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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #351 
Here are the Plumlee /Gary Hart documents in PDF

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/userfiles/70/sengaryhart.pdf
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/userfiles/70/DEA.Mexico.Report.2.1990.pdf



*************************


12/30/13

Charles Bowden's book "DOWN BY THE RIVER" will be made into a film!
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Bowden
http://www.deadline.com/2013/10/parkland-helmer-peter-landesman-to-direct-scott-stuber-produced-down-by-the-river/



‘Parkland’ Helmer Peter Landesman To Direct Scott Stuber-Produced ‘Down By The River’
By MIKE FLEMING JR | Thursday October 3, 2013 @ 4:18pm PDTTags: Down By The River, Parkland, Peter Landesman, Scott Stuber        
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Mike Fleming

EXCLUSIVE: Scott Stuber’s Bluegrass Films has set Parkland writer-director Peter Landesman to rewrite and direct Down By The River, an espionage revenge thriller inspired by Charles Bowden’s nonfiction book. Landesman will come on to rewrite a script by Henry Bean.

Landesman and Naomi Despres brought the project to Stuber as the same time as Kill the Messenger, the story of how investigative journalist Gary Webb uncovered CIA complicity in bringing crack to U.S. cities and then destroyed the reputation of Webb, who committed suicide in 2004. Michael Cuesta directed the film for Focus Features with Jeremy Renner playing Webb. Stuber produced with Despres and Renner, while Landesman and Pamela Abdy are exec producers.

In Down By The River, the younger brother of a high-level DEA official and former undercover agent is murdered in broad daylight in El Paso, Texas. After discovering the hit was ordered by the drug kingpin across the river in Juarez, Mexico, possibly as retribution for the agent’s past actions, the DEA official heads across the border for some big-time revenge — not only against the killers but the DEA as well.

Landesman called Bowden’s book “haunting and epic, it winds and digs deep into the gray zone of the U.S.-Mexican border. We are using the true story chronicled in this book as a launching point, and the facts are like a punch in the gut. DEA agent Phil Jordan is a deeply compelling and complex cinematic character — courageous, brilliant, enraged, unstoppable. The desire to make this film for me is like a compulsion, and it’s great to be working with Scott again.”

Parkland, which played at Venice and Toronto, looks at the JFK assassination through the eyes of several characters on the periphery of the tragedy: the doctors who fought to save the president’s life; the assassin’s brother; the FBI and Secret Service agents unable to shield the president; and the author of the Zapruder film. Exclusive Media tomorrow releases the film, which marks the feature directorial debut of Landesman, a longtime foreign correspondent-turned screenwriter.








Peter Landesman to Rewrite and Direct DOWN BY THE RIVER;
by Dave Trumbore Posted 1 hour ago

http://collider.com/peter-landesman-down-by-the-river/
Here is a pair of director stories for you to check out:

Peter Landesman (Parkland) is attached to rewrite and direct Down by the River, a revenge thriller inspired by Charles Bowden’s non-fiction book about the murder of the younger brother of a DEA official and undercover agent by a Mexican drug cartel.
Kim Jee-woon (The Last Stand) is now attached to direct an adaptation of Ed Brubaker’s graphic novel, Coward.

Hit the jump for more on each movie.

down-by-the-river-charles-bowdenDeadline reports that Landesman will rewrite and direct Down by the River. The story centers on “the younger brother of a high level DEA official and former undercover agent [who] is murdered in broad daylight in El Paso, Texas. After discovering the hit was ordered by the drug kingpin across the river in Juarez, Mexico, possibly as retribution for the agent’s past actions, the DEA official heads across the border for some big time revenge. Not only against the killers, but the DEA as well.” Landesman’s JFK assassination picture Parkland opens in theaters this weekend, and he’ll follow that up with Kill the Messenger in 2014.

In Landesman’s words, he called the source material:

“haunting and epic, it winds and digs deep into the grey zone of the US/Mexican border. We are using the true story chronicled in this book as a launching point, and the facts are like a punch in the gut. DEA agent Phil Jordan is a deeply compelling and complex cinematic character — courageous, brilliant, enraged, unstoppable. The desire to make this film for me is like a compulsion, and it’s great to be working with Scott [Stuber] again.”










Down by the River: Drugs, Money, Murder & Family by Charles Bowden — A Short Review
Posted on December 24, 2012        

Down by the River: Drugs, Money, Murder & Family by Charles Bowden

“There was a War on Drugs, and you lost . . .”
http://www.bardofthesouth.com/down-by-the-river-drugs-money-murder-family-by-charles-bowden-a-short-review/



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #352 
"I RAN DRUGS FOR UNCLE SAM" by Neal Matthews
The San Diego Reader
April, 1990

Interview with pilot Robert "Tosh" Plumlee complete with Maps , etc.

http://www.nealmatthews.com/Documents/Tosh.pdf

mirrored here incase it gets removed
http://www.scribd.com/doc/195702860/Tosh-pdf

FOIA request and docs on Tosh Plumlee
from Kennedy and Cuba on to Iran-Contra
http://www.scribd.com/doc/80605727/FBI-DEA-CIA-Files-on-William-Robert-Tosh-Plumlee
DEA report on Caro Quintero
http://www.scribd.com/doc/180778600/Tosh-Plumlee-DEA-files


------------------------------------------




I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam--William "Tosh" Plumlee parts 1-5....
EXPERT WITNESS RADIO SHOW 1999 - MICHAEL LEVINE (DEA-Ret)






http://www.michaellevinebooks.com/
https://www.youtube.com/user/michaellevine53/videos
http://www.expertwitnessradio.org/







-----------------------------------------------

Tosh Plumlee's FACEBOOK:

https://www.facebook.com/roberttoshplumlee

Robert Tosh Plumlee shared a link.
December 3, 2013
The original article I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam can be found on Neal Matthews website. This article has the military map with all the flyways into the United States from Central and South America, and Mexico.

http://www.nealmatthews.com

(go to Dangerous waters section... then scroll down to San Diego Reader article... "I ran Drugs..






__________________

Other links


http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=5793

Other links:
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKplumlee.htm
http://jfkmurdersolved.com/toshfiles.htm
http://toshplumlee.info
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Robert_Plumlee

Alex jones
9/24/13




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #353 


Proceso articles Camarena murder Hector Berrellez, Tosh Plumlee, Phil Jordan, Mike Holm

(full color with photos)

Mike Holm was the supervisor of Hector Berrellez at DEA and was famous for the world's largest drug seizure in Sylmar, California (Los Angeles) 21,700 Kilos of cocaine. Amazingly, the price of drugs was not affected at all and remained at record low prices.
read about him here:
http://varropress.com/police/swat-team-development-deployment/


Hector Berrellez lead the murder investigation - Operation Leyenda into the death of DEA agent Enrique "KIKI" Camarena.
He was transferred to a Washington DC desk job when he discovered US intelligence involvement in the drug trade and ordered a criminal investigation of the CIA. Berrellez was known as the "Elliot Ness of the DEA"
http://www.imdb.com/name/nm3171195/


Phil Jordan was the head of DEA's El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC) and the subject of the book "Down by the River" (soon to be a movie) by Charles Bowden. He also appears in the excellent article "the killer across the river" about the drug lord Amado Carrillo Fuentes
http://www.scribd.com/doc/129922529/Amado-Carrillo-Fuentes-the-Killer-Across-the-River-by-Charles-Bowden




Proceso Magazine (issue #1929) article October 20, 2013 “La Historia Secreta”
http://www.scribd.com/doc/183270365/1929
Proceso (issue 1931) November 3, 2013 Caso Camarena: Contra CIA mas evidencias
http://www.scribd.com/doc/181937687/prc-c-1931
Proceso (issue 1932) Nov 10, 2013 Caso Caro Quintero: La SCJN se congracia con Estados Unidos
La versión del piloto Plumlee: La Casa Blanca protegió a Caro Quintero (2 articles)
http://www.scribd.com/doc/184829101/Proceso-1932
Proceso (issue 1928) October 13, 2013 “A Camarena lo ejecutó la CIA, no Caro Quintero”
http://www.scribd.com/doc/176117957/Proceso-1928

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #354 
Celerino Castillo III Video Interview Parts 1 to 7 (2009)


Interviewer - Alex Jones
Topics- George Bush, Col James Steele, El Salvador, Iraq, Covert operations, drug trafficking, CONTRAS.












This information and links are mirrored here:

http://www.democraticunderground.com/10022291453


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #355 

DEA Case Threatens to Expose US Government-Sanctioned Drug-Running
Posted by Bill Conroy - January 4, 2014 at 6:37 pm

Pleadings in Federal Court Reveal ICE Undercover Operation Marked With CIA Fingerprints

Federal agents this past November raided the offices of an aircraft brokerage and leasing company called World Jet Inc., based in Fort Lauderdale, Fla.

The raid, spearheaded by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, was launched on the heels of a DEA affidavit for a search warrant, which was filed in late October last year in federal court in Colorado as part of a case that is now sealed. The search-warrant affidavit was made available on the Internet after being obtained by a reporter for the Durango Herald newspaper.

The affidavit outlines allegations against several individuals accused by the DEA of participating in a narco-trafficking conspiracy. But that is not the big story here.

Instead, the real news is buried deep in the DEA court pleadings and confirms the existence of a US undercover operation that Narco News reported previously had allowed tons of cocaine to be flown from Latin America into the states absent proper controls or the knowledge of the affected Latin American nations.

The DEA affidavit focuses on the owner of World Jet, Don Whittington, and his brother, Bill — both of whom earned modest infamy as race-car drivers who were convicted and served time in prison for participating in a marijuana-smuggling conspiracy in the 1980s.

The DEA now alleges the pair, through World Jet, have leased or brokered the sale of multiple aircraft to agents of known narco-trafficking organizations in Latin America. Those aircraft, the DEA claims, were leased or sold at inflated prices and the proceeds laundered through various businesses owned or operate by the brothers — including a resort and spa in Colorado.

Because the titles and tail numbers for the leased aircraft are kept in World Jet or related-parties’ names, the planes can be “repossessed” by World Jet after they have served their purpose for the narco-traffickers, or if a plane is later seized as part of a drug bust, “both parties can deny responsibility and World Jet Inc. can reclaim the aircraft as they hold the financial lien,” the DEA affidavit alleges.

Narco News contacted World Jet’s office in Florida seeking comment from the Whittington brothers and also contacted their attorney. None of them returned calls prior to deadline.

However, Jason Bowles, an attorney representing Bill Whittington’s daughter, Nerissa, claims DEA’s allegations with respect to his client are without merit. (Nerissa Whittington is the registered agent for the company that controls the Colorado resort and spa that the DEA affidavit alleges is part of the World Jet money-laundering scheme.)

"Nerissa and her companies have done nothing wrong," Bowles says. "She is a good business woman. She is innocent."

Bowles adds that to date no arrests have been made or indictments issued as a result of the DEA search-warrant affidavit.

Although the investigation into the Whittingtons and World Jet may seem like a typical drug-war saga, there is a twist in this case, related to the sale of a Gulfstream II corporate jet, that appears to put the DEA in the position of investigating one or more of its sister federal agencies.

Mayan Express

Don Whittington’s World Jet brokered the Gulfstream II’s sale to a company called Donna Blue Aircraft Inc., according to the DEA affidavit.

The DEA affidavit indicates that Donna Blue was, in fact, a front company for an ICE undercover operation dubbed “Mayan Jaguar.” Donna Blue subsequently sold the Gulfstream II jet to a Florida duo — Clyde O'Connor and Gregory Smith, who has a history of involvement in US government operations.

About a week later, on Sept. 24, 2007, the Gulfstream jet crashed in Mexico’s Yucatan with a payload of some 4 tons of cocaine onboard. Media reports at the time and European investigators, it turns out, have linked the Gulfstream II’s tail number, N987SA, to past CIA flights to Guantanamo Bay.

Narco News reported on the Gulfstream II jet crash and its aftermath extensively and has uncovered documents and sources indicating that Gregory Smith was, in fact, a contract pilot who did work for the US government, including US Customs (later rolled into ICE, which is part of Homeland Security), DEA, FBI and likely CIA.

A Narco News story published in December 2007 also revealed that the Gulfstream II jet was part of an ICE undercover operation called Mayan Express.

From that story:

The Gulfstream II jet that crash landed in the Mexican Yucatan in late September [2007] carrying close to four tons of cocaine was part of an operation being carried out by a Department of Homeland Security agency, DEA sources have revealed to Narco News.

