Report contains a few valid criticisms, its major arguments are flawed by misrepresentations and systematic falsehoods.

MISREPRESENTATIONS:

Here is the Committee’s version of what Webb wrote:Among other things, the series stated that CIA assets were responsible, during the 1980’s, for supplying cocaine to South Central Los Angeles.  The cocaine operation, according to the articles, was part [sic] of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), and it was masterminded by CIA assets who were using the sale of this cocaine to finance the Contra movement. The articles stated that these individuals met with “CIA agents both before and during the time they were selling the drugs in L.A.” (HR 6)

A Committee footnote to the last sentence adds, erroneously, that “From the context in which the term ‘agent’ is used, it is apparently meant to refer to CIA staff employees.”

The Report then shifts from Webb’s alleged statements to what he “suggested:" Although the articles did not specifically state that the CIA was directly involved in cocaine trafficking, the series suggested that the CIA condoned the trafficking.

For this “implication” the Report musters one credible piece of evidence:

For months the San Jose Mercury’s internet web page introduced the articles with a title page that presented an individual lighting a crack cocaine pipe superimposed over the official seal of the CIA, clearly demonstrating an intent to link the CIA with cocaine trafficking. (HR 6)

This bit of web sensationalism was indeed responsible for much of the furor in response to Webb’s articles. The San Jose Mercury News was right to withdraw it. But, as the Committee should have known, the web logo was not part of the series; and Gary Webb in particular had nothing to do with it.

The Report’s one effort to quote the Report itself is blatantly illogical. “The articles left readers with the impression that the CIA was responsible for the spread of cocaine in South Central Los Angeles,” it argues (HR 43), and then supports this claim with a citation from Gary Webb whose statement about the CIA is quite different:

For the better part of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the  U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, a Mercury News investigation has found.                                   

One can question whether the cocaine amounted to “tons;” one can question whether the profits amounted to “millions;” one can even question (and the Report does, vigorously) whether the Contras amounted to an “army.” But the connections presented in this sentence have been validated by the DOJ investigation, which found that the two main dealers, Norwin Meneses and Danilo Blandon, were, as the Report concedes, “significant dealers who supported the Contras” (HR 11).  The DOJ also corroborated Webb’s claim that the government knew of the two men’s drug trafficking, but never moved against them until after the Contra program ended.

Nothing in Webb’s sentence, or any other part of Webb’s stories, stated or implied that either Meneses or Blandon were themselves “CIA agents” or “CIA assets.” The only people named as “CIA agents” (Webb never used the term “assets&rdquo were the Contras’ military chief Enrique Bermudez, and the Contra political leaders Adolfo Calero (who Webb called a “CIA operative&rdquo and Marcos Aguado.

Elsewhere I have faulted Webb for using the term “CIA agent” too loosely.  Enrique Bermudez is not known to have been a “CIA agent” (as opposed to “CIA asset,” “client,” or “invention&rdquo. But Aguado has been said in sworn testimony to have presented himself as a CIA agent (Scott and Marshall 113). Calero, by most informed accounts, was a long-time CIA agent.

Webb was unambiguously referring to Bermudez and Calero when he claimed that Meneses and Blandon “met with CIA agents both before and during the time they were selling the drugs in L.A.” And unquestionably they did. Blandon confirmed to the Committee what Webb had claimed: that in 1981 he and Meneses met Bermudez in Honduras, and that Bermudez had urged the two men (at this time only Meneses was a prominent drug dealer) to support the Contras, adding that “the end justifies the means.” Blandon disputed only Webb’s interpretation that Bermudez was sanctioning a drug traffic: “It didn’t mean that he told us, go on, sell drugs” (HR 26). (Meneses denied that Bermudez used the phrase at all, but confirmed that Bermudez gave him “instructions about generating support for the Contra cause;” HR 22.)

It is equally certain that both Meneses and Blandon met with Adolfo Calero. Webb documented this with a photograph of Meneses and Calero together, The Report claims that Webb presented the photo “as evidence that there was an association between the CIA and drug trafficking,” and it calls “this type of ‘proof’...fallacious” (HR 3). What nonsense! Webb presented the photo as evidence that Calero and Meneses met.

Webb reported the eyewitness account of a former Contra supporter, “David Morrison,” that Calero and Meneses met frequently; and also that (as “Morrison” told the FBI in 1987) Calero’s FDN faction of the Contras had “become more involved in selling arms and cocaine for personal gain than in a military effort.”

“Morrison” tipped Webb to his central allegation, that (in the Committee’s words) “attempts by law enforcement entities to investigate and prosecute...Meneses...were ‘stymied’ by ‘agencies of the U.S. government’” as long as the Contras were in existence (HR 6).

Amazingly, the Committee does not address this claim in their Findings, presumably because they knew it was correct. The DOJ confirmed that Meneses was investigated but never arrested on drug charges from 1980 to 1989; and even (as Webb had noted) that “Meneses was able to enter the United States repeatedly, despite the various investigations of him for drug trafficking” (DOJ 187). The Committee virtually suppresses this corroboration in its summary of the DOJ Inspector-General’s Report, saying merely that “there was uncertainty within the DOJ concerning whether to prosecute Meneses or use him as a witness in other cases” (HR 11).  This is a very tepid way of acknowledging that a well-known and “significant” drug dealer moved freely without fear of arrest.

FALSEHOODS:

The Committee’s determination to exonerate the government and invalidate Webb leads them to make a number of statements that can only be called falsehoods. These falsehoods are not random. On the contrary, they add up to a coherent but false picture that has been the CIA’s fallback account of Contra drug trafficking since 1985. In sum, the Committee tries to corroborate the claim of CIA Task Force Chief Alan Fiers, testifying in 1986, that “there was a lot of cocaine trafficking around Eden

Pastora...None around FDN, none around UNO”—the successive names for the Bermudez-Calero faction of the Contras (HR 213; cf. Hitz II, para 242).(The Independent Counsel for Iran-Contra concluded that Fiers had committed perjury in other statements which he made to Congress. Fiers pleaded guilty to two lesser counts; Walsh 263.)

Falsehood #1: The FDN Leadership Avoided Drug-Trafficking:

In the Committee’s words, there is unambiguous reporting in the CIA materials reviewed showing that the FDN leadership in Nicaragua would not accept drug monies and would remove from its ranks those who had involvement in drug trafficking. (HR 44n)

A more honest summary of the Hitz reports would acknowledge that they contained a detailed account of drug-trafficking by members of the main FDN faction, ADREN, alias the 15th of September Legion. Those named included the FDN Chief of Logistics (Hitz II, paras 181, 187, 194, 542). Hitz I reports that a key figure in the so-called “Frogman” drug case claimed to have personally delivered drug profits to FDN leader Aristides Sanchez, saying that the money was from Aristides’ brother Troilo—a known drug-trafficker and source for the “Frogman” cocaine (Hitz I, para 270).

The Committee received, and even reprinted, the Hitz II Summary finding that “CIA also received allegations or information concerning drug trafficking by nine Contra-related individuals in the [FDN] Northern Front, based in Honduras” (Hitz II Summary para 17; HR 169). This included credible information, corroborated elsewhere, against Adolfo Calero’s brother Mario Calero, the chief purchasing agent, and Juan Ramon Rivas, the Northern Army Chief of Staff (Hitz II, paras 550-52, 560-72).

A CIA HQ cable in November 1986 described Mario Calero as “a symbol to our critics of all that is perceived to be rotten in the FDN” (Hitz II, para 557). At this time there was a statutory requirement to cut off “funding to any Contra group that retained a member who ‘has been found’ to engage in drug smuggling” (Hitz II Summary, para 33; HR 175).

Falsehood #2: The Kerry Senate Subcommittee found that the U.S. Government cut off aid to Pastora’s faction, because of its involvement in drug-trafficking.

Let us quote the Committee exactly on this false claim, which is central to their overall argument:

The [Kerry] Subcommittee...noted that all U.S. assistance to the [Pastora] Southern Front Contra organization (ARDE) was cut off on May 30, 1984 because of the involvement of ARDE personnel in drug trafficking.

As we shall see, this is a double falsehood. The May 1984 cutoff of aid to Pastora was not because of drug trafficking, and the Kerry Committee never “noted” that it was.

If we turn to the page in the Kerry Report cited by the House Committee, we find the following:

After the La Penca bombing of May 30, 1984, all assistance was cut off by the CIA to ARDE, while other Contra groups on both fronts continued to receive support from the U.S. government through a variety of channels.  The United States stated that its cut-off of ARDE was related to the involvement of its personnel in drug trafficking. Yet many of the same drug traffickers who had assisted ARDE were also assisting other Contra groups that continued to receive funding. Morales, for example, used Geraldo [sic] Duran as one of his drug pilots, and Duran worked for Alfonso Robelo and Fernando “el Negro” Chamorro, who were associated with other Contra groups” [i.e. the Calero-Bermudez faction] (Kerry Report, 52).

In other words, the Kerry Report discredited the government claim that aid to Pastora was cut off in May 1984 because of drug trafficking. In fact, the Report went on the repeat the claim of a Pastora aide, Karol Prado, that the CIA was manipulating drug trafficking allegations to discredit Pastora and his supporters. The Report then supported this claim with an entry from Oliver North’s diary (7/24/84), “get Alfredo Cesar on Drugs” (Kerry Report, 53).

Prado’s claim has been endorsed by a number of books (e.g. Honey 365, Scott para 82). It was repeated to the House Committee by Pastora himself (HR 21-22).However

the Committee found no evidence to support Pastora’s claims....On the contrary, interviews with CIA officials and a review of the CIA’s operational correspondence from that period reveal that the CIA began to distance itself from Pastora and his organization because it had received information that Pastora and members of his group were involved with drug trafficking.” (HR 22)

What the CIA officials told the Committee is demonstrably untrue. Aid to Pastora was cut off “in May 1984” (HR 21), after Pastora had rejected a CIA ultimatum to merge his organization with the FDN led by Bermudez and Calero. The relevant allegations of drug trafficking around Pastora date from after, not before, this cutoff. Joe Fernandez, the former CIA Station Chief in Costa Rica, told the HPSCI that

CIA immediately sought to sever its relationship with Pastora when it was determined that Morales was involved in narcotics trafficking and that Pastora had access to some of Morales’ illicit funds. (HR 19)

But this determination was made in October 1984, four months after the aid cutoff. In the words of Hitz II,

The cutoff of U.S. funding led associates of Pastora to begin looking for alternative sources of funds. In October 1984, CIA began receiving the reporting mentioned earlier that Southern Front leaders allied with Pastora had agreed to help Miami-based trafficker Jorge Morales bring drugs into the United States in exchange for his material and financial help to the Southern Front. (Hitz II, para 221; cf. para 225)

The CIA made a final termination of its relationship with Pastora two weeks later, completing the break that began with the aid cutoff in May (Hitz II, para 232).

The Hitz II chronology, though enough to disprove the claim that drug allegations led to the aid cutoff, does not tell the full story. According to the Kerry Report, Morales’ financial help also went to former associates of Pastora (like Fernando Chamorro and Alfonso Robelo) who under CIA pressure had defected from Pastora and joined with the FDN in a new, allegedly united UNO.

Thus the CIA use of the Morales story is duplicitous. They used the Morales connection to discredit Pastora, both at the time and later to the House Committee. Yet the CIA, even though it was getting reports on the Morales operation from Morales’ two top Contra contacts, never reported to anyone about the connections of Morales and his pilot Duran to those (like Fernando Chamorro and Alfonso Robelo) in its preferred UNO faction.

Hitz II corroborates that Adolfo “Popo” Chamorro and Octaviano Cesar, the two Contra leaders receiving funds from Morales until 1986, had by then broken with Pastora and joined a rival faction, the CIA-preferred BOS (Hitz II, paras 245, 331). Hitz II also reveals that a source for the October 1984 drug accusations against Pastora, Harold Martinez, left Pastora for the BOS, where he was later identified as a drug trafficker (Hitz II, paras 424-25). Even the tepid Hitz II summary confirms that whereas the CIA broke off contact with Pastora in October 1984, it “continued to have contact through 1986-87 with four of the individuals involved with Morales”—i.e. with Chamorro and Cesar (Hitz II Summary, para 14; HR 168-69).

The relative candor of Hitz II is wholly suppressed in the House Committee Report, which reverts to the 1980s cover story:

Several senior CIA managers [interviewed by the Committee] could recollect only a single instance of narco-trafficking by Contra officials....based on these reports, CIA program managers severed U.S. support to this Contra faction [i.e.  Pastora’s] (HR 42).

It is possible that the Committee did hear this falsehood, but that is no excuse for transmitting it.

The Committee did interview Adolfo “Popo” Chamorro, who readily admitted his involvement with the confessed drug trafficker George Morales (HR 24). Chamorro told the Committee “that his cousin, Octaviano Cesar [widely reported from other sources to have been a CIA agent; Scott and Marshall 113] asked permission from the CIA to proceed with an operation involving Morales” [i.e. the drug operation]” (HR 24).

It is highly revealing of the Committee’s aims and method that, after hearing that Cesar had requested CIA permission before proceeding in an operation with a drug dealer, it did not interview Cesar. (Cesar had earlier reported to the Kerry Committee that he reported to CIA about his deal with Morales, and Hitz II [para 332] confirms that Cesar gave a full account of it to CIA Security.)

This is a matter of the greatest seriousness. A US government witness, Fabio Carrasco (one of Morales’ pilots) gave sworn testimony that on instructions from Jorge Morales he personally delivered “several million dollars” in 1984-85 to Southern front Contra leaders Octaviano Cesar and Adolfo “Popo” Chamorro (NSA Packet [47]). This represented payment for “between five and seven” drug

shipments under the Morales-Chamorro deal, amounting in all to between 1,500 and 2,800 kilos of cocaine; p. [51].

Carrasco and another pilot testified that they understood the flights had CIA protection, and it is clear that they were able to fly into customs-controlled airports without interference. In addition Morales, just like Meneses, was able to enter and leave the United States without difficulty, even though he was under indictment for drug offenses at the time (Scott paras 78-92).

FALSEHOOD #3: CIA officers never concealed narcotics trafficking.

This falsehood is so outrageous that, once again, it should be quoted:

CIA reporting to DOJ of information on Contra involvement in narcotics trafficking was inconsistent but in compliance with then-current policies and regulations. There is no evidence, however, that CIA officers in the field or at headquarters ever concealed narcotics trafficking information or allegations involving the Contras. (HR 42)

In fact CIA officers did take steps to prevent what the CIA knew about Contra drug-trafficking from reaching the DOJ.  In 1987 the Miami U.S. Attorney’s office was investigating drug allegations concerning two Cuban Contra supporters, Felipe Vidal and Moises Nunez, as well as their seafood company Ocean Hunter.  When a CIA officer proposed to debrief Vidal about these matters, he was overruled, on the grounds that “narcotics trafficking relative to Contra-related activities is exactly the sort of thing that the U.S. Attorney’s Office will be investigating” (Hitz II, para 522). A similar proposal to debrief Nunez was likewise overruled (Hitz II, para 491).