The operation, codenamed “Mayan Express,” is an ongoing effort spearheaded by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the sources claim. The information surfaced during a high-level meeting at DEA headquarters in mid-December [2007], DEA sources familiar with the meeting assert.

Those same sources now tell Narco News that Mayan Express and ICE’s Mayan Jaguar operation revealed in the recently filed DEA affidavit are one and the same. The Narco News story about Mayan Express also revealed that, according to several US law enforcers, the operation likely was run with CIA assistance and may well have been a CIA covert operation using ICE as a cover for its activities.

More from the 2007 Narco News story:

The operation [Mayan Express/Jaguar] also appears to be badly flawed, the sources say, because it is being carried out unilaterally, (Rambo-style), by ICE and without the knowledge of the Mexican government ….

“This is a case of ICE running amok,” one DEA source told Narco News. “If this [operation] was being run by the book, they would not be doing it unilaterally” – without the participation of DEA – “and without the knowledge of the Mexican government.”

… The bottom line, though, according to the DEA sources who leaked the information to Narco News, is that the real purpose of the Mayan Express [Mayan Jaguar] operation remains unclear, as does the volume of drugs involved in the operation to date [beyond the four tons found onboard the crashed Gulfstream II].

One proposition that all of the law enforcers who spoke with Narco News agreed on with respect to the Mayan Express [Mayan Jaguar] is that even if DEA was precluded from participating in the effort, the CIA almost certainly was involved on some level. They say no law enforcement operation is carried out overseas without the CIA lurking in the background.

… Attorney Mark Conrad, a former high-level supervisory US Customs special agent who has an extensive background in the intelligence world, has no problem entertaining a CIA scenario in the Gulfstream II narco-world saga.

“… It [Mayan Express/Jaguar] makes no sense and it makes perfect sense. There probably aren’t six people left at ICE who could put an operation like this together. It could well be a CIA operation working under ICE cover.”

Government Pilot

Narco News’ past coverage of the Gulfstream II jet also established that Gregory Smith, one of the jet’s owners at the time of its crash landing in Mexico, worked as a contract pilot for a US government operation targeting Colombian narco-traffickers in the late 1990s/early 2000s.

In fact, Smith’s company at the time, Aero Group Jets, leased the Hawker jet used for that operation to the individual at the center of it — a CIA [link here, see page 16], DEA and FBI asset named Baruch Vega. That same Hawker jet, FAA records show, was later purchased by Clyde O’Connor — Smith’s partner in the 2007 Gulfstream II purchase.

From a December 2007 Narco News story:

[CIA asset] Vega, in a recent lawsuit filed in federal court, claims the FBI and DEA both used him between 1997 and 2000 to help broker plea deals with Colombian narco-traffickers and that, in the end, the U.S. government stiffed him out of $28.5 million in promised payments for his work.

It was during that work for the FBI and DEA that Vega ran across Greg [Gregory] Smith, whom Vega claims was brought in by the FBI to pilot some 25 to 30 flights that involved couriering federal agents, Colombian narco-traffickers and lawyers back and forth between the United States and Latin America as part of the naroc-trafficker [cooperating-source] “recruiting” efforts.

Vega also says that the CIA was very involved in this effort, assisting with assuring the safe transport of the narco-traffickers to the airports in Latin America.

“We did have the full cooperation of the CIA…,” he told Narco News.

On at least one occasion, Vega adds, a CIA agent actually flew in the jet during one of the Latin American missions — though he stresses the agent simply needed to hitch a ride and was not directly involved with the operation.

In another story published by Narco News in February 2008, Vega reveals additional details about the Gulfstream II jet and its role in Mayan Express/Jaguar that he learned due to his connections with US government agencies.

From that story:

… The Gulfstream II, according to DEA sources, was being used as part of a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) undercover operation, called the Mayan Express [Mayan Jaguar], when it crashed in Mexico. Those sources contend the operation is being run “unilaterally” without the knowledge or cooperation of Latin American governments.

CIA asset Vega further claims that a notorious Colombian narco-trafficker named Nelson Urrego works as an informant for the U.S. government, both ICE and the CIA, and that he helped to arrange the Gulfstream II’s cocaine payload through Colombian paramilitary groups. Panamanian authorities arrested Urrego on money-laundering charges about a week before the Gulfstream II crashed. Urrego has since told the Panamanian press that he is, in fact, a CIA asset.

Given this backdrop, several Narco News sources, including Mark Conrad, a former supervisor special agent with ICE’s predecessor agency, U.S. Customs, have suggested that the CIA, not ICE, is actually the U.S. agency controlling the Mayan Express operation.

If Conrad is right, then DEA may now, in effect, be declaring war on the CIA because its World Jet investigation, if pursued to its end, could potentially expose CIA-sponsored drug running.

The DEA search-warrant affidavit now filed in federal court also alleges that Gregory Smith — identified as a contract pilot for World Jet — is also a DEA target suspected of being a drug smuggler.

From the DEA affidavit:

On September 24, 2007, a 1975 Grumman Gulfstream II Turbo Jet bearing tail number N987SA, crashed in the Yucatan Peninsula while transporting 3.723 kilograms of cocaine, which was recovered by the Mexican government, as documented by DEA Merida, Yucatan, Mexico. N987SA was owned by Donna Blue Aircraft Inc., which was subsequently identified as a front company for a Tampa Bay, Florida-based ICE undercover operation named Operation Mayan Jaguar [alias Mayan Express].

Earlier in 2007, the aircraft was sold from a Delaware-based company, SA Holdings LLC, to Donna Blue Aircraft Inc., which in turn produced a bill of sale for the aircraft to Clyde O’Connor and Gregory Smith. Clyde O’Connor and Gregory Smith have long been targets of DEA investigations for the trafficking of cocaine from South America to Central America and Mexico. As well, Gregory Smith currently works as a contract pilot for Don Whittington and World Jet Inc. Don Whittington and World Jet Inc. were implicated in the brokering of the sale of N987SA from SA Holdings LLC to the undercover company, Donna Blue Aircraft Inc.

… Gregory Smith has been identified in other DEA investigations as a pilot of interest due to intelligence that indicated he was a contract pilot who has flown loads of cocaine and marijuana from South and Central America to other points in the United States and Mexico.

Narco News recently contacted World Jet and asked to speak with Gregory Smith. The individual who answered the phone responded that Smith was unavailable, adding that she had "not seen him in a while.”

More Connections

Could pilot Gregory Smith’s alleged drug-smuggling runs, as outlined in the DEA affidavit, actually have been part of Mayan Jaguar/Express, or various CIA operations, that were unknown to DEA?

Tosh Plumlee, a former CIA contract pilot who has blown the whistle on past CIA-sponsored drug-running operations, concludes that the answer to that question is “simple.”

“The CIA’s fingerprints are everywhere [on this operation],” Plumlee adds.

Still, it’s difficult to know with absolute certainty, based on the available evidence, the full extent of any CIA involvement. But there are other facts related to this case that should raise eyebrows for anyone in the US government empowered to investigate such matters.

For example, Joao Malago, one of the owners of the alleged ICE front company Donna Blue, confirmed to Narco News previously that he served as a business partner in a biofuels company called Atlantic Alcohol that listed among its officers an individual named Larry Peters, owner of Skyway Aircraft Inc. in St. Petersburg, Fla.

Skyway also happens to have brokered the sale of nine planes to Venezuelan buyers between 2003 and 2008, based on a past Narco News investigation. At least two of them were later identified as aircraft that were used in drug-trafficking operations.

Peters and Malago have previously denied having any connections to drug traffickers. In fact, based on the revelations in the recent DEA affidavit, it would appear that Malago and Peters are far more likely to have US government connections.

Both the Gulfstream II jet sold by Malago’s Donna Blue to O’Connor and Smith as well as one of the Peters’ Skyway Aircraft planes (a Beechcraft King Air 200) sold to a Venezuelan buyer were later found crashed or abandoned and linked to cocaine payloads — the Gulfstream II in Mexico after crashing in the Yucatan and the Beechcraft King Air 200 in Nicaragua. Both of those aircraft sported tail numbers at the time that linked them to apparent prior use by the CIA.

From a Narco News story published in March 2008:

Skyway Aircraft Inc. in St. Petersburg, Florida, sold the aircraft [Beechcraft King Air 200] to a Venezuelan purchaser in October 2004, about a month before it was apprehended in a Nicaraguan cotton field linked to a payload of some 1,100 kilos of cocaine. The Beech 200 was found in Nicaragua bearing a false tail number (N168D), which FAA records show is registered to a North Carolina company called Devon Holding and Leasing Inc.

According to press reports and an investigation conducted by the European Parliament into the CIA’s terrorist rendition program, Devon Holding is a CIA shell company and N168D is a tail number to a CIA aircraft.

ICE spokesperson Carissa Cutrell confirmed that Mayan Jaguar was an ICE operation “initiated to target drug trafficking.” She said it ran from around 2003 to 2007 and was then shut down.

“I don’t’ think anything [arrests or indictments] came out of it,” she says.

A DEA source told Narco News that it is surprising that ICE would allow an operation like Mayan Jaguar/Express to continue for so many years without producing any law enforcement results, adding that such an expensive and expansive international operation would not be launched and continued for years at DEA unless strict controls were in place and it also produced results — such as arrests and indictments.

Yet another connection to all of this is the fact that the Mexican government claims a money-exchange company called Casa De Cambio Puebla, operated by an individual named Pedro Alfonso Alatorrre Damy, fronted the money for the purchase of the cocaine Gulfstream II jet -- which was reportedly sold by Donna Blue Aircraft to Smith and O'Connor for $2 million only 8 days prior to it crashing in Mexico.

Damy was an alleged money launder for Mexico's Sinaloa narco-trafficking organization. This is important because Jesus Zambada Niebla, now awaiting trial in Chicago, is a top-level Sinaloa player who claims in his court pleadings that the drug-trafficking organization had a quid pro quo agreement with the US government that allowed its senior members to operate with impunity in exchange for providing US law enforcement and intel agencies with information about rival cartels.

From Zambada Niebla's court pleadings:

The United States government considered the arrangements with the Sinaloa Cartel an acceptable price to pay, because the principal objective was the destruction and dismantling of rival cartels by using the assistance of the Sinaloa Cartel — without regard for the fact that tons of illicit drugs continued to be smuggled into Chicago and other parts of the United States and consumption continued virtually unabated.

Damy was arrested in Mexico in 2007 and extradited to the US in early 2013. As part of a plea deal he was convicted on one count of money laundering and this past April quietly sentenced to time served — pretty lenient considering the amount of cocaine involved and an alleged money-laundering tally exceeding $170 million, according to the indictment. A law enforcer who spoke with Narco News on background says the light sentence is a good sign that Damy had agreed at some point to cooperate with the US government.

Coincidently, Damy’s case also is tied intricately to another U.S. government legal action against former banking giant Wachovia (since sold to Wells Fargo), which was implicated in the Damy money-laundering operation. Sinaloa organization operative Damy allegedly used the bank as part of his money-laundering enterprise.

Wachovia inked a deferred prosecution agreement with the U.S. Department of Justice in March 2010 in exchange for paying a monetary penalty of some $160 million and providing a promise of cooperation with the U.S. government.

Jim Schrant, DEA resident agent in charge in Grand Junction, Colo., when contacted by Narco News confirmed that there is "an ongoing investigation" related to the World Jet search warrant that "involves very serious crimes." He declined to comment, however, on specific "individuals or events mentioned in the affidavit." Schrant also confirmed that his office is involved in the investigation.

Another DEA source, who asked not to be named, told Narco News that the World Jet investigation, if it indeed gets too close to exposing a CIA-enabled covert operation, will in all likelihood be jammed up by the brass at the headquarters level.

"Any agency that is above the law [such as CIA] can get away with anything. It's sad, and most people don't know it, or care, but it's true,” the source says. “When they invoke national security, everyone just craps their pants, even judges."

Stay tuned….


http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/01/dea-case-threatens-expose-us-government-sanctioned-drug-running








@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@


ROGUE 10: TEN POTENTIAL GEMS OF 2014
Friday, 10 January 2014 10:07
Written by Jordan DeSaulnier
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/board/thread/224421554
Finally, somebody made a movie about Gary Webb, the Pulitzer Prize-winning San Jose Mercury News reporter who, in his 1996 article series "Dark Alliance," alleged that the CIA was instrumental in importing crack cocaine to California in the 1980s, using the profits to illegally fund the Contra rebel army in Nicaragua. Webb was then thrown under the bus by his colleagues and hounded until meeting a suspicious end. Webb's story is a fascinating one, and with Jeremy Renner playing him, we ought to get a complex character study. Throw in L.I.E. and prolific television helmer Michael Cuesta and Kill the Messenger could just be devastating and even important.




http://www.iamrogue.com/news/lists/item/10430-rogue-10-ten-potential-g ems-of-2014.html





****************************************8



http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/board/thread/224227438

KillTheMessenger w/ Jeremy Renner make @IndieWire’s list of Most Anticipated Films of 2014.

ow.ly/sjef4


81. “Kill The Messenger”
Synopsis: This is the true story of journalist Gary Webb, who documented the CIA’s involvement in the global drug trade, and ended up having his career destroyed as a result.

What You Need To Know: Jeremy Renner is using his clout from “The Bourne Legacy” and “The Avengers” to get this story out there, serving as producer and star for this true story. The script from Peter Landesman draws inspiration from two books, Webb’s own “Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras And The Crack Cocaine Explosion” and “Kill The Messenger: How The CIA’s Crack Cocaine Controversy Destroyed Gary Webb” by Nick Schou. Renner was smart enough to reach into his past to hire his “Twelve And Holding” director Michael Cuesta, who has also logged hours in television with “Homeland” and “Dexter.” Rosemarie DeWitt, Tim Blake Nelson, Michael K. Williams, Robert Patrick, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Paz Vega, Michael Sheen, Ray Liotta and Mary Elizabeth Winstead co-star.

Why Is It Anticipated: Simply put, this is a significant story that needs to be told about the CIA sullying the name of an innocent man in plain sight in order to protect their clearly illegal actions. There’s been a strand of aggression and antagonism towards honest reportage in the recent political climate, and the government (and the media, somehow!) have been allowed to control the narrative and distract the public from nakedly obvious wrongdoing. A movie isn’t going to do much in the long run, but as far as informing the public, it’s a start.
Release Date: Possibly fourth quarter 2014.






http://blogs.indiewire.com/theplaylist/we-rank-the-100-most-anticipated-films-of-2014-the-best-films-of-the-2014-20140102?page=2#blogPostHeaderPanel

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #356 
1/14/14 TIME MAGAZINE--U.S. Government Helped Rise of Mexican Drug Cartel: Mexican newspaper reveals


http://world.time.com/2014/01/14/dea-boosted-mexican-drug-cartel/

U.S. Government Helped Rise of Mexican Drug Cartel: Report

Mexican newspaper reveals secret arrangement between DEA and Sinaloa cartel
By Per Liljas Jan. 14, 20149 Comments



RTX14G9P
Jorge Dan Lopez / Reuters

A police officer watches one of the alleged leaders of the Sinaloa Cartel in Guatemala, Wilmar Anavisca (C), also known as "El Chino", after his arrest in the Supreme Court of Justice in Guatemala City, October 18, 2013.


Follow @TIMEWorld

The U.S. government allowed the Mexican Sinaloa drug cartel to carry out its business unimpeded between 2000 and 2012 in exchange for information on rival cartels, an investigation by El Universal claims.

Citing court documents, the Mexican newspaper reports that DEA officers met with top Sinaloa officials over fifty times and offered to have charges against cartel members dropped in the U.S., among other pledges.

Dr. Edgardo Buscaglia, a senior research scholar in law and economics at Columbia University, says that the tactic has been previously used in Colombia, Cambodia, Thailand and Afghanistan.

“Of course, this modus operandi involves a violation of public international law, besides adding more fuel to the violence, violations of due process and of human rights,” he told El Universal.

Myles Frechette, a former U.S. ambassador to Colombia, said while that the problem of drug trafficking in Colombia persists, the tactic of secret agreements had managed to reduce it.

The period when the relationship between the DEA and Sinaloa was supposed to have been the closest, between 2006 and 2012, saw a major surge of violence in Mexico, and was the time when the Sinaloa cartel rose significantly in prominence.

Read more: DEA, Sinaloa Cartel in Secret Cooperation for Years | TIME.com http://world.time.com/2014/01/14/dea-boosted-mexican-drug-cartel/#ixzz2r2q48SKV



http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion-mexico/2014/impreso/la-guerra-secreta-de-la-dea-en-mexico-212050.html





__________________________________

ICE Investigation Targeting Drug Planes Plagued by Scandal, Court Records Show
Posted by Bill Conroy - January 19, 2014 at 8:24 pm

Was “Mayan Jaguar” a Corrupt Undercover Op or a CIA Cover?
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/01/ice-investigation-targeting-drug-planes-plagued-scandal-court-records-s
______________________________________________________--







Feds raid CIA-connected air charter in Fort Lauderdale
Posted on December 12, 2013 by Daniel Hopsicker

http://www.madcowprod.com/2013/12/12/fort-lauderdale-florida-is-a-protestant-palermo/






______________________________________


Actor Jeremy Renner Jan 20, 2014 interview about KILL THE MESSENGER

While the logistics and details of billion-dollar franchises like The Avengers and Bourne may be out of Renner’s hands, he is taking control of his own destiny in other ways. His recently formed production company, The Combine, will release its first film the fourth quarter of 2014.

(From left) Jennifer Lawrence, Elisabeth Rohm, Christian Bale and Renner in American Hustle.
(From left) Jennifer Lawrence, Elisabeth Rohm, Christian Bale and Renner in American Hustle.

Renner also stars in the drama Kill The Messenger, which is the true story of a San Jose Mercury News reporter who became the target of a smear campaign after exposing a CIA scandal.

“I saw (the movie) this morning in editing and we’re working away on getting that finished up,” he said. “That’s a pet project for us – me and the production company I started. It’s our first movie out of the gate. I’m very proud of what we’ve done so far.”

Renner said his work in franchise films affords him the luxury to focus on smaller projects, like Kill The Messenger. The movie also stars Ray Liotta, Andy Garcia and Rosemarie DeWitt.

“It’s the brand, the kind of movies I really want to be doing consistently outside of the franchise work,” Renner said. “It’s a true story. There is an exciting world here, a world that is very interesting and still worthy of being on a big screen. TV is so good now, we thought, why not do a TV show, but for film? That’s kind of where we’re going with the company.”

http://www.thestar.com.my/Lifestyle/Entertainment/Movies/News/2014/01/16/Blockbuster-man-Jeremy-Renner/



__________________________

off topic,

Worth a read:




http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/01/high-level-mexican-officials-involved.html


http://my.firedoglake.com/nsolomon/2014/01/13/why-the-washington-posts-new-ties-to-the-cia-are-so-ominous/





__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #357 
3/1/14 Ex DEA Hector Berrellez: Narco-Villain “El Chapo’s” Arrest Packaged for Media Consumption


Posted by Bill Conroy - March 1, 2014 at 4:25 pm

Former DEA Supervisor Contends Guzman’s Capture Was An “Arranged” Event
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/03/narco-villain-el-chapo-s-arrest-packaged-media-consumption

The recent capture of the notorious Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman Loera, longtime leader of Mexico’s Sinaloa narco-trafficking organization, was not what it appeared to be, according to a former DEA supervisory agent who still has a deep network of contacts in Mexico.

Guzman’s takedown, despite the media script portraying it as a daring predawn raid, was, in fact, an “arranged thing,” claims the retired DEA agent, Hector Berrellez, who led the investigation into the 1985 torture and murder of DEA agent Kiki Camarena. That cross-border investigation ran for several years and eventually led to the capture and conviction in Mexico of Rafael Caro Quintero, Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo and Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo — considered the leaders of Mexico’s then-dominate drug organization, The Guadalajara Cartel.

“Chapo was protected by Mexican federal agents and military, by the Mexican government,” Berrellez told Narco News. “He was making Peña Nieto look bad, and so the government decided to withdraw his security detail. Chapo was told he could either surrender, or he would be killed.”

Berrellez, who retired from the DEA in 1996, stresses that he is not speaking on behalf of the US government, but rather as an individual who has decades of law enforcement experience, including serving as DEA’s lead investigator in Mexico.

“This information comes from my sources, that I am still in contact with,” Berrellez adds. “I developed a large informant network in Mexico, including sources in the Mexican Attorney General’s office, Mexican generals and others. These people are still in contact with me.”

Berrellez says his version of what happened is further evidenced by the fact that Guzman was apprehended early Saturday morning, Feb. 22, in an unremarkable condominium tower in the Pacific resort town of Mazatlan, Mexico, without a shot being fired and no security detail present to offer a fight.

“This guy was bigger than Pablo Escobar ,” Berrellez says. “He ran around with a several-hundred man security detail that included Mexican military and federal agents, yet, in the end, he is arrested like a rat in a hole. My sources are telling me it was an arranged thing.”

Finding Chapo

As remarkable as Berrellez claims may sound to some, there is evidence indicating that law enforcement authorities have known for years where to find Guzman, who has led the Sinaloa organization since at least 2001, when he "escaped" from prison. Still, law enforcers mysteriously failed to capture him — until last week.

Among the reasons for Guzman’s long run from the law, several law enforcers and intelligence sources told Narco News, was not due to the fact that he could not be found, but rather because Guzman’s security team was formidable and any move against him would have led to a bloodbath — not an attractive political or law-enforcement option.

An email penned by the head of the Texas-based private intelligence firm Strafor, obtained and made public in 2012 by WikiLeaks, echoes that analysis:

Chapo commands the support of a large network of informers and has security circles of up to 300 men that make launching capture operations difficult.

Once the security-detail obstacle was removed, Guzman became a sitting duck. One law enforcer with experience working in Latin America put it this way:

It seems Chapo put his life in the hands of the people he paid off . But whenever the government wants to get you, they can get you. Look at Escobar, Fonseca, Gallardo, Quintero. They were all considered untouchable. Then, one day, it was in the interest of the government to get them.

Retired DEA agent Phil Jordan, who once led DEA’s El Paso Intelligence Center, told Narco News that he was surprised that Guzman was captured under a PRI government. (President Peña Nieto is part of Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI in its Spanish initials.)

“Chapo contributed a lot of money to the PRI,” Jordan says. “The PRI historically has been an ally of the cartels, and Chapo Guzman has contributed millions to their campaigns. All of that is documented I have seen.”

After Jordan made similar comments to the Spanish-language TV station Univision recently, the DEA issued the following statement to the media.

Remarks made by retired Drug Enforcement Administration Agent Phil Jordan and those of other retired DEA agents do not reflect the views of the Drug Enforcement Administration. The arrest of Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman Loera was a significant achievement for Mexico and a major step forward in our shared fight against transnational organized crime, violence, and drug trafficking. …

The fact that DEA felt compelled to issue such a statement indicates that Jordan’s comments about the PRI’s complicity with narco-trafficking organizations must have hit a nerve in Washington, one DEA source told Narco News. Jordan’s allegations, if on the mark, also support Berrellez’ contention — and those of his sources — that Guzman was receiving protection from the Mexican government — including under the administration of President Peña Nieto. If we accept that, the question then becomes: Why was that support withdrawn?

Berrellez says his sources indicated to him that Guzman had become more of a liability than an asset for the Mexican government. The reform agenda being pursued by the Peña Nieto regime hinges, in part, on creating a perception that Mexico is winning the drug war and reducing the violence, so that it appears a safer bet for the billions of dollars in foreign investment (particularly in the oil-and-gas and tourism sectors) that Mexico is seeking to attract.

A free Guzman was deemed a bigger threat to that agenda than a defanged Guzman, and his capture, conversely, would provide the Peña Nieto administration with a big image boost, and so Guzman had to go.

“It was political,” Berrellez says.

And it’s clear the arrest of Guzman did give Peña Nieto’s administration a major image bounce on the global stage — given the avalanche of positive press that followed "El Chapo's" capture. And it comes at a time when Peña Nieto is seeking to promote reforms that position Mexico as a land of enchantment for speculators, investors and tourists.

A 14-page advertorial section that ran in TIME magazine in late December of last year, about two months prior to Guzman’s capture — which was paid for, in part, by the Mexican government — spells out the Peña Nieto plan for “progress.”

Osorio Chong says the series of market reforms means 2014 is the ideal time to invest in Mexico and that foreign investors are welcome to bring their money, knowledge and skills to any of the nation’s industrial, commercial and manufacturing sectors.