The cover-up involved acts of commission as well as omission.  In July 1987 CIA lawyers transmitted a request from the Miami U.S. Attorney’s office for “any documents” concerning Contra-related activities of Ocean Hunter.  The Department of Operations advised the CIA lawyers that “no information had been found regarding Ocean Hunter,” although such information existed (Hitz II, para 528). Concerning the drug-suspected airline SETCO, owned by Class One narcotics trafficker Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros, and used by CIA to supply FDN camps in Honduras, CIA officials reported falsely, in response to an inquiry from Justice, that in CIA files “There are no records of a SETCO Air.” CIA officers appear also to have lied to Hitz investigators about this matter (Hitz II, paras 820-23).

This protection of drug traffickers expressed itself in other ways as well. A CIA cable discouraged CIA counternarcotics efforts against a major trafficker, Alan Hyde, on the grounds that Hyde’s connection to CIA “is well documented and could prove difficult in the prosecution stage” (Hitz II, para 953). CIA headquarters gave orders that DEA Agents not pursue a drug investigation of a Contra pilot that would have risked exposure of CIA Contra support operations at Ilopango Airport(Hitz II, para 451).

The Committee appears to have been aware that CIA officers did withhold information from Justice. What else can explain the comically restricted language of its official Finding Number Six:

CIA officers, on occasion, notified law enforcement entities when they became aware of allegations concerning the identities or activities of drug traffickers” (HR 44).

This seems to concede that “on occasion” they did not. Such a finding is about as helpful as if the FBI, after investigating a suspect, found that “on occasion” he was nice to people.

One cannot agree with the Committee that such withholding of information was “in compliance with then current policies and regulations.” It is true that the Reagan Justice Department had exempted CIA officers from the legal requirement to volunteer to the DOJ what they knew about drug crimes.  It did not however give them permission to withhold information about drug crimes, or to lie about them.

The Committee claims that narcotics trafficking was not a high priority in the 1980s:

Narcotics trafficking today is arguably our most important national security concern....This was not the case during the Contra insurgency, and the CIA’s counternarcotics reporting record from that time is mixed at best” (HR 38-39).

It is abundantly obvious that in the 1980s narcotics trafficking was not an important national security concern of the CIA. But in downplaying its importance, the CIA substituted its own priorities for those of the nation. President Reagan himself, in 1986, signed a directive declaring drugs to be a national security threat (Scott and Marshall 2). In a White House address, he also called on the American people to join him in a national crusade against drugs (Los Angeles Times, 8/5/86).

CONCLUSIONS:

The House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Report is an important document, one deserving the attention and close scrutiny of the American public. It is important for what it tells us, not about the CIA, but about the Committee itself. The Committee was originally created to exert Congressional checks and restraints on the intelligence community, in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution. For some time it has operated instead as a rubber stamp, deflecting public concern rather than representing it. It is however possible that never before  has such a dishonest and deceptive document, on such an important subject, been approved without dissent by the full membership of the Committee.

What is particularly disappointing is that the CIA and DOJ Inspector Generals’ Reports, although limited and in some ways flawed, represented a new level of candor in admitting that journalistic accounts of Contra drug-trafficking were grounded in real problems.  Rarely has the public waited so attentively for a response from the HPSCI, just as perhaps never before had there been so much interest in an HPSCI public hearing.

I am told that, at the public town hall meetings in Los Angeles where Julian Dixon and other members of the panel were present, the American people were promised open hearings. In fact the one open hearing (on Hitz I) was held so suddenly that even a concerned Congresswoman learned of it only after the hearing began. The May 25, 1999 hearing on Hitz II and the DOJ Report was closed. Congress should now be pressured to take steps to ensure that the promise of an open hearing is fulfilled, preferably in another Committee.

For the HPSCI’s record on drug trafficking by CIA assets has been constantly abysmal. We know now that in the 1980s the Chairman of the HPSCI, Lee Hamilton, was regularly receiving reports from the CIA about Contra-related drug trafficking (Hitz II, e.g. paras 237, 287, 308,1099). Yet, as Chair of the House Iran-Contra Committee, Hamilton commissioned a staff memo which alleged, falsely and dishonestly, that “reams of testimony from hundreds of witnesses...developed no evidence which would show that Contra leadership was involved in drug smuggling. (Iran-Contra Report, 631, Scott paras 178-87). Bill McCollum, who as member of the HPSCI had also received such reports, endorsed the lying memo. He is still an active member of the HPSCI.

This latest deception cannot be written off as an academic or historical matter. The CIA’s practice of recruiting drug-financed armies is an on-going matter. It appears to have begun when Sicilian mafiosi, some of them freshly deported from U.S. prisons, were used to attack and kill the Communists who threatened to win an election in Sicily.  Using Laotian hill people whose sole cash crop was opium, the CIA recruited an entire army numbering tens of thousands.

At the same time as the Contras, the CIA was arming and advising heroin-trafficking guerrillas in Afghanistan. Its preferred leader, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, became for a period one of the leading heroin suppliers in the world. In the last few years, the CIA has helped promote the Kosovo Liberation Army, many of whose leaders and arms are known to have been financed by Kosovar drug-trafficking.

No one can pretend that these practices have not contributed to our national drug crisis. In 1979, when the U.S. first established contact with heroin-trafficking guerrillas in Afghanistan, no heroin from the so-called Golden Crescent on the Afghan-Pakistan border was known to reach the United States. By 1984, according to the Reagan Administration, 54 percent of the heroin reaching this country came from the Afghan-Pakistan border.

The CIA’s drug scandals are not confined to its allegedly unmanageable guerrilla armies.  In March 1997 Michel-Joseph Francois, the CIA-backed police chief in Haiti, was indicted in Miami for having helped to smuggle 33 tons of Colombian cocaine and heroin into the United States. The Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN), which the CIA helped to create, was also a target of the Justice Department investigation which led to the indictment. (San Francisco Chronicle, 3/8/97). A few months earlier, General Ramon Guillen Davila, chief of a CIA-created anti-drug unit in Venezuela, was indicted in Miami for smuggling a ton of cocaine into the United States. According to the New York Times, “The CIA, over the objections of the Drug Enforcement Administration, approved the shipment of at least one ton of pure cocaine to Miami International Airport as a way of gathering information about the Colombian drug cartels.” (New York Times, 11/3/96). The total amount of drugs smuggled by Gen. Guillen may have been more than 22 tons.

So the HPSCI Report should be taken as an occasion for both Congressional and national action. Reforms of the Intelligence Committees are urgently needed, to create greater space between the Committee and the bodies they are supposed to oversee. (Porter Goss, the current HPSCI chairman, is a former CIA officer, while George Tenet, the current CIA Director, is a former member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence staff.)

Porter Goss’s true agenda is revealed by his selection in 1997 of another former CIA officer, John Millis, to be Chief of the HPSCI Staff. In 1997 it was obvious that the HPSCI would be called on to make an objective evaluation of the Gary Webb allegations. However Millis had served for thirteen years as a case officer supplying covert CIA aid to the heroin-trafficking guerrillas in Afghanistan—an analogous and contemporary alliance between the CIA and known drug-traffickers (New York Times, 6/6/00). At least one of the airlines involved in the Afghan support operation, Global International Airways, was also named in connection with the Iran-Contra scandal (Los Angeles Times, 2/20/97).

The most immediate national priority should be to demand an accounting for what happened from the present members of the HPSCI. Their constituents should inform them and their personal staffs of the reasons why this Report is unacceptable and should be rejected.

 

 

 

 

00000000000000

 

 

 

On March 16, 1998, in response to Webb's allegations, the CIA Inspector-General admitted that in early 1982 the CIA secured permission from Attorney General William French Smith not to report on the drug activities of CIA agents, assets and contract employees. This agreement was not fully rescinded until 1995, when Webb began his investigations. Here is the true CIA responsibility for our drug plague: not by giving an 'order', but by condoning the traffic, protecting it, obstructing the efforts of those who tried to combat it and helping to force honest journalists like Webb who reported it out of jobs.

From this 1982 agreement apparently flowed even more bizarre drug aspects of Iran-Contra: special freedom of movement for indicted drug traffickers into and out of the United States, sometimes without having to clear Customs; similar privileges for their trafficking air planes; federal intervention to stop domestic drug cases, or seal or even destroy evidence; a government-protected air base for traffickers in El Salvador (Ilopango) that a DEA agent could not visit; and even CIA-DEA plotting to smuggle wanted or convicted drug traffickers away from Central American law enforcement.

None of these serious allegations has ever been properly investigated. Until they are, it will appear that in the real drug war -- the one between key protected traffickers and the American people -- some parts of the U.S. government are on the wrong side.

 







*****
off topic
The History of U.S.Torture

By Alfred W. McCoy

http://japanfocus.org/-Alfred_W_-McCoy/2291

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #319 
I dont agree with all of the comments made by Mr. Gul in this interview, however, it is interesting to hear his views......





Ex-ISI Chief Says Purpose of New Afghan Intelligence Agency RAMA Is ‘to destabilize Pakistan’

 

by Jeremy R. Hammond  August 12, 2009

Hamid Gul, former head of ISI (excerpt)

‘Very, very disturbing indeed’

Turning the focus of our discussion to the Afghan drug problem, I noted that the U.S. mainstream corporate media routinely suggest that the Taliban is in control of the opium trade. However, according to the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Anti-Government Elements (or AGEs), which include but are not limited to the Taliban, account for a relatively small percentage of the profits from the drug trade. Two of the U.S.’s own intelligence agencies, the CIA and the DIA, estimate that the Taliban receives about $70 million a year from the drugs trade. That may seem at first glance like a significant amount of money, but it’s only about two percent of the total estimated profits from the drug trade, a figure placed at $3.4 billion by the UNODC last year.

Meanwhile, the U.S. has just announced its new strategy for combating the drug problem: placing drug traffickers with ties to insurgents —and only drug lords with ties to insurgents — on a list to be eliminated. The vast majority of drug lords, in other words, are explicitly excluded as targets under the new strategy. Or, to put it yet another way, the U.S. will be assisting to eliminate the competition for drug lords allied with occupying forces or the Afghan government and helping them to further corner the market.

I pointed out to the former ISI chief that Afghan opium finds its way into Europe via Pakistan, via Iran and Turkey, and via the former Soviet republics. According to the former British ambassador to Uzbekistan, Craig Murray, convoys under General Rashid Dostum — who was reappointed last month to his government position as Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Afghan National Army by President Hamid Karzai — would truck the drugs over the border. And President Karzai’s own brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai, has been accused of being a major drug lord. So I asked General Gul who was really responsible for the Afghan drug trade.

“Now, let me give you the history of the drug trade in Afghanistan,” his answer began. “Before the Taliban stepped into it, in 1994 — in fact, before they captured Kabul in September 1996 — the drugs, the opium production volume was 4,500 tons a year. Then gradually the Taliban came down hard upon the poppy growing. It was reduced to around 50 tons in the last year of the Taliban. That was the year 2001. Nearly 50 tons of opium produced. 50. Five-zero tons. Now last year the volume was at 6,200 tons. That means it has really gone one and a half times more than it used to be before the Taliban era.” He pointed out, correctly, that the U.S. had actually awarded the Taliban for its effective reduction of the drug trade. On top of $125 million the U.S. gave to the Taliban ostensibly as humanitarian aid, the State Department awarded the Taliban $43 million for its anti-drug efforts. “Of course, they made their mistakes,” General Gul continued. “But on the whole, they were doing fairly good. If they had been engaged in meaningful, fruitful, constructive talks, I think it would have been very good for Afghanistan.”

(............)

Returning to the drug trade, General Gul named the brother of President Karzai, Abdul Wali Karzai. “Abdul Wali Karzai is the biggest drug baron of Afghanistan,” he stated bluntly. He added that the drug lords are also involved in arms trafficking, which is “a flourishing trade” in Afghanistan.But what is most disturbing from my point of view is that the military aircraft, American military aircraft are also being used. You said very rightly that the drug routes are northward through the Central Asia republics and through some of the Russian territory, and then into Europe and beyond. But some of it is going directly. That is by the military aircraft. I have so many times in my interviews said, ‘Please listen to this information, because I am an aware person.’ We have Afghans still in Pakistan, and they sometimes contact and pass on the stories to me. And some of them are very authentic. I can judge that. So they are saying that the American military aircraft are being used for this purpose. So, if that is true, it is very, very disturbing indeed.”



http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2009/08/12/ex-isi-chief-says-purpose-of-new-afghan-intelligence-agency-rama-is-%E2%80%98to-destabilize-pakistan%E2%80%99/0/



********************************

Top CIA spy is accused of being a HITMAN for Miami mobsters

By Daily Mail Reporter

|

Top CIA spy Enrique 'Ricky' Prado has been accused of working as a hitman for mobsters in Miami.

The shock allegations are outlined in a new book, How to Get Away with Murder in America, by journalist Evan Wright.

In the blockbuster story, Mr Wright claims the now retired agent started his career dropping bodies in Miami's criminal underworld and kept working for the mob even after joining the CIA.

 

Accused killer: CIA spy Enrique 'Ricky' Prado, pictured, has been accused of being an assassin on the pay role of notorious Miami mobsters

A veteran of the Central American wars, Mr Prado ran the Central Intelligence Agency's operations in Korea and was a top spy in America's espionage programs against China.

Later he became deputy to counter-terrorist chief Cofer Black and before doing a stint at Blackwater, according to Wired.

 

 

But Mr Wright, who is also the author of Generation Kill, the story of the Iraq invasion, alleges Mr Prado was involved with the Mafia throughout his revered career, which ended with him as head of the agency's secret assassination squad against Al Qaeda.

 

Shocking: Evan Wright's book, How to Get Away with Murder in America, pictured alleges Mr Prado was a hitman

'In protecting Prado, the CIA arguably allowed a new type of mole — an agent not of a foreign government but of American criminal interests — to penetrate command,' Mr Wright says in the book.

Journalist: Evan Wright, pictured, details lengthy dead end investigations into Miami's mafia in his new book

The author details years-long investigations into the Miami mafia by state and federal police that either went nowhere, were side-lined by those at the top or were derailed by light sentences.

As well as Mr Prado, the book tracks the life of notorious cocaine trafficker Alberto San Pedro, one of Mr Prado's childhood friends.

Mr Wright claims San Pedro hosted parties for Miami's rich and famous, lost one of his testicles in a drive-by shooting, tortured guard dogs for fun and imported tens of millions of dollars of cocaine into the United States each year, according to Wired.