… A former energy minister, Luis Téllez-Kuenzler, who is now president of one of the country’s most important financial institutions, the Mexican Stock Exchange, adds:

“Mexico is very investor-friendly. Anyone wishing to invest from any other country just needs to go to their bank or stock brokerage house and invest. It’s transparent, efficient and very easy to do.”

Berrellez is not the lone veteran law enforcer who does not buy into the conventional-media script manufactured for Guzman’s capture. Another former DEA agent, Mike Levine, a veteran of deep undercover missions, such as Operation Trifecta — which played out in Mexico in the late 1980s when the PRI Party also was in power in Mexico — describes the arrest of Sinaloa organization top-capo Guzman as “yet another drug war rip-off.”

Levine relayed to Narco News the following via email:

Here’s why it perpetuates the drug-war shill game run by media: Two decades ago, I was part of an international undercover operation “Operation Trifecta.”

On hidden video, our undercover “Mafia” was able to arrange a 15-ton cocaine deal directly with the Mexican military and representatives of the Mexican government, at least one of whom was tied directly to the incoming president of Mexico. As I detailed in NY Times Best Seller “Deep Cover,” CIA, State and the Department of Justice immediately moved to destroy “Operation Trifecta.” As is revealed in the book, the then-Attorney General of the United States actually blew the cover of our undercover team.

Due to a couple of hard-headed DEA and Customs agents, they were not entirely successful. Point is, what gave Chapo Guzman and ALL like him the power to become billionaire drug kingpins was the covert involvement of his own government in maintaining the flow of money and drugs through Mexico into the US.

… Understand that NOTHING has changed since this was shown and that while the covert involvement and support of the drug economy by the Mexican government — and those elements of the US government lending covert support to same — continues, there will be a continued flow of CHAPO GUZMANS ….

This link to a Youtube

actually captures the undercover deal . The video was sent by overnight courier to the Attorney General of the US, who then blew our cover by warning the AG of Mexico of the impending arrests.…

Stay tuned….






see also--
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2011/08/us-government-informant-helped-sinaloa-narco-s-stay-out-jail


###############################



2/22/2014 Ex-DEA Agent Phil Jordan: Chapo funded EPN's Campaign Saturday, February 22, 2014

http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/02/phil-jordan-chapo-funded-epns-campaign.html

Phil Jordan: Chapo funded EPN's Campaign
Saturday, February 22, 2014


Phil Jordan was the administrator of DEA's El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC)




http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/02/operation-gargoyle-persuit-capture-and.html#more

Operation Gargoyle: Pursuit, capture and confessions of El Chapo
Wednesday, February 26, 2014 | Borderland Beat Reporter un vato

Noticieros Televisa (2-24-2014) By Carlos Loret de Mola Fuente
Respectful, using no bad language, and in an even voice, Chapo
confessed to having killed between 2,000 and 3,000 persons

$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$






US-Sponsored Drug-Plane Operation Had Global Reach
Posted by Bill Conroy - February 9, 2014 at 4:12 pm

Aircraft Linked to “Mayan Jaguar” Flew Tons of Cocaine Into Africa — Gateway to the European Market

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/02/us-sponsored-drug-plane-operation-had-global-reach


)))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))




DANGEROUS BLACK ICE
Posted on February 6, 2014 by Daniel Hopsicker
Share via emailShare via email

News that a DEA affidavit implicated Fort Lauderdale aviation impresario Don Whittington for brokering the now-famous Gulfstream II jet that crashed with 4 tons of cocaine in the Yucatan to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency (ICE) black operation in Tampa came as a complete surprise, even to those closely following the case.

http://www.madcowprod.com/2014/02/06/dangerous-black-ice/




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #358 
http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_25244835/chapo-guzman-had-role-kiki-camarena-affair-1985

http://latinotimes.com/latinos/1235959-el-chapo-guzman-had-role-in-the-kiki-camarena-conspiracy-ex-dea-says.html


Ex DEA agents Hector Berrellez and Phil Jordan:

'Chapo' Guzman had role in the 'Kiki' Camarena conspiracy, ex-DEA official says
By Diana Washington Valdez / El Paso Times
Posted: 02/28/2014 09:27:07 AM MST

Hector Berrellez, a former DEA supervisor who led the multi-year investigation into DEA Special Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena's abduction, torture and slaying at the hands of drug-traffickers in 1985, wants the U.S. government to extradite Joaquín "Chapo" Guzmán because of his alleged role in the Camarena affair.

Berrellez, who retired from the DEA in 1996, said that one of his witnesses during the investigation alleged that Guzmán was present during the torture-interrogation session of Camarena, and was ordered by a drug cartel leader to pick up Camarena's pilot, Alfredo Zavala, who was also tortured and killed.

"We have people in the U.S. witness protection program who say they are willing to give additional statements under oath to a federal agent or federal prosecutor concerning these details," Berrellez said Wednesday
"Back then, and this is already documented, Guzmán was an errand man, 'gatillero' (hit man) and understudy of the Guadalajara drug cartel that was led by Rafael Caro-Quintero, Miguel Felix Gallardo and Ernest Fonseca Carrillo," Berrellez said. "It was Fonseca who ordered a backup crew of 'gatilleros' for Zavala's kidnapping, and Guzmán was one of the members of the backup crew. He was also in the room when Camarena was being beaten because the cartel wanted to know how far the DEA had infiltrated their organization."

The investigation led by Berrellez lasted several years and cost millions of dollars. Numerous people were indicted and tried, some in Mexico and others in the United States. The big capos — Caro Quintero, Felix Gallardo and Fonseca Carrillo — were tried in Mexico and sentenced to 40 years in prison for their roles in the Camarena murder. Caro Quintero was released from prison last year on a technicality.

A spokesman for the U.S. Justice Department, Peter Carr, said Wednesday, "We'll decline to comment beyond the following: The decision whether to pursue extradition will be the subject of further discussion between the United States and Mexico."

Carr noted that seven federal judicial districts have cases filed against Guzmán: the Western District of Texas has a drug conspiracy and RICO (Racketeer-Influenced and Corrupt Organizations) charges; Southern District of California, drug conspiracy; Eastern District of New York, money laundering; Northern District of Illinois, drug conspiracy; Southern District of Florida, drug conspiracy; New Hampshire, drug conspiracy; and the Southern District of New York, drug conspiracy.

Berrellez has joined with El Pasoan Phil Jordan, former director of the El Paso Intelligence Center and DEA special agent, in bringing out aspects of the Camarena investigation that were not made public in the past.

"We've been attacked for this, and our credibility has been questioned," Jordan said," by people who were not involved in the investigation and had no first-hand knowledge of what took place then or what is happening now."

While with the DEA, Jordan served as deputy chief of the cocaine section, and deputy chief of European operations. He also served as director of EPIC.

The DEA issued a single statement about Guzmán's capture and statements by Jordan and others:

"Remarks made by retired Drug Enforcement Administration Agent Phil Jordan and those of other retired DEA agents do not reflect the views of the Drug Enforcement Administration," the DEA statement said.

"The arrest of Joaquín 'El Chapo' Guzmán Loera was a significant achievement for Mexico and a major step forward in our shared fight against transnational organized crime, violence, and drug trafficking," the DEA said. "We congratulate the Mexican people and their government on the capture of the alleged head of the Sinaloa Cartel. The DEA and Mexico have a strong partnership and we will continue to support Mexico in its efforts to improve security for its citizens and continue to work together to respond to the evolving threats posed by transnational criminal organizations."

Berrellez said, "I would be a total nut case if I were to fabricate any of this. I am not an active federal agent, so I can't take the allegations into an indictment process, but interested agents and prosecutors can do this. We're waiting."

Berrellez said that during Camarena's 1985 torture session, Camarena's interrogators asked the abducted agent about money that Caro Quintero allegedly paid Camarena to leave his drug operations alone.

"It was something on the order of $4 million dollars that Caro Quintero had paid in bribes," Berrellez said. "But Kiki told the truth when they were beating him, that he didn't know anything about the money. What happened, we learned through the investigation, is that the police commanders that Caro Quintero gave the money to, which was supposed to be for Camarena, kept the money for themselves and lied about it to Caro Quintero.

"We found out that another DEA agent working in Mexico was dirty and did accept bribes from the Guadalajara drug cartel," Berrellez said. "Supposedly, the agency was going to deal with him and other aspects of the case later. The higher-ups wanted me to stay focused on the big drug lords involved in Kiki's murder."

Jordan said the alleged corrupt DEA agent "was holed up in a hotel with a 13-year-old girl when Kiki was kidnapped in Guadalajara. We were all very embarrassed about this."

In an interview Tuesday with Mexican TV network Televisa, Mexico's federal Attorney General Jesus Murillo Karam said that it is unlikely that Guzmán will be extradited anytime soon to the United States. Murillo said that investigators in Mexico are at the beginning of what is expected to be a lengthy investigation into Guzmán's operations.

Diana Washington Valdez may be reached at 546-6140.




https://groups.google.com/forum/#!forum/frontera-list/join

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #359 
KILL THE MESSENGER RELEASE DATE OCTOBER 10 2014 - PLEASE DISTRIBUTE

Kill the Messenger, Starring Jeremy Renner, is Coming in October
Source: Focus Features
March 5, 2014


Focus Features announced today that Kill the Messenger, starring Jeremy Renner (Marvel's The Avengers, The Bourne Legacy), will be released on October 10, 2014 in limited theaters. The movie will then expand on October 17 and again on October 24.

The dramatic thriller is based on the remarkable true story of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb. Webb (Renner) stumbles onto a story which leads to allegations that the CIA was aware of major dealers who were smuggling cocaine into the U.S., and using the profits to arm rebels fighting in Nicaragua. Webb keeps digging to uncover a conspiracy with explosive implications – and draws the kind of attention that threatens not just his career, but his family and his life.

Josh Close, Rosemarie DeWitt, Andy Garcia, Lucas Hedges, Tim Blake Nelson, Robert Patrick, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Michael Sheen, Paz Vega, Michael Kenneth Wiliams and Mary Elizabeth Winstead co-star in the Michael Cuesta-directed film.

Read more: Kill the Messenger, Starring Jeremy Renner, is Coming in October - ComingSoon.net http://www.comingsoon.net/news/movienews.php?id=115609&utm_medium=%20twitter&utm_source=twitterfeed#



http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/board/thread/223590625?p=1






Gary Webb, may your soul rest easier.




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #360 

EX DEA AGENTS ADMIT Chapo was a DEA Informant while in prison

During first incarceration El Chapo summoned DEA to "turn in" Arellano Félix
Monday, March 10, 2014 | Borderland Beat Reporter Chivis
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/03/during-first-incarceration-el-chapo.html


Los odios y miedos de Guzmán Loera
Anabel Hernández 1 de marzo de 2014 Reportaje Especial
http://www.proceso.com.mx/?p=366215 (original article)
http://www.scribd.com/doc/210617694/Proceso-1948-pdf (complete magazine is here)
http://www.slideshare.net/chiricuato/proceso-1948


________________________

EX DEA HECTOR BERRELLEZ- CARO QUINTERO was allowed to keep his money- May have been in charge the whole time.


http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_25309453/chapo-guzman-likely-had-financial-help-from-older
"Chapo" Guzman likely had financial help from older drug lords, ex-investigator says
Ex-DEA officer says Guzman likely used wealth to rapidly build own drug empire
By Diana Washington Valdez / El Paso Times
POSTED: 03/10/2014 12:00:00 AM MDT
       
U.S. and Mexican authorities never seized the massive fortune belonging to the Mexican drug kingpins who were involved in the 1985 murder of DEA Special Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena, according to the former DEA official who investigated the Guadalajara drug cartel and Camarena's murder.
Hector Berrellez, a retired Drug Enforcement Administration official, said the DEA task force he led at the time targeted Rafael Caro Quintero, Miguel Felix Gallardo and Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo, the leaders of the Guadalajara drug cartel. At the time, he said, Joaquin "Chapo" Guzman worked for the Guadalajara cartel as a hit man.
Berrellez alleges that the vast wealth amassed by the Guadalajara cartel enabled Guzman's drug empire to grow as quickly and extensively as it did. Forbes even listed Guzman as one of the richest and most powerful men in the world.

___________________________________________--













Maxine's greatest hits---------------------------------

Maxine Waters Investigation

Quite unexpectedly, on April 30, 1998, I obtained a secret 1982 Memorandum of Understanding between the CIA and the Department of Justice, that allowed drug trafficking by CIA assets, agents, and contractors to go unreported to federal law enforcement agencies. I also received correspondence between then Attorney General William French Smith and the head of the CIA, William Casey, that spelled out their intent to protect drug traffickers on the CIA payroll from being reported to federal law enforcement.

Then on July 17, 1998 the New York Times ran this amazing front page CIA admission: "CIA Says It Used Nicaraguan Rebels Accused of Drug Tie." "he Central Intelligence Agency continued to work with about two dozen Nicaraguan rebels and their supporters during the 1980s despite allegations that they were trafficking in drugs.... he agency's decision to keep those paid agents, or to continue dealing with them in some less formal relationship, was made by top officials at headquarters in Langley, Va.". (emphasis added)
.........The CIA had always vehemently denied any connection to drug traffickers and the massive global drug trade, despite over ten years of documented reports. But in a shocking reversal, the CIA finally admitted that it was CIA policy to keep Contra drug traffickers on the CIA payroll. The Facts speak for themselves. Maxine Waters, Member of Congress, September 19, 1998




The 1982 MOU that exempted the reporting requirement for drug trafficking was no oversight or misstatement. A remarkable series of letters between the Attorney General and the Director of Central Intelligence show how conscious and deliberate this exemption was.

On February 11, 1982 Attorney General William French Smith wrote to Director of Central Intelligence William Casey that, "I have been advised that a question arose regarding the need to add narcotics violations to the list of reportable non-employee crimes ... o formal requirement regarding the reporting of narcotics violations has been included in these procedures."

On March 2, 1982 Casey responded happily, "I am pleased that these procedures, which I believe strike the proper balance between enforcement of the law and protection of intelligence sources and methods..."

Simply stated, the Attorney General consciously exempted reporting requirements for narcotics violations by CIA agents, assets, and contractors. And the Director of Central Intelligence was pleased because intelligence sources and methods involved in narcotics trafficking could be protected from law enforcement. The 1982 MOU agreement clearly violated the Central Intelligence Agency Act of 1949. It also raised the possibility that certain individuals who testified in front of Congressional investigating committees perjured themselves.
....... Many questions remain unanswered. However, one thing is clear - the CIA and the Attorney General successfully engineered legal protection for the drug trafficking activities of any of its agents or assets. Maxine Waters, Member of Congress, September 19, 1998




http://www.scribd.com/doc/117070568/US-Congresswoman-Maxine-Waters-Investigation-of-CIA-Contras-involvement-in-drug-sales-1996-2000





--------------------------------------------


OFF-TOPIC DRUG WAR ARTICLES


Update: Positive indentification of Chapo Guzman-Arrested members "gave information"
Saturday, February 22, 2014
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/02/dna-testing-to-assure-ma-arrested-is.html


El Chapos sons communicate through Twitter, "awaiting orders"
Sunday, February 23, 2014 |
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/02/el-chapos-sons-communicate-through.html





Off topic
Mexican Mob fights in Syria for Assad regime
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/03/la-surenos-gangbangers-fighting.html
L.A. Sureños Gangbangers, fighting alongside the Siria regime
Monday, March 3, 2014 | Borderland Beat Reporter Chivis
Chivis Martinez for Borderland Beat


borderlandbeat@gmail.com

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #361 
Kill the Messenger UK RELEASE DATE on November 14, 2014.

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/board/thread/223590625?p=2


USA RELEASE DATE OCT 10, 2014







_____________________----

Forbes Magazine Interview with EX DEA Hector Berrellez:

Rafael Caro Quintero had over $4 billion, none of it confiscated.



12/05/2013 @ 2:06PM by Dolia Estevez
U.S. Treasury Tracks Secret Bank Accounts of Top Mexican Kingpin

http://www.forbes.com/sites/doliaestevez/2013/12/05/mexican-fugitive-kingpin-caro-quintero-stashed-billions-in-secret-overseas-accounts-former-dea-agent-claims/

When Mexican drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero ordered the kidnapping, torture and assassination of DEA agent Enrique Camarena in 1985, he was the leader of a billion dollar criminal empire, according to a former DEA agent. “Caro Quintero had billions of dollars stashed in secret bank accounts in Luxembourg and in Switzerland,” former DEA agent Hector Berrellez told me in a telephone interview. “The one in Luxembourg had $4 billion and the other one had even more.”


Berrellez claimed that he saw with his own eyes those accounts in electronic statements in 1995 while investigating the Mexican trafficker at the DEA headquarters. Berrellez retired in 1996. The U.S. government, he explained, was unable to seize the accounts because of the banking secrecy laws in those countries. He said the accounts were listed under the alien name that Caro Quintero, a major drug trafficker and fugitive from U.S. justice, used to do business with Mexican banks. “To my knowledge they were never confiscated,” Berrellez said.

DEA spokesperson Dawn Dearden could not confirm or deny reports about the alleged Luxembourg and Switzerland accounts.

In the past six months, Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has taken an aggressive approach toward Caro Quintero’s criminal empire by blacklisting a total of 19 individuals and 35 companies linked to the former leader of the powerful Guadalajara Cartel. OFAC said that from prison, Caro Quintero directed family members and associates to invest his fortune into ostensibly legitimate companies and real estate projects in Guadalajara. Under U.S. law, all U.S. entities and individuals are banned from doing business with the blacklisted network.

John Sullivan, OFAC’s spokesperson, said he could not comment on foreign assets that Treasury may be tracking, but added that tracking bank accounts outside Mexico, “is part of our strategy for going after [Caro Quintero’s] financial support network.”

Sullivan declined to assess Caro Quintero’s wealth, saying that Treasury is not in the business of making estimates. “It’s fair to say that through all these companies and through all these connections, he has made a very significant pile of money. Different businesses are making so much money here and there, there are amounts of money floating in and out,” Sullivan explained.

Is he a billionaire? Replied Sullivan: “I would not call you and ask you for a correction if you printed that.”

Caro Quintero continued his activities from behind the prison walls where at one point he lived like a king. In 1989, The Washington Post reported that Caro Quintero and a fellow kingpin had taken over two entire cellblocks designed for 250 inmates and remodeled them, installing kitchens, living and dining rooms, offices, marble bathrooms and, for Caro Quintero, a carpeted master bedroom with satin sheets and closets full of silk shirts, cowboy boots and cowboy hats. The kingpins had guns, cell phones, fax machines and other communications gear. According to U.S. law enforcement Caro Quintero never lost control of his drug business.

Caro Quintero was sentenced in 1989 to serve 40 years in a Mexican prison for the murder of Camarena. The Mexican government failed to seize his drug assets which were taken over by his former wife and children. After spending 28 years in jail, the 61 year-old kingpin was released on a legal technicality in August. Caro Quintero’s early release outraged Washington. The Obama Administration asked Mexico to re-apprehend and extradite him, and offered a $5 million reward for information leading to his arrest. But, according to the Mexican government, he has disappeared. Powerful drug lords in México are notorious for buying their freedom by bribing corrupt government officials.
Seal of the United States Department of the Tr...

(Photo credit: Wikipedia)

This week, Caro Quintero was back in the news. He sent a letter to President Enrique Peña Nieto urging him to resist U.S. pressure to extradite him and put an end to his family’s harassment. He told the president that he had “already paid his debt to society” and that the only thing the U.S. is trying to do, “is make me feel the weight of revenge, using my family and discrediting Mexico and its laws, and to subjugate our sovereignty [Mexico's] with only the desire of feeling superior.” The Mexican government acknowledged receiving the letter. DEA thinks it is authentic.

Twitter: @DoliaEstevez



FORBES MAGAZINE

3/20/2014 @ 5:10PM By Dolia Estevez
One Month After Drug Lord El Chapo Guzman's Arrest, Narcotics Business Continues With No Change


http://www.forbes.com/sites/doliaestevez/2014/03/20/one-month-after-drug-lord-el-chapo-guzmans-arrest-narcotics-business-continues-with-no-change/


-----------------------------

OFF- TOPIC

War of Words Between Sen. Dianne Feinstein and CIA Is Empty Rhetoric
Posted by Bill Conroy - March 16, 2014 at 4:40 pm



The Vanishing: Christian Cult’s Airport Disappears
Posted on March 21, 2014 by Daniel Hopsicker        
http://www.madcowprod.com/2014/03/21/the-vanishing/

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/03/war-words-between-sen-dianne-feinstein-and-cia-empty-rhetoric





------------------------



VIDEOS- Gary Webb- Kerry Committee- Iran CONTRA

Website established July, 2010
Sunday, August 29, 2010
Kerry Committee II Day 1: Manuel Noriega, the CIA, and Drug Trafficking (1988)
The subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations led by Senator John Kerry began hearings to assess international narcotics control programs for Panama. Witnesses included Robert M. Morgenthau (district attorney, New York County, NY), Paul Gorman (retired U.S. Army General), a pilot for Eastern Air Lines (witness to drug trafficking in Panama and Miami, FL), and a drug trafficker serving a 30-year sentence for drug-related offences.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/08/kerry-committee-ii-day-1-manuel-noriega.html

Pete Brewton on the Mafia, CIA and George Bush (1992)
Former reporter for the Houston Chronicle, Pete Brewton told of one of the most momentous stories of the past 50 years and how it was suppressed by the establishment media and the U.S. Congress. Brewton's book The Mafia, CIA and George Bush shows the incredible complexity of the relationships in the operation of the destruction of hundreds of Savings and Loans at the hands of the CIA and the Mafia, stealing many billions of dollars in the process, and leaving the taxpayers to bailout the banks. Big names at the state and national levels of power were involved, including Lloyd Bentsen, the Bush family, and power brokers in Houston. People such as Kenneth Keating and Don Dixon, mentioned prominently in the press in connection with the S & L debacle, were merely front men or "cutouts" for the main movers. Keating and his ilk only took millions; the CIA and the Mafia looted billions.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/08/pete-brewton-on-mafia-cia-and-george.html

CIA and Drugs: Cocaine Sales - Drug Trafficking Allegations (1996)
Members of the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence heard testimony from two former Contra leaders (Adolfo Calero and Eden Pastora) about allegations that the CIA sold drugs in the U.S. to help finance covert operations against the Sandanista regime in Nicaragua. They denied any knowledge of the CIA either aiding or allowing drug sales to be used to fund the struggle against the Sandinista regime. Participants were questioned by Senator Arlen Specter and Rep. Maxine Waters was invited to participate in the questioning. At one point, the hearing was interrupted for several minutes while several members of the audience shouted accusations at the committee and the witnesses. Mr. Pastora's remarks were through an interpreter. The last segment of this hearing is missing audio on the original tape and is not included here.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/08/cia-and-drugs-cocaine-sales-drug.html
Sunday, September 26, 2010
CIA Drug Trafficking: Town Hall with Director of Central Intelligence John M. Deutch (1996)
CIA Director Deutch spoke to central Los Angeles residents at a town hall meeting about allegations that the CIA sold drugs in Los Angeles in order to finance covert operations in Central America. Rep. Millender-McDonald, who represented California's 37th congressional district, sponsored the meeting. The director stated that he had seen no proof of such allegations but that he would continue to pursue the matter if more people brought new evidence to the investigation. Many of the questioners were very confrontational. The allegations were originally raised in the San Jose Mercury-News
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/09/cia-drug-trafficking-town-hall-with.html



Friday, August 6, 2010
CIA Drug Trafficking Allegations Involving the Sale of Cocaine in Los Angeles (1998)
House Committee Select Intelligence members heard testimony concerning allegations that the Central Intelligence Agency facilitated the introduction and spread of crack cocaine in U.S. urban areas in order to fund Contra activities in Nicaragua. Representative Millender-McDonald testified that the report by the CIA Inspector-General was incorrect and that the committee must pursue its own investigation of the matter to uncover those responsible for this activity. Inspector-General Hitz outlined his office's report, which found no evidence of any links between the CIA and drug traffickers in Central America.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/08/cia-drug-trafficking-allegations.html

Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press - Lecture by Alexander Cockburn (1998)
Alexander Cockburn, co-author of Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press, gave this talk in 1998 regarding the CIA, the international illegal drug trade, and the media's treatment of this issue. The impetus for Whiteout came after journalist Gary Webb faced evisceration in the mainstream media for his series on the CIA and drugs originally published in the San Jose Mercury News. In this wide-ranging speech, Cockburn covers numerous topics including the CIA's involvement in drug smuggling, the Mafia, assassination, Nazis, mind control, and its role in U.S. foreign policy.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/07/whiteout-cia-drugs-and-press-lecture-by.html