Meanwhile, Mr Prado was moonlighting as a killer, according to the journalist who claims investigators with the Miami-Dade Police Department's organised crime squad suspected him of participating in at least seven murders and one attempted murder.

And the bodies continued to fall as Mr Prado was working his way up inside the CIA, the book purports, with one alleged victim, a cocaine distributor in Colorado, being killed by a car bomb.

 


http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2166312/Top-CIA-spy-Enrique-Ricky-Prado-accused-HITMAN-Miami-mobsters.html#ixzz1z9uGlEfj

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #320 
Is Malalai Joya the Bravest Woman in Afghanistan? An Afghan Woman Who Stands Up to the Warlords

An Afghan Woman Who Stands Up to the Warlords  by FAROOQ SULEHRIA

Interview with member of parliament Malalai Joya...(excerpt)



By the way, one hears more about Karzai’s brother in Kabul than Karzai himself. Every other posh real estate project or every second case of corruption is attributed to the younger Karzai. He is also named when it comes to drug peddling?

Joya: Corruption and drug trafficking have become a big issues. In my view, security is the biggest issue. After that it is corruption. The so-called international community which in fact is US government and its allies, has sent a lot of money. This amount was enough to build two instead of one Afghanistan. But even Karzai himself confesses that the money has ended up in the pockets of ministers, bureaucrats and member parliaments. On the other hand, one hears about a mother in Heart selling her daughter for ten dollars. And not merely the brother of Karzai is a drug lord, foreign troops have been allegedly involved.

Really? Any proof? Press reports?

Joya: Yes some press reports have pointed that out. For instance, Russian state TV has hinted at US troops involvement in drug trafficking. That was reported in the press here. But  this is like an open secret. Karzai in one of his speeches last year said that it was not only Afghans who are  involved in drug trafficking. He hinted at foreign connections. Though he did not name any country or troops but people in Afghanistan understood what he meant. Now Afghan drugs are finding their way to New York and European capitals. Hence, no wonder today Afghanistan is producing 90 per cent of world opium. This is taking its toll on women. Now we hear about ‘opium brides’. When harvests fail, peasants are not able to pay back loans to drug lords; they ‘marry’ their daughters off to warlords instead.

Why is the USA letting all this happen?

Joya: The USA wants the things as they are.The  status quo. A bleeding, suffering Afghanistan is a good excuse to prolong its stay. Now they are even embracing the Taliban. Recently, in Musa Qila, a Taliban commander Mulla Salam was appointed as governor by Karzai. The USA has no problem with the Taliban so long as it’s ‘our Taliban’.

Not merely Karzai, but also all these war lords have been sustained in power by the USA. That is why,  when there are demonstrations against war lords, there are also demonstrations against foreign troops. People here believe that the warlords are cushioned by the US troops. If the USA leaves, the warlords will loose power because they have no base among our people. The people of Afghanistan will deal with these warlords once US troops leave Afghanistan.


********************

What's America's Real Role in the Afghan Heroin Trade?

The sharp rise in Afghan heroin smuggling is more than a byproduct of a chaotic war. Its a direct result of U.S. policy, according to high-ranking Pakistani military officials and sources in the drug trade.

http://www.alternet.org/story/13000/what%27s_america%27s_real_role_in_the_afghan_heroin_trade

*********

The Real Lords of Afghan Poppy Fields & Heroin Distribution Hubs

Tuesday, 22. May 2012

Facts, Myths, Smugglers, and the International Dudes

http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/2012/05/22/the-real-lords-of-afghan-poppy-fields-heroin-distribution-hubs/

Afghan Heroin Myths and Facts Recapped & Simplified for Mainstream Followers

Wednesday, 23. May 2012 by Sibel edmonds

http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/2012/05/23/afghan-heroin-myths-and-facts-recapped-simplified-for-mainstream-followers/


Central Asia Key to Afghanistan Heroin Smuggling – UNODC

 
A new report by the United Nations drug agency sheds light on the nuts and bolts of narcotics transit from Afghanistan through Central Asia, highlighting the former Soviet republics’ lackluster efforts at interdiction.
 
The 106-page report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), released this month, describes how smugglers traffic heroin and opium from Afghanistan, the world’s largest producer, to Russia, the world’s largest consumer. Ninety tons of highly pure heroin, roughly a quarter of the substance exiting Afghanistan, passes through Central Asia annually. Yet in 2010 authorities in the region seized less than 3 percent of it. And despite international efforts to help, that number keeps falling.


http://www.eurasianet.org/node/65425



 


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #321 

Lame Attempts to Shut Off Afghan Heroin Spigot Have Been Futile

Click if you like this column!

 

A Russian source recently brought an obscure but disturbing article to my attention. Published last month by a little-known online journal called the Oriental Review, the piece, "Active Endeavour And Drug Trafficking," proposed that not a single gram of heroin has been confiscated on the Mediterranean Sea since the inception of NATO's Operation Active Endeavour, a maritime operation launched a month after the September 11th attacks with the mission of "monitoring shipping to help detect, deter and protect against terrorist activity."

My first thought was that perhaps this information was being torqued for some reason by the self-described "Moscow-based internet journal." But upon further research, I found that not only had Russia itself been involved in Operation Endeavour as a non-NATO country, but that the Russians had cooperated with American troops in post-9/11 anti-heroin proliferation efforts in Afghanistan.

In November 2011, Reuters quoted Russia's anti-drug czar, Viktor Ivanov, as saying that five Russian-American raids of heroin laboratories in Afghanistan, conducted over a five-month period in late 2010 and early 2011, basically represented the sum of the combined anti-heroin efforts there. Ivanov sounded frustrated by the "cumbersome" process of getting the military approval required as a prerequisite to any such raid and seemed to credit this with the demise of the Afghanistan anti-heroin efforts.

Why would Russia be particularly frustrated? The Hindu, an English-language newspaper in India, noted in a 2008 article that 90 percent of heroin in Russia and 93 percent globally was coming from Afghanistan. The article quoted Vladimir Putin as complaining as far back as 2005: "Unfortunately, (NATO) are doing nothing to reduce the narcotic threat from Afghanistan even a tiny bit ... sitting back and watching caravans haul drugs across Afghanistan to the former Soviet Union and Europe."

This background helps illustrate the larger history of Russia's exasperation with NATO inaction in curtailing the heroin trade, and it offers context to the Oriental Journal piece specifically addressing the interception (or lack thereof) of heroin on merchant ships in the Mediterranean.

But does Russia have cause to complain? Has there really been no heroin confiscated during the 10-plus years of Operation Active Endeavour? That seems hard to believe, given this claim on the website for Operation Active Endeavour: "NATO forces have hailed over 100,000 merchant vessels and boarded some 155 suspect ships. ... If anything appears unusual or suspicious, teams of between 15 and 20 of the ships' crew may board vessels to inspect documentation and cargo."




http://townhall.com/columnists/rachelmarsden/2012/05/01/lame_attempts_to_shut_off_afghan_heroin_spigot_have_been_futile





************


Afghan drug war debacle: Blair said smashing opium trade was a major reason to invade but 10 years on heroin production is up from 185 tons a year to 5,800

By David Williams


The West is losing the heroin war in Afghanistan – ten years after Tony Blair pledged that wiping out the drug was one of the main reasons for invading the country.

Despite spending £18billion and a conflict which has so far cost the lives of almost 400 British troops, production of the class-A drug by Afghan farmers rose between 2001 and 2011 from just 185 tons to a staggering 5,800 tons.

It increased by 61 per cent last year alone.

 

Broken pledge: Then prime minister Tony Blair meets British troops in Afghanistan in 2006


 

Thriving: An Afghan farmer collects raw opium from poppies in Balkh province, Afghanistan. Heroin production in the country has increased by 61 per cent in the last year

Such has been the failure to combat the problem that more than 90 per cent of the heroin sold on Britain’s streets is still made using opium from Afghanistan.

 
 

The United Nations yesterday warned that the situation was out of control.

Declaring that the West had lost its war against the drug, a glum UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon added: ‘Time is not on our side.’

The UN figures make grim reading for those who backed the invasion.

Cutting the supply of heroin was one of the prime reasons given by then-prime minister Tony Blair in 2001 for sending in British troops.

Three weeks after the attack on America’s Twin Towers on September 11, 2001, Mr Blair said: ‘The arms the Taliban are buying today are paid for by the lives of young British people buying their drugs on British streets. This is another part of their regime we should seek to destroy.’

Warning: UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has said the drug problem in Afghanistan threatens the entire country with organised crime and trafficking

But ten years later, the UN figures reveal how the outcome has been so dramatically different.

Some 15 per cent of Afghanistan’s Gross National Product now comes from drug-related exports – a business worth up to £1.6billion each year, it was claimed.

Officials say there is clear evidence that the opium trade is being orchestrated by the Taliban, with vast profits used to buy weapons and fuel the insurgency.

The warning came at a meeting in Austria of more than 50 countries.

Britain alone has spent an estimated £18billion – a further £4billion is said to have been earmarked for this year – in Afghanistan, where 398 of its troops have died and thousands have been injured.

The most recent was Senior Aircraftman Ryan Tomlin, from 2 Squadron RAF Regiment, who was fatally wounded by small arms fire during an insurgent attack on Monday in Helmand Province – the heart of the opium industry.

Ironically, the Taliban had overseen a significant fall in heroin production in the months before the invasion. Their leader Mullah Mohammed Omar – collaborating with the UN – had decreed that growing poppies was un-Islamic, resulting in one of the world’s most successful anti-drug campaigns.

As a result of this ban, opium poppy cultivation was reduced by 91 per cent from the previous year’s estimate of 82,172 hectares.

The ban was so effective that Helmand Province, which had accounted for more than half of this production, recorded no poppy cultivation during the 2001 season.

However, with the overthrow of the Taliban opium fields returned, despite the destruction of crops by coalition forces and initiatives to persuade farmers to switch to other produce.

There was some success but, commanders said, the ‘reality’ was that forces were too thinly stretched to focus on crop destruction – a move that, anyway, turned farmers against the troops.

The UN Office on Drugs and Crime estimated that the 2006 harvest was around 6,100 tons, 33 times its level in 2001, a 3,200 per cent increase in five years.

Cost: A British soldier stands guard as a Chinook helicopter lands supplies. Britain has spent £18billion on curbing heroin production in Afghanistan and it was the main justifications for the country's involvement in the war when it stated in 2001

Cultivation in 2006 reached a record 165,000 hectares compared with 104,000 in 2005 and 7,606 in 2001 under the Taliban. This fell in figures for 2010 because of crop disease, but the UN figures show that it increased sharply again last year when 131,000 hectares were under cultivation, producing some 5,800 tons of opium.

The rise came even though the Afghan government and Nato have boosted crop eradication measures by 65 per cent and made significant seizures in recent months. The UN says there are now 17 provinces in Afghanistan affected by poppy cultivation, up from 14 a year ago.

Experts say the Taliban’s involvement in the drugs trade ranges from direct assistance – such as providing farmers with seed, fertiliser and cash advances – to distribution and protection.

In his opening address to the Vienna conference, the UN Secretary General warned that the problem extends beyond those who abuse drugs and is threatening Afghanistan itself.

‘Drug trafficking and transnational organized crime undermine the health of fragile states, (and) weaken the rule of law,’ he said, ‘Above all, the Afghan government must prioritise the issue of narcotics.’

A report by the UN Office of Drugs and Crime said revenue from opium production in Afghanistan soared by 133 per cent last year to about £900million after the crop recovered from a 2010 blight and approached previous levels.

Ban Ki-moon, in his opening comments, cited a 2011 UN survey saying that poppy cultivation has increased by 7 per cent and opium production by 61 per cent in the past year.

Zarar Ahmed Moqbel Osmani, the Afghan minister, said his country understood international concerns but noted that ‘95 per cent of poppy cultivation takes place in nine insecure provinces’.

He urged the international community to work hard in preventing the components needed to turn opium into heroin from entering Afghanistan from neighbouring countries.


Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2102158/Heroin-production-Afghanistan-RISEN-61.html#ixzz2F5huFrlg



*****************
Great essay
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opium_Production_in_Afghanistan

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heroin

***************


Russia criticizes U.S., NATO over Afghan drug trafficking fight
Posted 3/12/2010 4:26 AM | Comment  | Recommend E-mail | Print |
 
 
BRUSSELS (AP) — Russia's envoy to NATO has sharply criticized the alliance's shift away from fighting drug trafficking in Afghanistan, saying the resulting surge in heroin smuggling is endangering Russia's national security.

In an interview late Thursday, Dmitry Rogozin also highlighted the lack of cohesion within NATO, saying Moscow is worried about declining public support in Europe for the war.

"(Russia) is losing 30,000 lives a year to the Afghan drug trade, and a million people are addicts," Rogozin said. "This is an undeclared war against our country."

"We are obviously very dissatisfied with the lack of attention from NATO and the United States to our complaints about this problem."

For years, the allies tried to eradicate poppy crops, but that resulted in a boost to the insurgency as impoverished poppy farmers joined the Taliban. Gen. Stanley McChrystal's new policy of trying to win the support of the population means that these farmers are now left alone, enabling them to tend crops that produce 90% of the world's heroin.

Russia says that drug production in Afghanistan has increased tenfold since the U.S.-led invasion that ousted the Taliban regime in 2001. Smugglers freely transport Afghan heroin and opium north into Central Asia and Russia, and also on to Western Europe.

Rogozin pointed to Washington's inconsistency in its attitude to international drug trafficking saying that in contrast to Afghanistan, it was waging a drug war in Colombia because that was the primary source of cocaine that goes to America.

"But in the case of the heroin which goes to Russia, they are doing practically nothing," he said. "This is not how you treat your friends and partners."

NATO spokesman James Appathurai said the alliance understands Russian concerns, and that the problem affects Europe as well. The most important part of solving the drug trade was helping to defeat the insurgency, and NATO has 120,000 troops trying to do just that, he said.

Appathurai noted that the U.N. cites the Marjah region, where NATO has just completed a large-scale offensive, as one of the world's foremost opium-producing areas. "By helping re-establish government control there, we are making a substantial contribution to the counter-narcotics effort," he said.

"We would welcome increased support from Russia for our overall effort and (NATO) has made very specific requests to Moscow which they are considering," Appathurai said.

Russia contributes logistical support for NATO- and U.S.-led operations by providing a vital land and air transit corridor for the shipment of supplies to the international force. It also services Soviet helicopters and organizes training for the Afghan anti-drug police. But Moscow has always ruled out sending ground troops.

During the Cold War, the Soviets provided military support for the secular Afghan government, and sent over 100,000 troops to defend it against religious fundamentalists being financed by the United States, Saudi Arabia, Britain, and other Western nations. More than 9,000 Soviet soldiers were killed in the 10-year war in the 1980s.

"Today we are helping them fight the same fanatics whom they supported against us 20 years ago," Rogozin noted.