Gary Webb on Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion (1998)
Gary Webb is the author of Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion. He discussed his book, headline news and responded to audience telephone calls, faxes, and electronic mail. Topics included Bill Clinton, Osama Bin Laden, Saddam Hussein, the Monica Lewinsky scandal, the Contras, the crack cocaine epidemic, CIA blowback, CIA drug trafficking, and drug smuggling.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/09/gary-webb-on-dark-alliance-cia-contras.html


Wednesday, August 11, 2010
Iran-Contra Hearings Day 1: Richard Secord Testimony (1987)
The proceedings began with opening statements from Senate and House committee members, including chairmen Sen. Daniel Inouye (D-HI) and Rep. Lee Hamilton (D-IN). After two hours, testimony began with General Richard Secord, who testified voluntarily and without legal immunity. Secord described the network of private companies, known as the "Enterprise," that was used to sell arms to Iran and channel money and supplies to the Contras. Secord answered questions concerning the profits generated by the arms sales, the money that actually went to the contra supply effort, and money that remained in Swiss bank accounts.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/08/iran-contra-hearings-day-1-richard.html
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKsecordR.htm


Iran-Contra Hearings Day 3: Richard Secord Testimony (1987)
Richard Secord was questioned on the profit-making aspects of the Contra supply operation. Secord maintained that he had no direct financial interest or motive.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/10/iran-contra-hearings-day-3-richard.html





Iran-Contra Hearings Day 7: Robert McFarlane Testimony (1987)
Robert McFarlane was questioned about President Reagan's knowledge of Oliver North's activities. McFarlane testified that North seemed to be in regular contact with CIA director Casey concerning contra support strategy. McFarlane answered questions from committee members on topics including the Boland amendment.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/12/iran-contra-hearings-day-7-robert.html

Tuesday, October 19, 2010
Iran-Contra Hearings Day 12: Felix Rodriguez Testimony (1987)
Felix Rodriguez worked with the Contra supply network that worked out of El Salvador. He testified that he became disillusioned with the Contra supply operation and expressed his dissatisfaction in meetings with members of Vice President Bush's staff. Rodriguez also testified that, during a meeting with Oliver North, North said that Congress wanted to get him but "they can't touch me because the old man loves my ass."
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/10/iran-contra-hearings-day-12-felix.html

Iran-Contra Hearings Day 18: Fawn Hall Testimony (1987)
Oliver North's secretary at the National Security Council testified concerning documents she changed, destroyed, or removed at North's request.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/09/iran-contra-hearings-day-18-fawn-hall.html

Ronald Reagan Testimony at the Iran-Contra Affair / Poindexter Trial (1990)
President Reagan testified in the trial of John Poindexter on charges related to the Iran-Contra scandal.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/10/ronald-reagan-testimony-at-iran-contra.html









OFF -TOPIC


MISC VIDEO (This site has great classic, hard to find movies)

United States Senate Watergate Hearings (1973)
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/09/united-states-senate-watergate-hearings.html

Secret Wars of the CIA: John Stockwell Lecture (1989)
John Stockwell talked about the inner workings of the CIA. Topics included CIA destabilizing governments in Angola and other countries and setting up drug cartels as part of covert operations in certain countries. After his presentation he responded to audience members' questions.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/09/secret-wars-of-cia-john-stockwell.html

Monday, September 6, 2010
The Secret War in Laos (1970)
This film is a CBS exploration of the history of the "secret" war in Laos, the Central Intelligence Agency's involvement in the war, and U.S foreign policy toward the country.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/09/secret-war-in-laos-1970.html

Alexander Cockburn on Journalism in the United States and How Americans Receive World News (1987)
Alexander Cockburn, a correspondent for The Nation, was interviewed to talk about his book Corruptions of Empire. The book is part biography and part a collection of Mr. Cockburn's writing. Mr. Cockburn was viewed as a radical journalist at the time and a self-proclaimed "socialist."
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/12/alexander-cockburn-on-journalism-in.html

Alexander Cockburn and Steve Forbes on Events in the News (1992)
Steve Forbes and Alexander Cockburn discussed the presidential election and the Republican National Convention. They also discussed their own political beliefs and opinions on the presidential candidates and responded to viewer telephone calls.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/12/alexander-cockburn-and-steve-forbes-on.html

Reefer Madness (1938)
Considered the archetypal sensationalized anti-drug movie, but it's really an exploitation film made to capitalize on the hot taboo subject of marijuana use. Like many exploitation films of the time, Reefer Madness tried to make a quick buck off of a forbidden subject while skirting the Motion Picture Production Code of 1930. The Code forbade the portrayal of immoral acts like drug use. ("The illegal drug traffic must not be portrayed in such a way as to stimulate curiosity concerning the use of, or traffic in, such drugs; nor shall scenes be approved which show the use of illegal drugs, or their effects, in detail.")

The film toured around the country for many years - often being re-edited and re-titled (Tell Your Children, Dope Addict, Doped Youth, Love Madness, The Burning Question). It was re-discovered in the early 1970s by NORML (National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws) and screened again as an example of the government's demonization of marijuana. NORML may have been confused about the film's sponsorship since one of the film's distributors, Dwain Esper, testified to the Arizona Supreme Court that Reefer Madness was not a trashy exploitation film but was actually sponsored by the U.S. government - a convincing lie, but a lie nonetheless.

That being said, the film is still quite enjoyable since it dramatizes the "violent narcotic's ... soul destroying" effects on unwary teens, and their hedonistic exploits enroute to the bottom.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/11/reefer-madness-1938.html


The Roswell Interviews: Glenn Dennis, Mortician, Roswell Army Air Field (1990)
This video recording contains an interview with mortician W. Glenn Davis, alleged firsthand witness to events at Roswell Army Air Force Hospital concerning recovered alien bodies.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/10/roswell-interviews-glenn-dennis.html


Nazi Concentration Camp Footage (1945)
U.S. Army film directed by George Stevens. As the Allies reached Germany, General Eisenhower ordered George Stevens to film the concentration camps. The camps were filmed and survivors were interviewed. This film was used as evidence at the Nuremberg Trials.
http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2010/10/nazi-concentration-camp-footage-1945.html



http://thefilmarchived.blogspot.se/2011/07/vietnam-war-raw-footage-arvn-airborne.html


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #362 
3/19/14 IRAN CONTRA Independant Council Lawrence Walsh Dies at Age 102



Firewall: Inside the Iran-Contra Cover-up
March 21, 2014

From the Archive: The death of Iran-Contra special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh on Wednesday at the age of 102 marked the passing of what is now rare in the American Establishment, a person who courageously fought for a truthful historical record, as Robert Parry explained in this 1997 review of Walsh’s memoir, Firewall.

By Robert Parry (First published in 1997)
http://consortiumnews.com/2014/03/21/firewall-inside-the-iran-contra-cover-up/


----------------------------

Lawrence Edward Walsh (January 8, 1912 – March 19, 2014) was an American lawyer and former U.S. District Court judge and Deputy Attorney General who ...

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lawrence_Walsh


--------------------------------



Lawrence E. Walsh, a former federal judge and a mainstay of the American legal establishment who as an independent counsel exposed the
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/21/us/politics/lawrence-e-walsh-iran-contra-prosecutor-dies-at-102.html


Lawrence E. Walsh, a New York corporate lawyer with impeccable Republican credentials who as independent counsel prosecuted several
http://www.washingtonpost.com/national/lawrence-e-walsh-iran-contra-special-prosecutor-dies-at-102/2014/03/20/bf505f74-b04a-11e3-95e8-39bef8e9a48b_story.html

http://www.latimes.com/obituaries/la-me-lawrence-walsh-20140321,0,445001.story


http://www.esquire.com/blogs/politics/lawrence-walsh-rip-032114


http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-03-20/lawrence-walsh-prosecutor-of-iran-contra-scandal-dies-at-102.html

http://www.npr.org/blogs/thetwo-way/2014/03/20/291999738/lawrence-walsh-who-investigated-iran-contra-scandal-dies-at-102

http://spectator.org/articles/58464/remembering-lawrence-walsh

http://www.archives.gov/research/investigations/walsh.html


https://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/






--------------------------------------------------

OFF TOPIC












The US is only capable of stopping 20% of illlegal drugs from Latin America
Thursday, March 20, 2014 | Borderland Beat Reporter Chivis

Borderland Beat

http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/03/the-us-is-only-capable-of-stopping-20.html


(original source- Atlantic)
America Has a Black-Market Problem, Not a Drug Problem
The head of the military's Southern Command wants more money to fight a losing battle.
Conor Friedersdorf Mar 17 2014,

http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2014/03/america-has-a-black-market-problem-not-a-drug-problem/284447/






TIME Magazine's Pay-to-Play Puff Piece on Mexican President Provokes Widespread Ridicule in Mexico
Posted by Bill Conroy - February 17, 2014 at 6:41 pm

The Government of Enrique Peña Nieto Paid Time-Warner $44,000 Prior to a Recent Cover Story on Him Titled “Saving Mexico”

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/02/time-magazines-pay-play-puff-piece-mexican-president-provokes-widespr-0







Con man for Christ Floated ‘Cocaine One’ Drug Plane
Posted on March 24, 2014 by Daniel Hopsicker        
Share via emailShare via em
http://www.madcowprod.com/2014/03/24/hyena-pack/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #363 
The trials of Rep. Maxine Waters: Ethics or payback?
August 20, 2010 by Joseph Debro
http://sfbayview.com/2010/the-trials-of-rep-maxine-waters-ethics-or-payback/

(Videos from the above article)



When the Nicaraguan Contras began to covertly fund their war against the Sandanistas by selling drugs and guns to California street gangs, the Central Intelligence Agency turned a blind eye. While Black neighborhoods were being ravaged by the crack cocaine plague, CIA operatives actively participated in this devastating drug explosion, protected from prosecution by a secret agreement between the Department of Justice and the CIA. –



Rep. Maxine Waters on CIA Drug Trafficking Part 1 of 4 (CSPAN testimony in front of HPSCI)
CitizenInvestigator

On March 16, 1998, the House Intelligence Committee heard testimony concerning a report on CIA involvement in drug trafficking. The testimony of Congresswoman Maxine Waters is recorded in these four videos.

Rep. Maxine Waters on CIA Drug Trafficking Part 2 of 4


Rep. Maxine Waters on CIA Drug Trafficking Part 3 of 4


Rep. Maxine Waters on CIA Drug Trafficking Part 4 of 4






__________________________________________________________
MIKE LEVINE VIDEOS – EX DEA AGENT on YOUTUBE michaellevine53
http://www.youtube.com/user/michaellevine53


Mike Levine & Gary Webb - The Big White Lie + Dark Alliance= CIA drug cartel (Posted by EX DEA Mike Levine) Montel Williams show








Mike Levine at Mike Savage's "Savage Nation" Exposes "The Big White Lie" CIA sabotage of DEA
Mike Levine, one of DEA's most decorated undercover agents reveals the inside story of Operation Hun, the dream undercover assignment turned nightmare that blew the lid off CIA sabotage of the drug war. to Mike Savage's Paul Revere Society, an audience of 5000 at the Marin County Civic Auditorium.



Inside the DEA Sting that blew the lid off CIA drug trafficking
The Big White Lie, by NY Times best selling author Michael Levine, is an insider's look at Operation Hun, the top-secret deep cover operation that rips the lid off CIA sabotage of the war on drugs. Levine, interviewed here on Good Morning America, tells of his undercover role posing as the lover and drug dealing partner of Sonia Atala, the woman Pablo Escobar named "The Queen of Cocaine."




Caught on Camera - 1990 - 1st time in history Drug War called fraud by DEA insider (fixed audio)
The publication of Deep Cover was kept as undercover as the life of the man who wrote it.
In March 1990, on the Phil Donahue Show, Michael Levine was the first high level DEA insider to call the entire drug war a fraud on national television. Captured here only on Youtube is an important part of its true history available nowhere else.

Mike Levine comments March 2014
Sean:
Wrote two books describing how DEA undercover teams that did the unthinkable by penetrating to the very top of the drug world only to find themselves fighting for their own lives; we were threatening CIA assets who happened to be the biggest drug dealers on earth. : "Deep Cover" and "The Big White Lie, were written to prove this." The two have been optioned by everyone from Robert DeNiro to HBO Pictures, but never made into a movie. . . not yet anyway





-------------------------------------
Exclusive: On Camera DEA deep cover sting of Mexican Government--15 ton coke deal from-"Deep Cover"
----------------------------------------¬---------------------------------
Undercover DEA Agent, Mike Levine, exposes Mexican Drug War Fraud with Bill O'Reilly on Inside Edition. Real undercover video footage. This was the undercover sting operation whose cover was blown by the the US Attorney General; as covered in NY Times Best-seller "DEEP COVER." ON camera is Colonel Jaime Carranza, grandson of Mexican President who wrote the Mexican Constitution and a bodyguard for the then incoming president Carlos Salinas de Gortari. Chapter "Waiting for Trial" outs those US governmentofficials who acted to protect the murderers of DEA Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena, while mainstream media and congress look the other way.

Mike Levine comments:

michaellevine53 2 years ago
In 1997, on my radio show ( see archives of Expert Witness Radio show), 4 agents with a combined 100 years experience in CIA, DEA and FBI predicted 9-11 and more terrorist acts and trafficking by DEA Informants and CIA agents to come; all due to the massive ineptitude and criminality that, due to the ease of media manipulation, was and continues to be hidden from America. Nothing has changed. Of course the drugs are still pouring in, the names of operations are unimportant.

michaellevine53 4 years ago
I retired in 1990. In answer to your second question: I wrote three books—DEEP COVER, THE BIG WHITE LIE and FIGHT BACK—that combined, in the opnion of many, indicate that not only can it not be won, but that it is only the American taxpayer who is conned into believing that it can be won. How? Read MAINSTREAM MEDIA THE DRUG WAR SHILLS.
michaellevine53 2 years ago
Absolutely! That IS the story of NY Times Bestseller Deep Cover... It, for example, exposes that Edwin Meece, the US AG blew the cover of Operation Trifecta a 15 ton cocaine deal which included top Mexican government military and political figures.. Reason: NAFTA was before the US congress, and there were many members of congress against it; can you imagine what would have happened if the events in DEEP COVER were public at that time? You can buy it for a buck or two on Amazon...





"CIA are drug smugglers." - Federal Judge Bonner, head of DEA- You don't get better proof than this (POSTED BY EX DEA MIKE LEVINE)
60 Minutes presses for the truth, and Robert C. Bonner, former federal judge and head of the DEA, calls the CIA "drug smugglers." This video is dedicated to all those lives lost in the War on Drugs, while the CIA betrayed us.

the full transcript is here:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/131231070/60-MINUTES-Head-of-DEA-Robert-Bonner-Says-CIA-Smuggled-Drugs
Mike Levine Comments— michaellevine53 1 year ago
in reply to Ben Dover
my friend. Judge Bonner is still alive, so am I and so are the other DEA agents who appeared in the original 60 minute piece as witnesses detailing the case. the CIA agent who "masterminded" the smuggling of as much as 27 tons of cocaine into the US,(worse than Pablo Escobar) was named, and at the time was the CIA station chief of Venezuela. no one was prosecuted The reason i Posted it here is that , thanks to the use of taxpayer funds to manipulate media, few are aware of this scandal.
michaellevine53 2 years ago
The fact is that Bonner didn't take a bullet, he was just ignored. CIA director (then) Woolsey toured mainstream media making the false claim that the drug smuggling resulted from "a joint DEA CIA operation gone wrong." The fact is that DEA had no part in the operations which was, as the judge said,"CIA drug smuggling." 60 Minutes was the ONLY member of mainstream media to tell the truth.. The rest did their customary penguin walk. What a shame.
michaellevine53 1 year ago in reply to TheUnknownGrower
The whole investigation conducted by DEA, revealed that they were only caught for one ton, after they had gotten away with 26 tons over the previous year. Check out some of our radio shows. Bottom line is they smuggled more dope than the Medellin Cartel
michaellevine53 2 years ago
You've got to remember that during operation Trifecta (the deep cover operation in the book), Carlos Salinas de Gortari's bodyguard, on hidden video, promised me a wide open border to traffic drugs from Mexico into the US, if we completed the 15 ton drug deal we were in the midst of...NAFTA was then on the table before Congress... Ergo a lot of powerful people in our government that wanted the operation to fail before the American people became aware of it..That IS the real story in Deep Cover
michaellevine53 1 year ago in reply to Katie Nelson
Katie: My first lesson in this came, as I documented in THE BIG WHITE, when CIA betrayed both the American people and the Bolivian government that trusted us, by supporting the drug traffickers in the takeover of Bolivia in the now infamous Cocaine Coup. It was the bloodiest revolution in that poor country;s history and the beginning of the crack/cocaine epidemic in ours.
michaellevine53 2 years ago
I did my own investigation including interviews with DEA people involved, before I went public on my radio show - the Expert Witness Show in NYC. The investigation revealed that as much as 27 tons of cocaine were shipped into the US by CIA before they were finally caught by US Customs. The CIA chief who ran it was named by 60 Minutes. No one was either prosecuted or lost their jobs, except for the DEA people who blew the whistle. With "protectors" like this who needs enemies?
michaellevine53 2 years ago
The problem with answering your question is that it's the wrong question. It should by what logical reason would CIA have to be in bed with drug traffickers? First, is called "the junkie tax." CIA assets and black operations not funded by congress become self-funded via "licenses" to smuggle to the US. Two: There is no oversight of the CIA whatsoever, thus any "enterprising" officer can cut himself in on his asset's drug profits. If he get's caught, as in the 60 Minute piece, he's promoted.
michaellevine53 2 years ago
Where was congress? Great question. The book DEEP COVER was voted one of the most censored by the media books of the year, by BILL MOYERS "Project Censored." Off camera, Mr. Moyers told me it was "the best read and least talked about book between the beltways. (Wash. DC)." It was almost funny. Meaning Congress wanted badly to ignore the book and its charges... If we had a responsible Congress, there would be no CIA supported drug traffickers, and Mexico would not be in the fix its in now.
michaellevine53 1 year ago
Let's start by demanding indictments in THIS case; we have solid evidence and credible DEA witnesses including a federal judge. Why go off on a conspiratorial tangent if we can't get an indictment in a case of CIA getting caught actually smuggling massive amounts of cocaine into the nation they're supposed to protect? When I was boxing on a USAF boxing team my coach said "if you open a cut keep hitting it till they stop they fight or the guy bleeds all over you." I'm giving you the cut.

michaellevine53 2 years ago
In DEEP COVER, when you come to the part where the attorney general EDWIN MEECE, blows the cover of our undercover operation with a telephone call to the AG of Mexico (one of our targets) , WHILE the team was undercover in Bolivia, Panama and Mexico. Underline that passage, because the special interests have not changed.. Remember the book was a NEW YORK TIMES bestseller, and the charge would be libelous as hell were it not true. Then ask yourself why mainstream media ignored the claim.
michaellevine53 2 years ago
My friend, this video is only a short excerpt of an extensive investigation conducted by 6"60 minutes", which in turn was based on a joint secret investigation conducted by CIA and DEA internal security. Which resulted in Judge Bonner, the head of DEA making this statement... What more do you need? I suggest you read THE BIG WHITE LIE And DEEP COVER for even more detailed proof
michaellevine53 1 year ago in reply to Paul Rael
Mr. P: I may have a problem posting the entire show on youtube, but we have used the soundtrack on radio shows that you can find on the web site for The Expert Witness Radio show.. During these shows we discussed the findings that CIA, in fact, was caught smuggling lge quantities of cocaine that the people named in this brilliant investigative piece "should" have been indicted. If this is not enough I will have my producer and co-host digitize the 60 Minute piece and put it up on that site
michaellevine53 2 years ago
I wrote about Noriega in "Deep Cover"-- A DEA and Customs undercover team was dealing with his people in Panama while he was still a CIA asset and protected by CIA. I don't think you will believe what happened unless you read the book and understand that every event was documented by secretly recorded audio and video. The book was a NY Times bestseller and Congress just pretended it didn't exist. Sadly, nothing has changed.


UNODC Sees Afghan Drug Cartels Emerging – With One Eye Closed
Author: Thomas Ruttig Date: 5 September 2009
U.N. Sees Afghan Drug Cartels Emerging’, reads a headline in the 2 September issue of the New York Times. Now the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) got it. Or did it?
http://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/unodc-sees-afghan-drug-cartels-emerging-with-one-eye-closed
Former Afghan interior minister and almost-Karzai-challenger Ali Ahmad Jalali had rang alarm bells already in fall 2005 when, while declaring his resignation, he said that his ministry had a list of 100 top officials who were being watched for evidence of drug trafficking and he would make them public soon. But he never did. Jalali’s words were echoed by Vice President Ahmad Zia Massud two years later: ‘We should admit that some top-ranking government officials are unfortunately linked to the smuggling of drugs.’ (Pajhwok Afghan News 27 September 2007).

Thomas Schweich, until June 2008 the state department’s co-ordinator for counter-narcotics and justice reform in Afghanistan, adds in an article for the New York Times Magazine (27 July 2008, ‘Is Afghanistan a Narco-State?’): ‘Karzai had Taleban enemies who profited from drugs but he had even more supporters who did’.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/27/magazine/27AFGHAN-t.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin






Top U.S. Government Officials Admit that Our Government Has Repeatedly Protected Drug Smugglers (9 Videos)
Posted on May 27, 2012 by WashingtonsBlog

http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2012/05/has-the-u-s-government-ever-protected-drug-smugglers.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #364 
Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko COMMENTS, Interviews January, Mach 2014


CIA reportedly employed several operatives, warlords and militant leaders deeply involved in Afghan opium trade
http://wtfrly.com/2014/03/21/cia-reportedly-employed-several-operatives-warlords-and-militant-leaders-deeply-involved-in-afghan-opium-trade/


SOURCE:
US funding ghost workers across Afghanistan: Report

US funding ghost workers across Afghanistan: Report
(PHOTO) US marines patrol through a poppy field in Helmand province.

Wed Mar 19, 2014 7:36PM GMT


A senior western audit officer has raised fresh concerns that US funds meant to help pay Afghan police salaries may instead be going to "ghost workers".

"I am writing to express my concern that the US may be unwittingly helping to pay the salaries of non-existent members of the Afghan National Police," John Sopko, the special inspector general for Afghanistan reconstruction wrote in recent letter to top US-led NATO generals.

The revelation comes as the US and Afghan officials have blamed each other for embezzlement and corruption.

Afghan officials accuse the US of channeling funds to the Taliban militant group.

Afghan lawmakers say American helicopters have recently delivered several shipments of small arms and heavy weapons to the militants in southern provinces.

Senior officials in Kabul have also demanded an explanation from Washington over its aid to the Taliban.

Senior Afghan officials say the US military aid to the Taliban and its covert talks with the militants have raised serious doubts regarding the Washington’s goals in the war-torn country.

In addition to that, the Afghan counter-narcotics officials say foreign troops are also earning money from drug production in Afghanistan.

Reports say US-led NATO forces are taxing the production of opium in the regions under their control.

Drug production in the war-ravaged country has increased dramatically since the US-led invasion more than twelve years ago.

CIA has reportedly employed several operatives, warlords and militant leaders who are deeply involved in the opium trade.

The opium trade is the major source of Taliban financing. Afghanistan is the world's biggest supplier of opium.

Latest developments come as senior US officials say Washington has no plan to withdraw all of its troops from Afghanistan even after the 2014 pullout deadline.

JR/AB


http://www.presstv.com/detail/2014/03/19/355369/us-funding-ghost-workers-in-afghanistan/


___________________--
Opium Poppy Growth Booming In Afghanistan
January 19, 2014 8:00 AM
The U.S. has sent billions of dollars to Afghanistan for drug eradication, but to little effect. NPR's Rachel Martin speaks with Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko, who testified on the hill Wednesday about the future of counternarcotics efforts in Afghanistan.
JOHN SOPKO: They're growing more poppy now and introducing more opium than ever before
http://www.npr.org/2014/01/19/263921185/opium-poppy-growth-booming-in-afghanistan






Afghan opium production on the rise despite U.S. troops, inspector says
Wednesday Jan 15, 2014 12:11 PM (excerpt)

Citing the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime, Sopkp said the cultivation of poppy plants — used to make opium and its derivative drugs such as heroin — is greater today than in 2001 when the United States invaded Afghanistan.

Indeed, he said it’s the highest in modern history.

In 2012, Afghanistan produced 3,700 tons of opium, he said in his prepared remarks. In 2013, opium production was up almost 50 percent, with 5,500 tons produced.

Last year the amount of land used to cultivate opium poppies reached a record high of 209,000 hectares (about 516,000 acres) — up from 74,000 hectares (183,000 acres) in 2002, he said.