He expressed concern over weakening support for the nine-year war from America's European allies, "who ended up in Afghanistan without really knowing what they were doing there."

"The result is falling public commitment to the war," he said.

Last month, the Dutch government collapsed because it tried to comply with a NATO request to keep its 2,000-strong contingent in Afghanistan. The Dutch crisis, and growing public opposition in other European countries to further involvement in Afghanistan, has sparked fears that other NATO nations might also pull out their troops.

"NATO is still dominated by the United States, and European allies still fall in line just to keep the alliance going, (by) participating in U.S.-initiated military adventures, even though their national interests in doing so are far from clear," said Ian Buruma, a professor of democracy at Bard College in New York.

"It is hard to see how this can continue for much longer."

Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

********************

Great books on bit torrent

https://thepiratebay.se/torrent/6433370

Drug Smuggling, CIA, FBI, Iran Contra, JFK, RFK, Kubark & MK-ULT
Files:
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Size:
4.79 GiB (5141291267 Bytes)
 

(Problems with magnets links are fixed by upgrading your torrent client!)
Drug Smuggling, CIA, FBI, Iran Contra, JFK, RFK, Kubark & MK-ULTRA, Jonestown [LitZ~Bundle]1963 CIA- Kubark 113-128.pdf1963 CIA- Kubark 1-60.pdf1963 CIA- Kubark 61-112.pdf1973 Prouty- The Secret Team (CIA).pdf1978- Dope Inc., Britain's Opium War Against the U.S..pdf1983 CIA- Human Resource Exploitation Training Manual (A1-G11).pdf1983 CIA- Human Resource Exploitation Training Manual (H0-L17).pdf1992- Iran Contra, The Mena Connection 1992.wmv1994 Castillo- Powderburns, Cocaine, Contra and the Drug War.pdf1997 Hopsicker- Secret Heartbeat of America 1.avi1997 Hopsicker- Secret Heartbeat of America 2.avi1997 Ruppert- CIA Drug Running (Granada Forum).avi1997 US Army Course- IT0601, Interrogation Course, Questioning Techniques.pdf2004 Millegan- Speech in San Fran (CIA drug smuggling).avi2006 Etymon- Evidence of Revision/2006 Etymon- Evidence of Revision:1 The Assassinations of Kennedy and Oswald as Never Seen Before.avi2 The Why of It - All Referenced to Viet Nam and LBJ.avi3 LBJ, Hoover and Others - What so Few Know Even Today.avi4 The RFK Assassination as Never Seen Before.avi5 The RFK Assassination Continued, MK ULTRA and the Jonestown Massacre - All Related.avi
       
 Get this torrent (Get Torrent File)  Anonymous Download





Note--- the copy of Powderburns located here is better than the one in the torrent.  it is all the spelling errors corrected and includes an update along with 150 pages of supporting documents and exhibits
POWDERBURNS –complete book

http://www.scribd.com/doc/117073689/Powderburns-2012

 


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #322 
off topic:


I found this on Craig Murray's site the other day:

this is what happens when a politician steps out of line--

Recently (2010), Maxine Waters was the subject of an ethics inquiry headed by Porter Goss(co-chair of the Office of Congressional Ethics), the same Ex-CIA official who presided over the HPSCI Contra drug hearings (1996 to 2000). is that retaliation for being outspoken?
she was finally cleared this last september, 2012

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0912/81665.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/22/us/politics/panel-finds-maxine-waters-didnt-violate-ethics-rules-in-bank-case.html

http://articles.latimes.com/2012/sep/22/nation/la-na-waters-ethics-20120922/2

*************************]




Cynthia Mckinney

http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2012/10/02/cynthia-mckinney-on-leadership/

http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/

About Dr. Paul Craig Roberts

Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy and associate editor of the Wall Street Journal. He was columnist for Business Week, Scripps Howard News Service, and Creators Syndicate. He has had many university appointments. His internet columns have attracted a worldwide following.


couple other interesting articles

http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2012/11/09/what-paul-craig-roberts-administration-would-look-like/

http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2012/11/26/the-osama-bin-laden-myth-2/



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #323 
THIS IS A MAJOR FIND!  ONE OF THE BEST AND DETAILED BOOKS ON NUGAN HAND BANK IS ONLINE!!!!


First there was Castle bank, then Nugan Hand, and then BCCI used for covert operations and drugs.  This awesome book is on Ralph Nader's website..thanks Ralph!
Some background on Nugan Hand Bank:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nugan_Hand_Bank
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKnuganbank.htm




THE CRIMES OF PATRIOTS — A TRUE TALE OF DOPE, DIRTY MONEY, AND THE CIA by Jonathan Kwitny
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jonathan_Kwitny
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKkwitny.htm
© 1987 by Jonathan Kwitny


Complete text is here:
http://www.naderlibrary.com/lit.crimesofpatriots.toc.htm

THE CRIMES OF PATRIOTS -- A TRUE TALE OF DOPE, DIRTY MONEY, AND THE CIA

 

 by Jonathan Kwitny © 1987 by Jonathan Kwitny

 

 

Table of Contents:

Jacket Cover
Prologue
Cast of Characters

  1. The End of the Rainbow
  2. The Cover-Up
  3. The Golden Triangle
  4. The Education of a Banker
  5. Corporate Veils
  6. Sleight of Hand
  7. Terrorists and Patriots
  8. Into Africa
  9. The Spooking of Australia
  10. The Un-Bank
  11. Laughing at the Law
  12. The Asia Branches
  13. The U.S. Branches
  14. Banking in Opiumland
  15. Officers and Gentlemen
  16. The Drug Bank
  17. The "Mr. Asia" Murders
  18. Bernie of Arabia
  19. The Admiral's Colors
  20. Men of Substance
  21. What the Tape Recorder Heard
  22. The Wilson Connection
  23. The Explosion
  24. Thwarting the Investigators
  25. "Everybody Left Alive Is Innocent"
  26. The Agency's Assets

Appendix:  The Questions Whose Answers are Secret
Afterword by Admiral Earl P. Yates, USN (ret.)
Acknowledgments
Index
Photographs





*******************************

Off topic, but a very important book:


THE PHOENIX PROGRAM

by Douglas Valentine
http://www.douglasvalentine.com/
© 1990, 2000 by Douglas Valentine
The Phoenix Program, described by Professor Alfred W. McCoy as "the definitive account" of the CIA's most secret and deadly covert operation of the Vietnam War.

The complete book is here:
http://www.naderlibrary.com/phoenixprogtoc.htm



THE PHOENIX PROGRAM

 

by Douglas Valentine
© 1990, 2000 by Douglas Valentine


 
 

 

Table of Contents

Opening Pages
Introduction

Picture Gallery

Epilogue
Appendix
Glossary
Notes
Index


*****************************************
Also by Douglas Valentine

The Strength of the Pack: The Politics, Personalities and Espionage Intrigues That Shaped the DEA, described by Peter Dale Scott as "an indispensible resource for those who wish to understand the politics of drug enforcement in America;

 

The Strength of the Wolf:
The Secret History of America’s War On Drugs

by Douglas Valentine
Verso Press, London/NY, 2004. 554pgs.

review by Carlo Parcelli

http://www.flashpointmag.com/cpvalent.htm


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #324 


OFF TOPIC--


Complete book online by the world's foremost expert on the NSA :

http://www.naderlibrary.com/lit.bodyofsecrets.toc.htm


Background on Mr. Bamford is here:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Bamford


BODY OF SECRETS -- ANATOMY OF THE ULTRA-SECRET NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY

 

by James Bamford
© 2001, 2002 by James Bamford


To Mary Ann
And to my father, Vincent
And in memory of my mother, Katherine

Table of Contents:

 ************************************

THE BOOK OF HONOR -- THE SECRET LIVES AND DEATHS OF CIA OPERATIVES

 

by Ted Gup
Copyright © 2000, 2001 by Ted Gup


Table of Contents

TRUE BELIEVERS

A TIME TO QUESTION

CHAOS AND TERRORISM

Who controls the past controls the future, who controls the present controls the past. -- George Orwell

Secrecy, once accepted, becomes an addiction. -- Edward Teller, Physicist

 
 


***************

 
The next two are older texts, but good for historical context....
 


Complete book online:
http://www.naderlibrary.com/cia.insidecompanyagee.toc.htm


INSIDE THE COMPANY: CIA DIARY

 

by Philip Agee
© 1975 by Philip Agee
Published by the Stonehill Publishing  Company, Third Printing

Dedicated to Angela Camargo Seixas and her comrades in Latin America struggling for social justice, national dignity and peace

Table of Contents:



**************************

THE CIA AND THE CULT OF INTELLIGENCE

 

by Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, Introduction by Melvin L. Wulf
© 1974 by Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks

The CIA book that the agency itself tried to suppress.  The book in which Victor Marchetti, former high-ranking CIA official, tells how the agency actually works and how its original purpose has been subverted by its obsession with clandestine operations. The first book the U.S. Government ever went to court to censor before publication. Published with blank spaces indicating the exact location and length of the 168 deletions demanded by the CIA

AND YE SHALL KNOW THE TRUTH, AND THE TRUTH SHALL MAKE YOU FREE. -- John, VIII: 32
(inscribed on the marble wall of the main lobby at CIA headquarters, Langley, Virginia)

 

Table of Contents:




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #325 
Haven't had a chance to read the whole thing, looks pretty good so far.... 99 pages  Dissertation

http://www.scribd.com/doc/113413267/CIA-and-the-Narcotics-Trade


THE CIA AND DRUG PROXIES IN SOUTH-EAST
ASIA AND LATIN AMERICA:

THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE CIA’s
INVOLVEMENT IN THE NARCOTICS TRADE

BY
JAMIE CAMERON GRAHAM

SCHOOL OF POLITICS & INERNATIONAL RELATIONS

UNIVERSITY OF NOTTINGHAM



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #326 
This is a huge case---and no one ever goes to jail. get a copy of the report here:

 https://publicintelligence.net/hsgac-hsbc/



Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations HSBC Money Laundering Case History

December 16, 2012 in United States

U.S. Vulnerabilities to Money Laundering, Drugs, and Terrorist Financing: HSBC Case History

  • 340 pages
  • July 17, 2012

HSBC Case Study. To examine the current money laundering and terrorist financing threats associated with correspondent banking, the Subcommittee selected HSBC as a case study. HSBC is one of the largest financial institutions in the world, with over $2.5 trillion in assets, 89 million customers, 300,000 employees, and 2011 profits of nearly $22 billion. HSBC, whose initials originally stood for Hong Kong Shanghai Banking Corporation, now has operations in over 80 countries, with hundreds of affiliates spanning the globe. Its parent corporation, HSBC Holdings plc, called “HSBC Group,” is headquartered in London, and its Chief Executive Officer is located in Hong Kong.

Its key U.S. affiliate is HSBC Bank USA N.A. (HBUS). HBUS operates more than 470 bank branches throughout the United States, manages assets totaling about $200 billion, and serves around 3.8 million customers. It holds a national bank charter, and its primary regulator is the U.S. Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), which is part of the U.S. Treasury Department. HBUS is headquartered in McLean, Virginia, but has its principal office in New York City. HSBC acquired its U.S. presence by purchasing several U.S. financial institutions, including Marine Midland Bank and Republic National Bank of New York. A senior HSBC executive told the Subcommittee that HSBC acquired its U.S. affiliate, not just to compete with other U.S. banks for U.S. clients, but primarily to provide a U.S. platform to its non-U.S. clients and to use its U.S. platform as a selling point to attract still more non-U.S. clients. HSBC operates in many jurisdictions with weak AML controls, high risk clients, and high risk financial activities including Asia, Middle East, and Africa. Over the past ten years, HSBC has also acquired affiliates throughout Latin America. In many of these countries, the HSBC affiliate provides correspondent accounts to foreign financial institutions that, among other services, are interested in acquiring access to U.S. dollar wire transfers, foreign exchange, and other services. As a consequence, HSBC’s U.S. affiliate, HBUS, is required to interact with other HSBC affiliates and foreign financial institutions that face substantial AML challenges, often operate under weaker AML requirements, and may not be as familiar with, or respectful of, the tighter AML controls in the United States. HBUS’ correspondent services, thus, provide policymakers with a window into the vast array of money laundering and terrorist financing risks confronting the U.S. affiliates of global banks.

Disregarding Links to Terrorism. For decades, HSBC has been one of the most active global banks in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa, despite being aware of the terrorist financing risks in those regions. In particular, HSBC has been active in Saudi Arabia, conducting substantial banking activities through affiliates as well as doing business with Saudi Arabia’s largest private financial institution, Al Rajhi Bank. After the 9-11 terrorist attack in 2001, evidence began to emerge that Al Rajhi Bank and some of its owners had links to financing organizations associated with terrorism, including evidence that the bank’s key founder was an early financial benefactor of al Qaeda. In 2005, HSBC announced internally that its affiliates should sever ties with Al Rajhi Bank, but then reversed itself four months later, leaving the decision up to each affiliate. HSBC Middle East, among other HSBC affiliates, continued to do business with the bank.

Due to terrorist financing concerns, HBUS closed the correspondent banking and banknotes accounts it had provided to Al Rajhi Bank. For nearly two years, HBUS Compliance personnel resisted pressure from HSBC personnel in the Middle East and United States to resume business ties with Al Rajhi Bank. In December 2006, however, after Al Rajhi Bank threatened to pull all of its business from HSBC unless it regained access to HBUS’ U.S. banknotes program, HBUS agreed to resume supplying Al Rajhi Bank with shipments of U.S. dollars. Despite ongoing troubling information, HBUS provided nearly $1 billion in U.S. dollars to Al Rajhi Bank until 2010, when HSBC decided, on a global basis, to exit the U.S. banknotes business. HBUS also supplied U.S. dollars to two other banks, Islami Bank Bangladesh Ltd. and Social Islami Bank, despite evidence of links to terrorist financing. Each of these specific cases shows how a global bank can pressure its U.S. affiliate to provide banks in countries at high risk of terrorist financing with access to U.S. dollars and the U.S. financial system.

A. Findings

This Report makes the following findings of fact.

(1) Longstanding Severe AML Deficiencies. HBUS operated its correspondent accounts for foreign financial institutions with longstanding, severe AML deficiencies, including a dysfunctional AML monitoring system for account and wire transfer activity, an unacceptable backlog of 17,000 unreviewed alerts, insufficient staffing, inappropriate country and client risk assessments, and late or missing Suspicious Activity Reports, exposing the United States. to money laundering, drug trafficking, and terrorist financing risks.

(2) Taking on High Risk Affiliates. HBUS failed to assess the AML risks associated with HSBC affiliates before opening correspondent accounts for them, failed to identify high risk affiliates, and failed for years to treat HBMX as a high risk accountholder.

(3) Circumventing OFAC Prohibitions. For years in connection with Iranian U-turn transactions, HSBC allowed two non-U.S. affiliates to engage in conduct to avoid triggering the OFAC filter and individualized transaction reviews. While HBUS insisted, when asked, that HSBC affiliates provide fully transparent transaction information, when it obtained evidence that some affiliates were acting to circumvent the OFAC filter, HBUS failed to take decisive action to confront those affiliates and put an end to conduct which even some within the bank viewed as deceptive.

(4) Disregarding Terrorist Links. HBUS provided U.S. correspondent accounts to some foreign banks despite evidence of links to terrorist financing.

(5) Clearing Suspicious Bulk Travelers Cheques. In less than four years, HBUS cleared over $290 million in sequentially numbered, illegibly signed, bulk U.S. dollar travelers cheques for Hokuriku Bank, which could not explain why its clients were regularly depositing up to $500,000 or more per day in U.S. dollar travelers cheques obtained in Russia into Japanese accounts, supposedly for selling used cars; even after learning of Hokuriku’s poor AML controls, HBUS continued to do business with the bank.

(6) Offering Bearer Share Accounts. Over the course of a decade, HBUS opened over 2,000 high risk bearer share corporate accounts with inadequate AML controls.

(7) Allowing AML Problems to Fester. The OCC allowed HBUS’ AML deficiencies to fester for years, in part due to treating HBUS’ AML problems as consumer compliance matters rather than safety and soundness problems, failing to make timely use of formal and informal enforcement actions to compel AML reforms at the bank, and focusing on AML issues in specific HBUS banking units without also viewing them on an institution-wide basis.





__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #327 
http://publicintelligence.net/prosecutors-say-vatican-bank-is-continuing-to-facilitate-money-laundering/

this is funny....

Prosecutors Say Vatican Bank is Continuing to Facilitate Money Laundering

November 1, 2010 in News

(excerpt)

In recent weeks the bank has made written and in-person pledges to pass anti-money laundering legislation, report and investigate suspicious transactions, identify customers to law enforcement and create a special compliance authority.

Prosecutors, though, aren’t buying any of it. They claim that even as the bank was making such overtures, it broke the law by trying to transfer money without identifying the sender or recipient, or what the money was being used for.

Italian prosecutors have placed bank chairman Ettore Gotti Tedeschi and his deputy Paolo Cipriani under investigation and financial police seized euro23 million (US$30 million) from a Vatican bank account on Sept. 21.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #328 

Monday, January 30th, 2012 | Posted by Sibel Edmonds
US-CIA Heroin Transit Base Proven

BFP Exclusive: U.S. Transit Hub-Base in Kyrgyzstan for Afghan Heroin


“A Nazi & a Drug Lord in Charge of Police in Osh?”

(Monday, 30. January 2012) – Today Turkish Weekly ran an investigative piece on the newly appointed chief of police in Osh-Kyrgyzstan. The new police chief Suyun Omurzakov, who used to be a deputy minister of interior, has been known as a highly influential drug lord, a leader of organized criminal groups, and he was the subject of a criminal investigation in the past:

http://www.veteranstoday.com/2012/01/30/us-cia-heroin-transit-base-proven/
--------------


Robert Steele on the drug war






-----------

How Deeply is the U.S. involved in the Afghan Drug Trade?

http://www.uruknet.de/?p=m48016&hd=&size=1&l=e

By Eric Margolis
October 16, 2008

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #329 
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.com/2010/07/whiteout-cia-drugs-and-press-lecture-by.html


Monday, July 26, 2010
Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press - Lecture by Alexander Cockburn (1998)
Alexander Cockburn, co-author of Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press, gave this talk in 1998 regarding the CIA, the international illegal drug trade, and the media's treatment of this issue. The impetus for Whiteout came after journalist Gary Webb faced evisceration in the mainstream media for his series on the CIA and drugs originally published in the San Jose Mercury News. In this wide-ranging speech, Cockburn covers numerous topics including the CIA's involvement in drug smuggling, the Mafia, assassination, Nazis, mind control, and its role in U.S. foreign policy.







Posted by - at 7:11 PM

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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December 10, 2012Expanding Covert Warfare Makes Us Less Safe

Earlier this month we learned that the Obama Administration is significantly expanding the number of covert Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) agents overseas. From just a few hundred DIA agents overseas today, the administration intends to eventually deploy some 1,600 covert agents. The nature of their work will also shift, away from intelligence collection and more toward covert actions. This move signals a major change in how the administration intends to conduct military and paramilitary operations overseas. Unfortunately it is not a shift toward peace, but rather to an even more deadly and disturbing phase in the “war on terror.”


Surely attacks on foreign countries will increase as a result of this move, but more and more the strikes will take place under cover of darkness and outside the knowledge of Congress or the American people. The move also represents a further blurring of the lines between the military and intelligence services, with the CIA becoming more like a secret military unto itself. This is a very troubling development. 
 
In 2010, I said in a speech that there had been a CIA coup in this country. The CIA runs the military, the drone program, and they are in drug trafficking. The CIA is a secretive government all on its own. With this new expanded Defense Intelligence Agency presence overseas it will be even worse. Because the DIA is operationally under control of the Pentagon, direct Congressional oversight of the program will be more difficult. Perhaps this is as intended. The CIA will be training the DIA in its facilities to conduct operations overseas. Much of this will include developing targeting data for the president’s expanding drone warfare program.
 
Already the president has demonstrated his preference for ever more drone attacks overseas. In Pakistan, for example, President Obama has in his first four years authorized six times more drone strikes than under all eight years of the Bush Administration. Nearly three thousand individuals have been killed by these drones, many of those non-combatants.
 
President Obama said recently of Israel’s strikes against the Palestinians in Gaza, "No country on Earth would tolerate missiles raining down on its citizens from outside its borders.” This announcement by the administration amounts to precisely that: the US intends to rain down ever more missiles on citizens overseas. I believe what the president says about Israel is true everywhere, so what about those overseas who live in fear of our raining missiles? How will they feel about the United States? Is it not possible that we may be inviting more blowback by expanding the covert war overseas? Does that make us safer?
 
An exhaustive study earlier this year by Stanford and New YorkUniversity law schools found that US drone strikes on Pakistan are “damaging and counterproductive,” potentially creating more terrorists than they kill. Its recommendations of a radical re-appraisal of the program obviously fell on deaf ears in the administration.
 
Thousands of new DIA spies are to be hired and placed undercover alongside their CIA counterparts to help foment ever more covert wars and coups in foreign lands. Congress is silent. Where will it all end?
http://www.paul.house.gov/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2032&Itemid=69
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__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #331 

HSBC, too big to jail, is the new poster child for US two-tiered justice system

DOJ officials unblinkingly insist that the banking giant is too powerful and important to subject to the rule of law


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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John Kerry: Well-suited to be secretary of state

 


http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/john-kerry-is-a-ready-made-secretary-of-state/2012/12/26/c8d81562-4f7c-11e2-8b49-64675006147f_story.html


John Kerry Endorses Ed Markey For His Senate Seat (UPDATE)

Posted: 12/28/2012 3:31 pm EST  |  Updated: 12/28/2012 3:43 pm EST



http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/12/28/john-kerry-ed-markey_n_2377196.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #333 

Kill The Messenger --Gary Webb Film Moves into Post-production

http://www.democraticunderground.com/10022291453

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/

In addition to Jeremy Rennner, the Ensemble cast includes Andy Garcia, Robert Patrick (THE TERMINATOR!!!!), Ray Liotta, Richard Schiff (The West Wing)











"We were complicit as a country, in narcotics traffic at the same time as we're spending countless dollars in this country as we try to get rid of this problem. It's mind-boggling.
I don't know if we got the worst intelligence system in the world, i don't know if we have the best and they knew it all, and just overlooked it.
But no matter how you look at it, something's wrong. Something is really wrong out there."
-- Senator John Kerry, Iran Contra Hearings, 1987



In 1972, I was assigned to assist in a major international drug case involving top Panamanian government officials who were using diplomatic passports to smuggle large quantities of heroin and other drugs into the US. The name Manuel Noriega surfaced prominently in the investigation. Surfacing right behind Noriega was the CIA to protect him from US law enforcement. As head of the CIA, Bush authorized a salary for Manuel Noriega as a CIA asset, while the dictator was listed in as many as 40 DEA computer files as a drug dealer. (pp. 166, 167)--Retired DEA Agent Michael Levine

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #334 
Afghan Prez Karzai Admits to Receiving Tens of millions in CIA Cash

Like we didn't know already.

CIA cash to Karzai a bust
Afghan leader lacks loyalty to U.S.
Saturday, May 11, 2013
PrintEmail Comments (1)
By:
Martin Schram

America’s long-running, mondo-bizzaro courtship of Afghanistan’s mercurial Hamid Karzai got even wilder and wackier this past week.

Now, things that used to be top secret — like CIA bags full of cash delivered, with no questions asked, to a government famously rife with corruption — are being featured on screens everywhere. And Washington policy is looking like a comic Hollywood parody of the way the world really works.


http://bostonherald.com/news_opinion/opinion/op_ed/2013/05/cia_cash_to_karzai_a_bust







WORLD NEWS
Updated April 29, 2013, 1:12 p.m. ET

Karzai Confirms Accepting CIA Cash Monthly for 10 Years
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323798104578452532322242100.html




http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/04/29/cia-bribes-karzai-millions-ghost-money-paid-afghanistan-president-new-york-times_n_3176956.html


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/afghanistan/10038988/MI6-handing-bundles-of-cash-to-Hamid-Karzai.html

http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/closeread/2013/05/karzai-and-his-cash.html

http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/may/6/afghanistans-hamid-karzai-confirms-cia-cash-paymen/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #335 

US intelligence assets in Mexico reportedly tied to murdered DEA agent

By William La Jeunesse, Lee Ross
Published October 10, 2013
FoxNews.com


Few remember Enrique 'Kiki' Camarena, the DEA agent killed in the line of duty almost 30 years ago, when the War on Drugs was the talk of Washington.

"On February 7, 1985, Special Agent Camarena was kidnapped by the traffickers," then First Lady Nancy Reagan somberly told a room full of anti-drug advocates. "He was tortured and beaten to death."

Camarena's killer was sentenced to 40 years in jail. Now, he's free after serving only 28 years. And those who knew the agent and became close to his family are fighting to see that his story is not forgotten.

"I think the American people, at least, owe him for the sacrifice that he made to ensure that the people that took his life, that subjected him to torture over a three day period of time are held accountable and brought to justice, says Jimmy Gurule’, the former Assistant U.S. Attorney in Los Angeles.

Gurule’ indicted Rafael Caro Quintero for Camerena’s murder. But it would be in a federal Mexican courtroom that the powerful drug cartel leader was convicted of murder.

Today, however, Quintero is gone, released from jail by Mexican judges nine weeks ago on a legal technicality. In doing so, Mexico ignored a U.S. extradition request and also never informed Washington of his release. Two days later, the White House released a statement saying it was "deeply concerned" Quintero was free.

"I'm deeply disappointed about a lot of things," Gurule’ told Fox News. "But we're talking about the release of the murderer of a DEA agent. I think that's a very shameful statement. The government should be outraged. I'm outraged. The DEA is outraged. The Camarena family is outraged."

Outraged because of how Camarena died and the role Quintero played.

"Quintero is such a psychopath that he makes Charles Manson appear to be a cub scout," former DEA agent Hector Berrellez said.

According to an internal government report obtained by Fox News, Quintero's drug operation stretched 2,000 miles, establishing "a cocaine pipeline from Colombia, shipping multi-ton quantities of cocaine into the United States via Mexico."

Using a series of wiretaps, the DEA and Camarena were making sizeable drug busts inside Mexico, including one that cost Quintero $2.5 billion.

"Camarena was kidnapped and murdered because he came up with the idea that we needed to chase the money not the drugs," said Berrellez, who led the investigation into Camarena's murder. "We were seizing a huge amount of drugs. However, we were not really disrupting the cartels. So he came up with the idea that we should set up a task force and target their monies."

In February 1985, as Camarena left to meet his wife for lunch outside the U.S. consulate in Guadalajara, he was surrounded by Mexican intelligence officers from the DFS, a Mexican intelligence agency that no longer exists.

"Back in the middle 1980's, the DFS, their main role was to protect the drug lords," Berrellez claims.

U.S. intelligence documents obtained by Fox News support that assessment: "Drug smugglers/transporters employed by Rafael Caro Quintero were always provided protection prior to moving a drug load....two DFS agents (would) accompany the smugglers at all times to avoid any problems."

Blindfolded and held at gunpoint, the DFS agents took Camarena to one of Quintero's haciendas five miles away.

Over 30 hours, Quintero and others crushed Camarena's skull, jaw, nose and cheekbones with a tire iron. They broke his ribs, drilled a hole in his head and tortured him with a cattle prod. As Camarena lay dying, Quintero ordered a cartel doctor to keep the U.S. agent alive.

"At that point he administered lidocaine into his heart to keep him alert and awake during the torture," said Berrellez.

After the cartel dumped Camarena's body on a nearby ranch, the DEA closed in on Quintero at the Guadalajara airport.

"Upon arrival we were confronted by over 50 DFS agents pointing machine guns and shotguns at us--the DEA. They told us we were not going to take Caro Quintero," says Berrellez, recalling the stand-off. "Well, Caro Quintero came up to the plane door waved a bottle of champagne at the DEA agents and said, 'My children, next time, bring more guns.' And laughed at us."

The kidnapping and death of a U.S. drug agent was, until then, unprecedented. Mexico initially did little, until President Reagan shut down the U.S. border, paralyzing the Mexican economy. Within weeks, Quintero was behind bars.

The details of the case are not new. However, those involved in investigating the case, have until now remained silent about the role U.S. intelligence assets played in Camarena’s capture and Quintero's escape.

"Our intelligence agencies were working under the cover of DFS. And as I said it before, unfortunately, DFS agents at that time were also in charge of protecting the drug lords and their monies," said Berrellez.

"After the murder of Camarena, (Mexico's) investigation pointed that the DFS had been complicit along with American intelligence in the kidnap and torture of Kiki. That's when they decided to disband the DFS."

Complicit is a strong term that Berrellez doesn't shy away from. However, when he raised the issue internally, his supervisors told him to drop it. Eventually he was transferred to Washington D.C., and was ordered to stop pursuing any angle that suggested U.S. assets knew of Camarena's capture.

"I know and from what I have been told by a former head of the Mexican federal police, Comandante (Guillermo Gonzales) Calderoni, the CIA was involved in the movement of drugs from South America to Mexico and to the U.S.," says Phil Jordan, former director of DEA's powerful El Paso Intelligence Center.

"In (Camarena’s) interrogation room, I was told by Mexican authorities, that CIA operatives were in there. Actually conducting the interrogation. Actually taping Kiki."

Eventually, the prosecution did obtain tapes of Camarena's torture and murder.

"The CIA was the source. They gave them to us," said Berrellez. "Obviously, they were there. Or at least some of their contract workers were there."

On Thursday night, a CIA Spokesman told Fox News that “it’s ridiculous to suggest that the CIA had anything to do with the murder of a U.S. federal agent or the escape of his killer.”

Berrellez says two informants from the Mexican state police, who witnessed Camarena's torture, independently and positively identified a photo of one man, a Cuban, who worked as a CIA operative who helped run guns and drugs for the Contras.

Tosh Plumlee claims he was hired to fly covert missions on behalf of U.S. intelligence. He says he flew C-130s in and out of Quintero's ranch and airports throughout Central America in the 1980s.

"The United States government played both ends against the middle. We were running guns. We were running drugs. We were using the drug money to finance the gun running operation," says Plumlee, who now works in Colorado.

Plumlee flew for SETCO, which according to a CIA Inspector General's report delivered "military supplies to Contra forces inside Nicaragua."

In 1998, CIA Inspector General Fred Hitz told Congress he "found no evidence...of any conspiracy by CIA or its employees to bring drugs into the United States. However, it worked with a variety of ...assets (and) pilots who ferried supplies to the Contras, who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity."

Hitz said the "CIA had an operational interest" in the Contras. And while aware the rebels were trading "arms-for-drugs" the CIA "did nothing to stop it."

Plumlee puts it more directly.

"You want me to say this on camera? Alright. Those entities were cut outs financed and operated by the Central Intelligence Agency," he said. "Our operations were sanctioned by the federal government, controlled out of the Pentagon. The CIA acted in some cases as our logistical support team."

In the past the CIA has insisted, it was not involved supplying or helping the Contras.

However, all three men, say it was an American pilot - who worked for the CIA as well as the Contras and drug cartels - who flew Quintero to freedom from Guadalajara.

“You have the CIA employees,which are your badge, carrying CIA personnel and then you have all of these subcontract employees that work with these intelligence agencies,” Berrellez explains. “Some of them are pilots, some of them run boats, but they are contract employees. Now, the pilot that flew Caro Quintero to Costa Rica was a contract employee.”

"Absolutely," agreed Jordan. "That's a fact."

"That's absolutely right," added Plumlee.

Plumlee says the pilot now lives in New Mexico and regrets that flight.

Quintero’s escape was short-lived. After significant pressure from the Reagan administration, including shutting down the border, in April 1985 the Mexicans nabbed Quintero in Costa Rica and brought him back to stand trial.

He was convicted and sent to prison. Two months ago a Mexican court ordered his release on a legal technicality - that his trial should have taken place in state not federal court. He hasn’t been seen since.

http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2013/10/10/us-intelligence-assets-reportedly-played-role-in-capture-dea-agent-in-mexico/



*******

        Ex-Federal Agents Accuse CIA Of Participating In The 1985 Murder of Enrique “Kiki” Camarena
15 Oct 2013/0 Comments/in News /by TheFrankNess
TheFrankNess
Enrique Camarena

Enrique Camarena

Enrique “Kiki” Camarena’s brutal execution at the hands of Mexican drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero in 1985 was a defining moment in America’s drug war. The DEA agent’s death gave then-President Ronald Reagan a martyr to parade around so the American public would stand behind his ruthless campaign to eradicate illegal narcotics, except when it came to using the drug trafficking game to finance the anti-Communist Contra rebels in Nicaragua.

Quintero was eventually tried and convicted of Camarena’s murder. Although he only served 28 years of his 40-year prison sentence. Nine weeks ago, Mexican judges released Quintero on a legal technicality. Mexico ignored a U.S. extradition request and also never informed Washington of his release. Two days later, the White House released a statement saying it was “deeply concerned” Quintero was free.

“We remain as committed today in seeing Quintero and others involved in this crime face justice in the United States as we were in the immediate aftermath of Kiki Camarena’s murder and will work closely with the Mexican authorities on this,” said NSC spokeswoman Caitlin Hayden.

If that was truly the case, then some CIA operatives would be behind bars based on new allegations by ex-federal agents that U.S. intelligence assets were involved in the kidnapping, torture, and execution of Camarena. According to FOX News, these former federal law enforcement officers believe the CIA got involved because Kiki was getting to close to finding out the U.S. government was in bed with Quintero.

“Camarena was kidnapped and murdered because he came up with the idea that we needed to chase the money not the drugs,” said Hector Berrellez, who led the investigation into Camarena’s murder. “We were seizing a huge amount of drugs. However, we were not really disrupting the cartels. So he came up with the idea that we should set up a task force and target their monies.”

Berrellez says Mexican intelligence officers from the DFS, an agency that no longer exists, that kidnapped Camarena were the primary enforcers for the drug cartels, including the Gaudalajara cartel led by Quintero.

Quintero and other brutalized Camarena for over 30 hours, crushing his skull, jaw, nose and cheekbones with a tire iron. They broke his ribs, drilled a hole in his head and tortured him with a cattle prod. Later that evening, Berrellez told FOX News, 50 DFS agents armed with machine guns and shotguns prevented DEA agents from taking Quintero into custody.

The DFS was able to get away with its protection of Quintero because U.S. intelligence agencies were working under the cover of the Mexican intelligence agency. “After the murder of Camarena, (Mexico’s) investigation pointed that the DFS had been complicit along with American intelligence in the kidnap and torture of Kiki,” Berrellez claims on FOX News. That’s when they decided to disband the DFS.”

Phil Jordan, former director of the DEA’s El Paso Intelligence Center, alleges he received information from a high ranking Mexican federal police commander that the CIA was involved in the movement of drugs from South America to Mexico and to the U.S. Mexican authorities, Jordan claims, told him CIA operatives conducted Camarena’s interrogation, even taping him.

Of course, the CIA flatly denies any involvement in Camarena’s demise. However, FOX News spoke to a pilot who flew drug missions connected to the Company. Tosh Plumlee claimed he flew covert missions on behalf of U.S. intelligence, including drug runs out of Quintero’s ranch and airports throughout Central America in the 1980s.

Plumlee, Jordan, and Berrellez told FOX News that the pilot who flew Quintero to freedom the night the DEA faced off with the DFS was a contract employee for the CIA.

Instead of bitching about Mexico releasing Quintero, the U.S. government should honor Camarena’s family by going after the CIA assets involved in his death. That would bring more justice to Camarena’s family. But obviously it’s not going to happen.

http://servingdope.com/ex-federal-agents-accuse-cia-of-participating-in-the-1985-murder-of-enrique-kiki-camarena/




****





Release of DEA Agent Kiki Camarena’s "Murderer" Is Game Changer for CIA
Posted by Bill Conroy - August 10, 2013 at 10:17 pm

Narco-Trafficker Rafael Caro Quintero Knows Where All the Skeletons Are Buried in the US’ Dirty Drug War

The recent release from a Mexican prison of Rafael Caro Quintero — a godfather in Mexico’s narco-trafficking world — rips a scab off a long metastasizing tumor in the US drug war.

A Mexican federal court on Friday, Aug. 9, overturned Caro Quintero’s 40-year sentence after 28 years served because, the court contends, he was tried wrongly in a federal court for a state offense. Caro Quintero was convicted of orchestrating the brutal torture and murder of US DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena — who was abducted on Feb. 7, 1985, after leaving the US Consulate in Guadalajara, Mexico, to meet his wife for lunch. His body was found several weeks later buried in a shallow grave some 70 miles north of Guadalajara.

Caro Quintero’s release from prison brings to the surface once again some longstanding, unsettled questions about the US government’s role in the war on drugs. The recent mainstream media coverage of Caro Quintero’s release has focused, in the main, on the shock and anger of US officials — who are now waving the Camarena case in the public arena like a bloody flag, arguing his honor, and that of the nation’s, must be avenged in the wake of Mexico’s affront in allowing Caro Quintero to walk free.

What is not being discussed is the US government’s complicity in Caro Quintero’s narco-trafficking business, and, yes, even in the Camarena’s gruesome murder.

Breaking It Down

In his definitive book about the US drug war, titled “Down by the River,” journalist Charles Bowden reveals that DEA special agent Camarena spent some time in Mexico with another DEA agent, Phil Jordan, in May 1984, prior to Camarena’s abduction. Jordan, at the time, pointed out to Camarena that they were being followed.

Camarena replied calmly that the individuals who were tailing them worked for Mexico’s intelligence service, the Federal Security Directorate, or DFS in its Spanish initials.

From Bowden’s book:

Camarena brushes off Jordan’s alarm by noting that DFS is trained by the CIA and is functionally a unit in their mysterious work. And he says they are also functionally “the eyes and ears of the cartels.”

That is a stunning revelation, that the CIA and DFS were “functionally” working in unison and simultaneously the DFS also was in league with Mexico’s narco-traffickers — which at the time included Caro Quintero along with his partners Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo and Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo, considered the top dogs in Mexico’s then-dominate drug organization, The Guadalajara Cartel.

In fact, the DFS also was accused of being complicit in the kidnapping and murder of Camarena and the subsequent attempt to provide protection to Caro Quintero — who was eventually apprehended in Costa Rica after allegedly getting to that country with the help of the DFS.

Caro Quintero and Fonseca Carrillo were eventually convicted and jailed for their roles in Camarena’s murder and the killing of his pilot, Alfrado Zavala Avelar. Each was sentenced to serve 40 years in a Mexican prison. Caro Quintero was 37 at the time.

But Camarena was not the only victim of DFS corruption during that era. A famous Mexican journalist, Manuel Buendia, who in the mid-1980s was investigating the connections between corrupt Mexican officials and narco-traffickers, including Caro Quintero, was murdered in 1984 allegedly with the assistance of DFS’ leadership.

A story by noted Mexican newspaper columnist Carlos Ramirez, translated and published by Narco News in 2000, describes the circumstances surrounding Buendia’s murder as follows:

Buendía was assassinated on May 30, 1984, on a street near the Zona Rosa of México City. The investigation was covered-up by the Federal Security Agency [DFS]. The last investigations undertaken by Buendía into drug trafficking led him into the rural indigenous areas of the country. Buendía had responded to a newspaper ad by the Catholic bishops in the south of the country where they denounced the penetration of the narco in rural Mexico but also the complicity of the Army and police corps.

Buendía did not finish his investigation. His assassination came almost a year before... the assassination of US anti-drug agent Enrique Camarena Salazar in Guadalajara had exposed the penetration of drug traffickers in the Mexican police.

… Agents of the the Political and Social Investigations Agency and of the Federal Security Agency were discovered as protectors of drug trafficking in México. The Attorney General of the Republic, in the investigation of the assassination of Camarena, found credentials of the Federal Security police in the name of drug traffickers. Caro Quintero escaped to Costa Rica using a credential of the Federal Security Agency [DFS] with his photo but with another name. ….

That which Buendía was investigating months before was confirmed by the assassination of Camerena, a DEA agent assigned to the US Consulate in Guadalajara. …

Documents

The DFS was disbanded in 1985, after Camarena’s murder, and integrated into Mexico’s version of the CIA, called CISEN in its Spanish initials. CISEN still works closely with US agencies and officials, including the CIA, but it is the legacy of DFS and its partnership with the CIA that is being brought to the surface once again with the recent release of Caro Quintero.

In particular, a DEA Report of Investigation, prepared in February 1990 and obtained by Narco News, provides some detailed insight into the DFS/CIA connection. The DEA report was referenced in media coverage of the US trial of four individuals accused of playing a role in Camarena’s murder.

From a July 5, 1990, report in the Los Angeles Times:

The [DEA] report is based on an interview two Los-Angeles based DEA agents conducted with Laurence Victor Harrison, a shadowy figure who, according to court testimony, ran a sophisticated communications network for major Mexican drug traffickers and their allies in Mexican law enforcement in the early and mid 1980s.

On Feb. 9, according to the report, Harrison told DEA agents Hector Berrellez and Wayne Schmidt that the CIA used Mexico's Federal Security Directorate (DFS) "as a cover, in the event any questions were raised as to who was running the training operation."

That training operation, according to the DEA Report of Investigation, involved “Guatemalan Guerrillas” who “were training at a ranch owned by Rafael Caro-Quintero” in Veracruz on Mexico’s East Coast.

More from the DEA report:

The operations/training at the camp were conducted by the American CIA, using the DFS as cover, in the event any questions were raised as to who was running the [camp].

…. Representatives of the DFS, which was the front for the training camp were in fact acting in consort with major drug overlords to insure a flow of narcotics through Mexico and into the United States.

… Using the DFS as cover, the CIA established and maintained clandestine airfields to refuel aircraft loaded with weapons, which were destined for Honduras and Nicaragua.

Pilots of these aircrafts would allegedly load up with cocaine in Barranquilla, Colombia, and in route to Miami, Florida, refuel in Mexico at narcotic trafficker operated and CIA maintained airstrips.

Tosh Plumlee was one of the CIA contract pilots flying drug loads into the US at the time. Plumlee told Narco News that among the places where his aircraft landed while working these missions was the Caro Quintero-owned ranch in Veracruz, Mexico.

“I was flying sanctioned operations transporting cocaine out of Colombia and into the United States,” Plumlee says. “[DEA agent Kiki] Camarena knew all about those operations.”

Plumlee attempted to blow the whistle on the arms-and-drugs transshipment operations in the early 1980s, prior to Camarena’s death.

The following excerpts are from a February 1991 letter written by former US Sen. Gary Hart and sent to US Sen. John Kerry, then chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Communications.

In March of 1983, Plumlee contacted my Denver Senate Office and met with Mr. Bill Holen of my Senate Staff. During the initial meeting, Mr. Plumlee raised certain allegations concerning U.S. foreign and military policy toward Nicaragua and the use of covert activities by U.S. Intelligence agencies.

… Mr. Plumlee also stated that Mexico, Costa Rica, Guatemala and El Salvador were providing U.S. military personnel access to secret landing field and various staging areas scattered throughout Central America.

He specifically cited the Mexican government’s direct knowledge of illegal arms shipments and narcotic smuggling activities that were taking place out of a civilian ranch in the Veracruz area which were under the control and sponsorship of Rafael Caro-Quintero and the Luis Jorge Ochoa branch of the Medellin Escobar Cartel.

… Mr. Plumlee raised several issues including that covert U.S. intelligence agencies were directly involved in the smuggling and distribution of drugs to raise funds for covert military operations against the government of Nicaragua. …

Heads in the Sand

Even prior to Caro Quintero’s surprise prison release on Aug. 9, it appears he was being allowed to carry out his narco-business from a comfortable jailhouse condo with little interference from authorities in Mexico. As evidence of that fact, in June of this year DEA announced that the US Department of the Treasury had “designated 18 individuals and 15 [business] entities” as being linked to Rafael Caro Quintero.

“Today’s action,” the DEA press release states, “pursuant to the Kingpin Act, generally prohibits US persons from conducting financial or commercial transactions with these designees, and also freezes any assets they may have under US jurisdiction.”

In other words, the US government is alleging that even while he was incarcerated, Caro Quintero continued to run his drug empire through third parties who were laundering millions of dollars in ill-gotten gains on his behalf.

How is that possible, unless Caro Quintero continues to have extremely good connections within the Mexican government that have an interest in assuring his drug money is laundered?

If that’s the case, why would those same government officials have any interest in extraditing him to the US to stand trial?

Similarly, why would those with any real juice in the US government want to put Caro Quintero on trial, at least in an open court, if he has the knowledge to expose corrupt covert US operations that played a role in the murder of a US DEA agent?

The only way to hide that complicity would be to shield Caro Quintero’s trial from public view under a national-security cloak — even though the charges against him are criminal in nature (drug-trafficking and murder) and should not implicate national security. As further evidence of that fact, the CIA has already told the media that the allegations about the Agency's involvement in Caro Quintero’s Veracruz ranch are bogus.

''The whole story is nonsense,'' CIA spokesman Mark Mansfield told the Associated Press in 1990. ''We have not trained Guatemalan guerrillas on that ranch or anywhere else.''

But its worth noting that since the CIA issued that statement, a UN-sponsored truth commission found that the US, through agencies like the CIA, did play a role in training the death squads responsible for murdering or disappearing some 200,000 Guatemalans – most of them civilians – during the course of that nation’s bloody 34-year civil war. Some 626 massacres played out in the 1980s alone, when the CIA-sponsored Veracruz, Mexico, "Guatemalan Guerrilas" training operation was allegedly underway.

From a 1999 Washington Post story on the truth commission’s findings:

… The commission found that the "government of the United States, through various agencies including the CIA, provided direct and indirect support for some state operations."

... Documenting the atrocities, the report found the army "completely exterminated Mayan communities, destroyed their dwellings, livestock and crops" and said that in the northern part of the country, where the Mayan population is largest, the army carried out a systematic campaign of "genocide."

Given that backdrop, it appears Caro Quintero, now 61, is clearly a man who may well know too much about US national security operations.

The DEA issued a statement after Caro Quintero was ordered released from prison, making it clear, at least from a public-relations perspective, that the agency still very much wants to track him down and put him behind bars in the US.

The Drug Enforcement Administration is deeply troubled to learn of the decision by a Mexican court to release infamous drug trafficker Rafael Caro-Quintero from a Mexican prison. Caro-Quintero had been serving a 40 year prison sentence in connection with the kidnapping, torture and murder of DEA Special Agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena in February 1985.

Caro-Quintero was the mastermind and organizer of this atrocious act. We are reminded every day of the ultimate sacrifice paid by Special Agent Camarena and DEA will vigorously continue its efforts to ensure Caro-Quintero faces charges in the United States for the crimes he committed.

But why stop with Caro Quintero? Why not go after everyone who had a hand in the drug-war corruption that led to Camarena’s death? Why isn’t DEA clamoring for that outcome?

I think we all know the answer to that question. And you can bet Caro Quintero does as well, and will do everything in is power to assure he isn’t held up as the lone scapegoat in some drug-war fairy tale.

So what are our drug-war warriors to do when faced with such a house of mirrors? Well, that’s what rival narco-traffickers and shadowy intelligence-agency assets are used for in the Big Game, no?

Stay tuned….


http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2013/08/release-dea-agent-kiki-camarena-s-murderer-game-changer-cia

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Kiki Camerena Killed on CIA Orders?
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We the neighborhood watch committee

Meet the neighborhood watch committee

Borderland Beat Reporter un vato

El Diario de Coahuila (10-13-13) Proceso (10-12-13) By Luis Chaparro and J. Jesus Esquivel
…VT thanks to Robert O’Dowd

Translated by un vato for Borderland Beat

[ Editors Note: Dear readers, I wish I could say this case was a one time event, but it obviously was not. Although not a daily occurrence, disposing of troublesome employees for doing their jobs 'too well' has a long track record. It is an area of systemic abuse, one hidden behind the classification wall of silence solely to protect the guilty.

This is threat to all of us because it means those in the future who choose to utilize this form or accelerated employee retirement can feel comfortable that there is a system in place to see to it they don't have to be looking over their shoulders the rest of their lives. It is a huge ongoing failure of our government, one which should be dishonored at every opportunity for its continued restrictions on these employee murder files...Jim W. Dean ]

Kiki comes home

Kiki comes home

This story will likely elicit much discussion, especially given the outrage that Caro Quintero’s release triggered in the U.S. Quien sabe?– un vato.

It reads like it was taken from a complex espionage novel has just exploded on U.S. television. Enrique Kiki Camarena, the DEA law enforcement officer murdered in Mexico in February, 1985, was apparently not the victim of the Mexican capo Rafael Caro Quintero, but rather,, of a dark member of the CIA.

This individual was the one charged with silencing the anti-narcotics agent for one serious reason: he had discovered that Washington was associated with the drug trafficker and was using the profits from the drug trafficking to finance the activities of the counterrevolution… Robert O’Dowd.

________________________________
Kiki and friend's bodies being returned...the discount way

Kiki and friend’s bodies being returned…the discount way

WASHINGTON (Proceso)(apro).– Three former U.S. federal agents decided to end a 28-year silence and simultaneously entrusted this journal and the U.S. Fox news services with an information “bomb”.

Enrique Kiki Camarena was not murdered by Rafael Caro Quintero — the capo that served a sentence for that crime — but by an agent of the CIA. The reason: the DEA agent discovered that his own government was collaborating with the Mexican narco in his illegal business.

In interviews with Proceso, Phil Jordan, former director of the El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC); Hector Berrellez, former DEA agent, and Tosh Plumlee, a former CIA pilot, claim that they have evidence that the U.S. government itself ordered the murder of Kiki Camarena in 1985. In addition, they point to a sinister Cuban character, Felix Ismael Rodriguez, as the murderer.

“It was I who directed the investigation into the death of Camarena”, says Berrellez, and he adds: “During this investigation, we discovered that some members of a U.S. intelligence agency, who had infiltrated the DFS (the Mexican Federal Security Directorate), also participated in the kidnapping of Camarena. Two witnesses identified Felix Ismael Rodriguez. They (witnesses) were with the DFS and they told us that, in addition, he (Rodriguez) had identified himself s “U.S. intelligence.”

Kiki - waiting and wondering

Kiki – waiting and wondering

The official story and the version that the DEA continues to assert is that Caro Quintero kidnapped, tortured and murdered Kiki Camarena in February of 1985, in retaliation for the U.S. agent having discovered his enormous marijuana farms and his processing center in the El Bufalo ranch.

Felix Ismael Rodriguez, “El Gato”, has one of the murkiest histories in the U.S. intervention in Central America, mainly in Nicaragua.

To this Cuban — who participated in the failed Bay of Pigs invasion and after that, in the Vietnam War — is attributed the capture, and therefore the assassination, of Che Guevara in Bolivia on October 9, 1967.

Helping the Capo
Doing time in Mexican jails is the real deal

Doing time in Mexican jails is the real deal

Interviewed separately, Jordan, Berrellez and Plumlee coincide on many details in the reconstruction of the events that led the CIA to decide to eliminate Camarena.

The story that the three former agents describe begins with pointing out that El Gato Rodriguez, in addition to having infiltrated the DFS, took a Honduran named Juan Mata Ballesteros, a person known to Colombian traffickers, with him to Mexico.

In Mexico, according to the interviewees, Matta’s mission was to obtain drugs in Colombia for the Guadalajara Cartel, led by Caro Quintero in the 1980′s. The U.S. government allowed the Mexican drug trafficker to sell cocaine, marijuana and other drugs wherever he wanted. Washington benefited, since it shared the profits.

The portion of the money received by the CIA — represented in Mexico by Rodriguez through Mata — was delivered to counterrevolutionaries in Nicaragua, La Contra, in the form of weapons and other military equipment. This is how the U.S. financed the guerrilla war against the Sandinista regimen, then led by the current president of the Central American country, Daniel Ortega.

Death Sentence

In his investigations into the drug trafficking activities that Caro Quintero led, Camarena discovered the role that his government played in the illegal business to finance the Contras. And this, in the opinion of the interviewees, was his death sentence.

“The CIA ordered the kidnapping and torture of ‘Kiki’ Camarena, and when they killed him, they made us believe it was Caro Quintero in order to cover up all the illegal things they were doing (with drug trafficking) in Mexico” emphasizes Jordan. He adds: “The DEA is the only (federal agency) with the authority to authorize drug trafficking into the United States as part of an undercover operation”.

The former chief of EPIC, the largest espionage center in the United States dedicated to observing what happens in Mexico and the common border, and who was also a DEA agent and Camarena’s boss when he was murdered, sums up in a quote what the discovery of its involvement in Mexican drug trafficking represented to the CIA:

“The business with El Bufalo was nothing compared with the money from the cocaine that was being sold to buy weapons for the CIA”.

However, “Kiki” Camarena was not the only one nor was he the first to discover the perverse CIA-Caro Quintero-Contra triangle.

The Mexican Judicial Police Officer

Berrellez and Jordan maintain that the first person to inform of this incredible U.S. undercover espionage operation in the early 1980′s was Guillermo Gonzalez Calderoni, who was then the chief of the Mexican Federal Judicial Police.

Gonzalez Calderoni fled from Mexico in 1993; he was accused of collaborating with the Juarez Cartel and he sought refuge in the United States, where the DEA turned him into a protected witness. In 2003, the former Mexican commander was murdered in McAllen, Texas.

La Familia

La Familia

– I helped him, I sent a jet and brought him to California. Over here, now under DEA protection, he became an informant and helped us a lot. The Mexican government wanted to extradite him, but I did all I could to prevent that because I knew they would kill him over there. After that, he was accused of corruption and illegal influences and things like that, but I’m telling you: it’s not true — Berrellez states.

– And that’s how he told you about the CIA? — he’s asked.

– Yes. He told me: ‘Hector, get out of this business because they’re going to fuck you over. The CIA is involved in that business about ‘Kiki’. It’s very dangerous for you to be in this.’ He gave me names, among them that of Felix, and details and everything, but when my bosses found out, they took me out of the investigation and sent me to Washington.

The twist to the story about the kidnapping, torture and murder of “Kiki” Camarena “is a bombshell”. What is not clear is why these three former U.S. agents waited 28 years to make it known. They refuse to explain it.

He Ddoesn’t Talk Much

Plumlee, although he doesn’t talk much, recalls that in the early 1980′s he flew a C-130 airplane to take people from the Contras to receive training at a ranch that Caro Quintero owned in Veracruz.

During the good days

During the good days

– I flew drugs on CIA airplanes and I knew the pilot that took Caro Quintero out of the country when he was being persecuted by the government.

– Did you know “Kiki” Camarena? — Plumlee is asked.

– He flew, before he was kidnapped, from Guadalajara to California to inform about the CIA operations with narcos and the Nicaraguan Contras in Mexico, and I remember I said to him “We’re on the same team. Stay out of what I’m doing”.

– What else were you doing for the CIA at that time?

– The United States government was into everything. We smuggled drugs, weapons, and we used the money to finance the operation in Nicaragua.

– How was your contract in all of this?

– We were always subcontractors; that’s why the CIA now said we didn’t have those operations. But everything is there…

Editing: Jim W. Dean

______________________________
Being honored after the fact - minus the truth

Being honored after the fact – minus the truth



http://www.veteranstoday.com/2013/10/13/kiki-camarena-executed-on-orders-of-the-cia/


http://www.mwsg37.com/2013/10/kiki-camerena-killed-on-cia-orders.html

http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2013/10/kiki-camarena-was-executed-on-orders-of.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+BorderlandBeat+%28Borderland+Beat%29


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Ex-DEA officials: CIA operatives involved in 'Kiki' Camarena murder
By Diana Washington Valdez / El Paso Times
Posted: 10/19/2013 09:50:26 AM MDT

Click photo to enlarge
Enrique "Kiki" Camarena (Times file photo)

       

Reporter: Diana
Washington Valdez
Related Stories



Former local DEA officials Phil Jordan and Hector Berrellez are alleging that CIA operatives killed the late DEA Special Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena.

This week's bombshell and widely publicized allegation, which come two months after Mexico's release of kingpin Rafael Caro Quintero from prison, set off a firestorm. Caro Quintero and two other high-level drug-traffickers had been sentenced to 40 years for their roles in Camarena's kidnapping, torture and murder.

Former CIA contract pilot Tosh Plumlee joined Jordan and Berrellez in making the allegations. Celestino Castillo III, another former DEA agent and author of "Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War," said Jordan, Berrellez and Plumlee "are right on the money."

In an interview with the El Paso Times, Jordan and Berrellez said they went public now because they only recently confirmed the allegations that CIA operatives were involved in Camarena's abduction, torture and murder.

Berrellez said DEA informants in Mexico who were eyewitnesses identified two of the CIA operatives from a photo lineup that were present during Camarena's 1985 torture session, which lasted longer than a day.

"The CIA operatives were two Cubans who claimed ties to U.S. intelligence," Berrellez said.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/F%C3%A9lix_Rodr%C3%ADguez_(soldier)

Jordan and Berrellez said they've learned that the real reason Camarena was targeted was because Camarena's investigation had discovered that U.S. intelligence operatives were involved in drug-trafficking.

Plumlee, who appears in a famous group photo taken in Mexico City in 1963, said he knows the pilot who flew the plane Caro Quintero used when the kingpin fled Mexico to Costa Rica to try to escape the arm of the law over Camarena's murder.

"He was a CIA contract pilot, too," Plumlee said. "And I stand by my previous statements that I flew airplanes out of Caro Quintero's ranch in Mexico that carried drugs and guns."

Plumlee said he encountered Kiki Camarena in the U.S. when the DEA agent was investigating the clandestine flights that ferried drugs from Central America to the United States.

He said that looking back on things, he regrets telling Camarena that as far as he knew the U.S. government had authorized the suspicious flights.

"I told him (Camarena) that 'we're on the same side,' " Plumlee said.

What he told Camarena may have pushed the DEA agent to delve further into the suspicious flights, and this could have led to his abduction and death, Plumlee said.

Plumlee has testified before congressional committees in prior years about the drugs and arms running that were intended to help fund the Contras' war against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. Plumlee formerly lived in the Las Cruces area.

Castillo, who retired from the DEA, said all kinds of things went on during the Contra-Sandinista conflict.

"One of my assignments back then was to train death squads, who went on to kill many civilians during the dirty wars of Central America, including the Guatemalan Kaibiles (special forces unit)," Castillo said

Berrellez said the late Mexican federal law enforcement commander, Guillermo Gonzalez Calderoni, told him before he was assassinated in McAllen, Texas, in 2003 that he should back away from the Camarena investigation because it was too dangerous.

"He told me, 'Your government did it,' " Berrellez said.

Before he was killed, Gonzalez Calderoni had threatened publicly to expose high-level corruption in the Mexican government. His murder remains unsolved.

The CIA did not return messages seeking comment.

Berrellez, a highly decorated former law enforcement official, was in charge of the task force that investigated Camarena's slaying. He said investigating drug traffickers in Mexico was risky because the (now defunct) Federal Directorate of Security, DFS, was thoroughly corrupt and worked for the drug cartels.

A former DFS director who once was based in El Paso, Miguel Nazar Haro, was indicted by a U.S. federal grand jury and arrested in 1982 in connection with running a major auto theft ring. U.S. attorney officials said the CIA told the court that Nazar was an asset, and he was set free.

The DEA also wanted Nazar to be tried for protecting drug traffickers, but that never took place, former DEA investigators said. Nazar died last year of natural causes.

Gonzalez Calderoni was stationed in Juárez when he worked with the FBI to bring down Pablo Acosta, a drug lord based in Ojinaga, Chihuahua, which is across the border from Presidio, Texas.

The allegations by the three former DEA investigators and Plumlee are circulating in the international media.

Jordan and Berrellez said they want justice for Camarena. They are also critical of a Mexican federal court order that allowed for Caro Quintero's release from prison on grounds that the wrong court tried him.

Jordan said that Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo and Ernesto Fonseca Carillo, two other high-level kingpins who were sentenced to prison for their role in the Camarena killing, could go free as well if their appeals proceed along the same lines as Caro Quintero's.

"The U.S. government had a provisional arrest warrant for Caro Quintero, and we could have had him extradited, but our Department of Justice hasn't done anything to act on the arrest warrant," Jordan said.

Jordan, a law enforcement consultant, is former director of the DEA's El Paso Intelligence Center.

He said DEA agents and their cooperating partners in Mexico had documented that Caro Quintero smuggled large quantities of drugs through the Juárez-El Paso corridor, mostly through the Valle de Juárez region.

Jordan said Congress should hold hearings to investigate the allegations about the role that CIA operatives may have had in Camarena's kidnapping and killing. He said he's also ripe for a court hearing "so we can depose the Americans who were responsible for Kiki's murder, whether by commission or omission. We need to get them to testify under oath."

Jordan said that contrary to some reports in the news media, neither he nor Berrellez alleged that the CIA killed Camarena. He said what they alleged is that CIA operatives, whether at the CIA's instigation or on their own, were present during Camarena's interrogation at the hands of his abductors. And the operatives allegedly helped Caro Quintero try to escape, and sought to interfere with the DEA investigation into Camarena's death.

"I listened to one of the tapes of Kiki's interrogation," Castillo said. "We didn't get all the tapes, just some of them. The CIA gave them to us."

Castillo, who finished a prison sentence at La Tuna for weapons violations, alleges that the charges against him were in retaliation for exposing government misdeeds from the Iran-Contra saga.

"I am still fighting to clear my name," said Castillo, who served in Central America during the Contragate years.

"I know what these men are saying is true, that the Contras were trafficking in drugs while the CIA looked the other way, because I served in the trenches of Latin America for six years when this was going on," Castillo said.

In the past, the CIA has addressed allegations about the Iran-Contra drugs and arms scandal through reports of its Office of Inspector General, posted on the CIA's website, and in testimony before the U.S. Senate hearings presided by John Kerry, a former U.S. senator who is now secretary of state. Vice President Joe Biden, then a senator, was part of the committee.

In congressional testimony before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, CIA Inspector General Frederick P. Hitz said, "We have found no evidence ... of any conspiracy by CIA or its employees to bring drugs into the United States. However, during the Contra era, CIA worked with a variety of people to support the Contra program. These included CIA assets, pilots who ferried supplies to the Contras, as well as Contra officials and others."

"There are instances," Hitz said, "where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity or take action to resolve the allegations."

Diana Washington Valdez may be reached at 546-6140





http://www.elpasotimes.com/www.elpasotimes.com/latestnews/ci_24343140


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #338 

Assassinated DEA Agent Kiki Camarena Fell in a CIA Operation Gone Awry, Say Law Enforcement Sources
Posted by Bill Conroy - October 27, 2013 at 9:55 am

He Was Killed, They Say, Because "He Knew Too Much" About Official Corruption in the Drug War

DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena was abducted in early February 1985 shortly after leaving the US consulate in Guadalajara, Mexico. His body was found several weeks later, partially decomposed, wrapped in a plastic death shroud and buried in a shallow grave some 70 miles north of the Mexican city.

One of the chief architects of Camarena’s kidnapping, brutal torture and ultimate death, Rafael Caro Quintero, was released prematurely on Aug. 9 from a Mexican prison, by order of a Mexican federal court, after having served 28 years of a 40-year-sentence for the crime. His release caused an outcry among US law enforcers and officials, who contend his freedom is an affront to justice and to the memory of Camarena.

Several recent reports in the US and Mexican media, however, have raised questions about the real story behind Camarena’s murder. Those stories are based on interviews with several individuals who are familiar with the case, including the DEA agent who was charged with investigating Camarena’s slaying, the now-retired Hector Berrellez.

The other two individuals also knew Camarena personally and were intimately familiar with the US government operations Camarena was allegedly investigating prior to his abduction and murder. One of those men is former DEA agent Phil Jordan, who used to head the El Paso Intelligence Center, located in far West Texas along the Mexican border; the other is Tosh Plumlee, a long-time CIA operative, pilot, and, since then, whistleblower.

The mainstream press stories — published by Fox News and The El Paso Times in the US, and Proceso in Mexico — raise the specter of CIA involvement in Camarena’s death. Proceso's coverage went as far as to claim the CIA ordered Camarena’s murder.

But CIA officials released a statement to the media claiming that“it’s ridiculous to suggest that the CIA had anything to do with the murder of a U.S. federal agent or the escape of his killer [Caro Quintero].”

Narco News, however, has uncovered previously unreported information about the Camarena case, following independent interviews with Berrellez, Jordan, Plumlee and others — that confirms Caro Quintero was, in fact, protected by CIA assets in the weeks after Camarena’s murder and that the DEA agent’s abduction may well be connected to what a renowned Mexican journalist had uncovered just prior to his assassination in Mexico in 1984.

All of the recent mainstream press stories alleging CIA links to Camarena’s murder followed the publication in early August of Narco News’ story about Caro Quintero’s release from a Mexican prison. It was Narco News’ story that pointed out that the CIA’s fingerprints were all over the Camarena case — an observation that other journalists, such as Chuck Bowden, had advanced in the past, back in the 1990s.

CIA Revelations

Former CIA contract pilot Plumlee told Narco News during the course of a series of recent interviews that after Camarena’s murder in early February 1985, he was ordered by his CIA handlers to fly into a ranch located near Veracruz, Mexico.

That ranch, he claims and DEA documents show, was controlled by the narco-trafficker Caro Quintero. It also was being used by the CIA — which was operating there using Mexico’s intelligence service, the Federal Security Directorate, as a cover. The Federal Security Directorate, or DFS in its Spanish initials, has since been reorganized and rebranded as CISEN, which still works closely with US officials and agencies, including the CIA.

The Veracruz ranch was being used as a drugs-and-weapons transshipment location — part of a larger effort to fund and supply the US-trained Contra guerrillas.

That covert effort was at the root of a scandal known asIran/Contra, which played out during President Ronald Reagan’s second term in the 1980s. One facet of the scandal involved illegally raising money via arms sales to Iran to fund the Nicaraguan Contra’s counter-insurgency campaign against the government of Nicaragua. Another part of the scandal also implicated the CIA and the White House National Security Council in alleged U.S.-sanctioned narcotics and arms trafficking.

Investigative journalist Gary Webb further bolstered the claims of the U.S. government’s involvement in narco-trafficking in his now-famous Dark Alliance series published in 1996 by the San Jose Mercury News.

Plumlee contends that at some point after Camarena’s murder, Caro Quintero was transported to the CIA-linked ranch near Veracruz, where Plumlee was ordered to intercept him.

“I was ordered to pick up Caro Quintero at that ranch,” Plumlee told Narco News. “I didn’t really know who he was at the time. But it was a [US government] sanctioned operation.”

Plumlee says he flew Caro Quintero in a Cessna 310 (owned by a “CIA cutout” called SETCO) to a private airstrip located just across the Mexican border in Guatemala.

“I was told to take a person from point A to B, and I did,” Plumlee says, referring to his job as a CIA contract pilot. “If you ask too many questions, you won’t be around too long.”

Plumlee contends another pilot, “also associated with SETCO,” then picked up Caro Quintero in Guatemala and flew him to Costa Rica. (Caro Quintero was ultimately captured in Costa Rica in April 1985, some three months after Camarena was killed.)

After dropping Caro Quintero off in Guatemala, Plumlee says he “assumes” the narco-trafficker was flown into John Hull’s ranch in Costa Rica.

“John Hull's ranch [allegedly] was [another ranch] protected by the CIA and … Hull took advantage of this protection and allowed planes loaded with cocaine to land there, charging $10,000 per landing,” states a US Department of Justice Office of Inspector General (OIG) report issued in 1997.

SETCO, too, was part of the covert Contra-supply effort, according to a 1998 CIA-OIG report:

According to U.S. law enforcement records cited in the Kerry Report [released by a US Senate subcommittee chaired by then-Sen. John Kerry], SETCO was established by Juan Matta Ballesteros, "a class I DEA violator." The Kerry Report also states that those records indicate that Matta was a major figure in the Colombian cartel and was involved in the murder of DEA agent Enrique Camarena. Matta was extradited to the United States in 1988 and convicted on drug trafficking charges. [Emphasis added.]

Plumlee also had a connection to slain DEA agent Camarena. He told Narco News that he met with Camarena in late 1984 at a small cafe in Phoenix, Ariz. Camarena had come to Phoenix to interview Plumlee as part of his investigation into the covert Contra-supply operations in Mexico.

Following is Plumlee’s recollection of what was discussed at that meeting:

I had flown into the ranch [near Veracruz, Mexico] many times with weapons for the Contra southern front, as well into Costa Rica (as referenced in Senator Gary Hart’s letter of 1991)

The Oaxaca Cafe was a small place, but was noted for its food dishes from the south, around Oaxaca, Mexico. ... The Phoenix organized crime boys [Plumlee, says, at the time, he was embedded in a tri-state law-enforcement task force] used to eat there a lot with a few local DEA. They chose the place.

… This information, [discussed with Camarena] at the Oaxaca [Cafe], launched a series of field reports back to DEA [via Camarena] and CIA [because Plumlee reported it to his handlers] … and Washington for follow-up information to confirm the rumor that weapons were going south for the Contras in order to override the Boland Amendment [which severely restricted US aid to the Contras], and drugs coming back to finance the operation. Kiki [Camarena] had reported this to his people in Guadalajara, asking why they had not moved on this ranch near Veracruz and the weapons stocks.

… Kiki did not trust the CIA and I told him, “We’re on the same team,” or I might have said, ‘They’re on the same team,’ and I think his reply was something like, ‘We’ll see about that.’ Some weeks later he and his pilot were kidnapped.

Plumlee during that period (early-to-mid-1980s) was already talking with then-Sen. Gary Hart’s office about the drug-and-weapons shipments he was being ordered to carry out as part of US-government sanctioned operations. In fact, he provided testimony to the US Senate several times “behind closed doors” in the 1980s and early 1990s, revealing what he knew about the operations.

The following is from testimony he provided to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in August 1990:

Documentation provided by Mr. Plumlee and other testimony from pilots and operatives indicate Plumlee flew many black operations, including flying arms to Central America in the early eighties and drugs back into the United States, being advised that these activities were sanctioned operations and were in the national interest.

Plumlee’s Senate testimony also includes a reference to a 1990 DEA report “marked secret” that discusses information Mexican journalist Manuel Buendia had uncovered that exposed the CIA’s alleged relationships with “known narcotic traffickers in the Veracruz area” as well as “information that would expose high-ranking members of the PRI political party who were assisting the CIA with arms smuggling.”

Bill Holen, who was a member of Gary Hart’s US Senate staff from 1975-1986, in an interview with Narco News confirmed he did meet with Plumlee on several occasions in the early 1980s to discuss and document his allegations concerning government-sanctioned drug-and-arms smuggling. A letter drafted in 1991 by Sen. Hart and sent to Sen. Kerry confirms that fact as well.

“I conveyed what he [Plumlee] said to the [Senate] Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations, then headed by Sen. Kerry,” Holen says. “They did validate what Tosh was saying.… Kerry’s staff did speak to me on several occasions, and they did bring Tosh in to testify. I have no reason not to believe Tosh [Plumlee].”

DEA revelations

Former DEA commander Jordan spent some time with Camarena in Guadalajara, Mexico, in the spring of 1984. At the time, Jordan says he realized that Mexican DFS agents were tailing Camarena.

Jordan says Camarena told him that it was true that the DFS did the bidding of narco-traffickers, but more importantly, Jordan recalls, Camarena said, “They [the DFS] also are the ears and arms of the CIA.”

In the wake of Camarena’s murder, Jordan says DEA agents managed to catch up with Caro Quintero at the airport in Guadalajara, but were prevented from apprehending him because Caro Quintero was protected by dozens of DFS agents.

Jordan, who says he has two trusted sources of information on the so-called “Mexican stand-off” at the Guadalajara airport, adds that the plane Caro Quintero flew out on that day was owned by narco-trafficker “Matta Ballesteros,” the founder of SETCO. Jordan also contends Caro Quintero was carrying DFS credentials and that the aircraft’s pilot was “a CIA operative.”

Berrellez, who spent some five years of his life investigating Camarena’s murder while working for the DEA, confirms that DFS agents did play a major role in Camarena’s abduction and subsequent interrogation. Besides the individuals in the car used to nab Camarena off the street, Berrellez says there were armed men positioned at all the intersections near the kidnapping scene.

Present at the house in Guadalajara where Camarena was held after his kidnapping, Berrellez says, were narco-traffickers like Caro Quintero, his partner Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo and members of their organization. Also at the house, he adds, were DFS agents as well as several CIA operatives, among others — along with plenty of tape-recording equipment. Berrellez says he has sources who were at the house when Camarena was being tortured and later became government witnesses and have confirmed these facts.

The goal of abducting Camarena, Berrellez believes, was not to kill him, but rather to conduct a police-style interrogation to find out where he was getting his information about CIA’s covert operations in Mexico.

Berrellez — as well as Jordan and Plumlee — say they believe it is likely Camarena was abducted on orders from powerful individuals who were calling the shots in the CIA-supported Contra supply operation (individuals who ultimately reported to the White House).

Those individuals wanted to find and control the sources providing information to Camarena in order to protect the covert operation and u