Sopko said the uptick in opium production and poppy cultivation are signs that the Afghan National Security Forces may be encouraging production.

http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2014/01/15/22316414-afghan-opium-production-on-the-rise-despite-us-troops-inspector-says


------------------------

March 20, 2014
Afghanistan Reconstruction

Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko provided an update on the U.S. military’s withdrawal from Afghanistan and addressed future operations in the region and the upcoming elections. He focused on the problem of corruption and said that if corruption continued unabated in Afghanistan it would likely jeopardize all the gains made in the country in the past twelve years. He responded to questions from members of the audienc

http://www.c-span.org/video/?318383-1/ig-john-sopko-afghanistan-reconstruction
http://www.sigar.mil/pdf/alerts/SIGAR_14-4-SP.pdf

---------------------------
Afghanistan's Opium Trade Tripled After US Spends $10 Billion
Image: Afghanistan's Opium Trade Tripled After US Spends $10 Billion
Thursday, 16 Jan 2014 11:27 AM
By Courtney Coren
http://www.newsmax.com/Newsfront/Afghanistan-drugs-US-10billion/2014/01/16/id/547454/

UN: Afghan Opium Production Hits Record High
Image: UN: Afghan Opium Production Hits Record High
Wednesday, 13 Nov 2013 03:30 AM
http://www.newsmaxworld.com/GlobalTalk/afghanistan-opium-record-high/2013/11/13/




---------------------
The Spoils of War: Afghanistan’s Multibillion Dollar Heroin Trade
Washington's Hidden Agenda: Restore the Drug Trade January, 2014
http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-spoils-of-war-afghanistan-s-multibillion-dollar-heroin-trade/91


-----------------------------------------




Washington Supports the Multibillion Dollar Trade in Heroin? UN Report: Afghanistan Opium Production Up 49 Per Cent
By Global Research News
Global Research, February 23, 2014
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 13 November 2014
http://www.globalresearch.ca/washington-supports-the-multibillion-dollar-trade-in-heroin-un-report-afghanistan-opium-production-up-49-per-cent/5368846
http://www.unodc.org/documents/crop-monitoring/Afghanistan/Afghan_report_Summary_Findings_2013.pdf


-----------------------------------------



Al-Qaeda Backers Found With U.S. Contracts in Afghanistan
By Tony Capaccio 2013-07-30T04:01:00Z
Supporters of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan have been getting U.S. military contracts, and American officials are citing “due process rights” as a reason not to cancel the agreements, according to an independent agency monitoring spending.

The U.S. Army Suspension and Debarment Office has declined to act in 43 such cases, John Sopko, the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, said today in a letter accompanying a quarterly report to Congress.

“I am deeply troubled that the U.S. military can pursue, attack, and even kill terrorists and their supporters, but that some in the U.S. government believe we cannot prevent these same people from receiving a government contract,” Sopko said.
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-07-30/al-qaeda-backers-found-with-u-s-contracts-in-afghanistan.html

_________________________

Afghan drug trade thrives with help, and neglect, of officials

By Tom Lasseter McClatchy NewspapersMay 10, 2009 '

http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2009/05/10/67723/afghan-drug-trade-thrives-with.html



Karzai's brother threatened McClatchy writer reporting Afghan drug story

By Tom Lasseter McClatchy NewspapersMay 10, 2009
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2009/05/10/67823/karzais-brother-threatened-mcclatchy.html




Only small-time Afghan drug dealers serve time

By Tom Lasseter McClatchy NewspapersMay 10, 2009
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2009/05/10/67721/only-small-time-afghan-drug-dealers.html#storylink=relast





West looked the other way as Afghan drug trade exploded

By Tom Lasseter McClatchy Newspapers May 10, 2009

http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2009/05/10/67722/west-looked-the-other-way-as-afghan.html#storylink=relast


---------------------------------------------

Thriving Afghan drug trade has friends in high places
By Tom Lasseter, Mcclatchy Newspapers – Sun May 10, 6:00 am ET
KANDAHAR, Afghanistan — When it's harvest time in the poppy fields of Kandahar , dust-covered Taliban fighters pull up on their motorbikes to collect a 10 percent tax on the crop. Afghan police arrive in Ford Ranger pickups — bought with U.S. aid money — and demand their cut of the cash in exchange for promises to skip the farms during annual eradication.

Then, usually late one afternoon, a drug trafficker will roll up in his Toyota Land Cruiser with black-tinted windows and send a footman to pay the farmers in cash. The farmers never see the boss, but they suspect that he's a local powerbroker who has ties to the U.S.-backed Afghan government.

Everyone wants a piece of the action, said farmer Abdul Satar , a thin man with rough hands who tends about half an acre of poppy just south of Kandahar . "There is no one to complain to," he said, sitting in the shade of an orange tree. "Most of the government officials are involved."

Afghanistan produces more than 90 percent of the world's opium, which was worth some $3.4 billion to Afghan exporters last year. For a cut of that, Afghan officials open their highways to opium and heroin trafficking, allow public land to be used for growing opium poppies and protect drug dealers.

The drug trade funnels hundreds of millions of dollars each year to drug barons and the resurgent Taliban , the militant Islamist group that's killed an estimated 450 American troops in Afghanistan since 2001 and seeks to overthrow the fledgling democracy here.

What's more, Afghan officials' involvement in the drug trade suggests that American tax dollars are supporting the corrupt officials who protect the Taliban's efforts to raise money from the drug trade, money the militants use to buy weapons that kill U.S. soldiers.

Islam forbids the use of opium and heroin — the Taliban outlawed poppy growing in 2000 — but the militants now justify the drug production by saying it's not for domestic consumption but rather to sell abroad as part of a holy war against the West. Under the Taliban regime, the biggest Afghan opium crop was roughly 4,500 tons in 1999, far below the record 8,200 tons in 2007.

The booming drug trade threatens the stability of the Afghan government, and with it America's efforts to defeat the Taliban and al Qaida in Afghanistan . The threat has grown not only because of the cozy relationships among drug lords, militants and corrupt officials, but also because of apathy by Western powers.

From the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan after the 9-11 attacks until last year, the United States and other NATO countries did little to address the problem, according to a Western counter-narcotics official in Afghanistan .

"We all realized that it will take a long time to win this war, but we can lose it in a couple years if we don't take this (drug) problem by the horns," said the official, who asked for anonymity so that he could speak more freely.

To unravel the ties among militants, opium and the government, McClatchy interviewed more than two dozen current and past Afghan officials, poppy farmers and others familiar with the drug trade. Seven former Afghan governors and security commanders said they had firsthand knowledge of local or national officials who were transporting or selling drugs or protecting those who did.

Most of the sources feared retribution. One man was killed a week after he spoke to McClatchy . Another called back a week after the interview and said he hadn't left his home in days, fearful that McClatchy's calls to verify his story would bring trouble. A third met on the condition that a reporter promised not to tell anyone that he still lives in Kabul .

"In this country, if someone really tells the truth he will have no place to live," said Agha Saqeb, who served as the provincial police chief in Kandahar , in the heart of Afghanistan's opium belt, from 2007 to 2008. Naming Afghan officials who profit from drugs, he said, would get him killed: "They are still in power and they could harm me."

The embassies of the U.S., Britain and Canada — the countries principally behind counter-narcotics in Afghanistan — declined to comment. A State Department report issued earlier this year flatly noted that: "Many Afghan government officials are believed to profit from the drug trade."

It also said: "Regrettably, no major drug trafficker has been arrested or convicted in Afghanistan since 2006."

U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration officials in Kabul also refused to comment. Afghan and Western observers said the DEA had been hampered by inadequate staffing and by the difficulty of cracking down on drug trafficking in a country where local officials were implicated in it.

The corruption allegedly reaches the highest levels of Afghanistan's political elite. According to multiple Afghan former officials, Ahmed Wali Karzai , the brother of President Hamid Karzai and the head of the provincial council in Kandahar , routinely manipulates judicial and police officials to facilitate shipments of opium and heroin.

Ahmed Wali Karzai and his defenders retort that the U.S. government never has formally accused him of any wrongdoing.

In Kabul , President Karzai's office said no one could prove that his brother had anything to do with opium and heroin. The Afghan Attorney General's Office has received no complaints or evidence against Ahmed Wali Karzai , according to an official there who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the political sensitivity of the issue.

Neither the Bush nor the Obama administrations has officially charged him with involvement in drugs, and a former DEA chief of operations, Michael Braun , said the agency had "basically struck out" in trying to prove the allegations.

Ahmed Wali Karzai himself is defensive, saying that the accusations are part of a political conspiracy against his brother, the president. When he was asked recently about the allegations linking him to drugs and crime, he threatened to assault a visiting McClatchy reporter.

THE ALLEGATIONS AGAINST AHMED WALI KARZAI
The narcotics trade in Afghanistan would be impossible without government officials and the Taliban on the payroll, said the man in the brown turban. "The link between them is a natural one."

The man should know. He's a drug dealer in Kandahar who provides money to purchase opium culled from poppy on local farms and arranges for it to be shipped to markets near the city.

The owner of several shoe and electronics shops in Kandahar , he sat in a plastic chair in a small office tucked away on the second floor of a bare concrete building. As he described the inner workings of the opium trade, he spat tobacco from under the fold of his cheek into a silken floral print handkerchief.

"The drug smuggler tells a police commander to transport a certain amount of drugs, for example, from the city to Maiwand District " — on the northwest edge of Kandahar province — "and pays him 100,000 Pakistani rupees," about $1,200 , said the dealer, who asked that his name not be used for fear of running afoul of local warlords or officials. "And then from Maiwand, he pays the Taliban another 100,000 rupees to take it farther," to heroin labs in the southern province of Helmand and on to Pakistan or Iran .

The dealer offered introductions to the Taliban or to the provincial governor, but there was one man he didn't wish to discuss: Ahmed Wali Karzai .

According to several Afghan former officials in the region, however, the major drug traffickers in southern Afghanistan don't worry much about getting caught because they're working under the protection of Karzai and other powerful government officials.

For example, a former top Afghan intelligence official recounted an incident from about five years ago, when, he said, his men arrested a Taliban commander who was involved with drugs at a key narcotics-trafficking point between Helmand and the Pakistani border.

Late on the evening of the arrest, a local prosecutor dropped by and said that Ahmed Wali Karzai wanted the militant released, according to Dad Mohammed Khan, who was the national intelligence directorate chief of Helmand province for about three years before he became a member of the national parliament.

Khan said he released the Taliban commander, a man known as Haji Abdul Rahim, because he didn't want to tangle with the president's brother.

A week after his conversation with McClatchy , Khan — a large man with a bushy black beard who had a reputation for dealing with enemies ruthlessly — was killed by a roadside bomb that most attribute to the Taliban .

Khan, however, isn't the only one to accuse Ahmed Wali Karzai of ties to drug trafficking.

In 2004, an Afghan Defense Ministry brigade reportedly had a similar run-in with Karzai. The brigade pulled over a truck in Kandahar and found heroin hidden under sacks of concrete, according to the corps commander who oversaw the unit, Brig. Gen. Khan Mohammed.

Shortly afterward, the brigade leader, a man named Habibullah Jan , got a phone call from Ahmed Wali Karzai demanding that he release the truck, Mohammed said. That call was followed by one from a member of President Karzai's staff, Mohammed said.

Jan later became a parliament member and publicly accused Ahmed Wali Karzai of being a criminal. Jan was killed last year in a sophisticated ambush in Kandahar under circumstances that remain unclear. The Taliban haven't taken responsibility for the attack.

" Ahmed Wali Karzai has very close links with the drug smugglers," said Mohammed, who was sipping tea as he sat on a cushion at his home in Kabul . "The house that he's living in in Kandahar right now is owned by a very big drug smuggler."

People who accuse Ahmed Wali Karzai of ties to the drug trade often don't stay around very long. Many Afghans were shocked last year when a TV station that broadcasts to several cities around the country aired a roundtable discussion in which one of the guests said he knew that Karzai was involved with drugs.

Although he isn't a current government official — he had part ownership in an Internet technology institute — Abdullah Kandahari is from Karzai's Popalzai tribe and has known the president's family for years. He also was an intelligence official for two years during the regime of former President Burhanuddin Rabbani , a political opponent of the Karzais.

Speaking by phone from Pakistan , Kandahari said he was forced to move his family out of the country and sell his business interests in the aftermath of the show; Ahmed Wali Karzai sent gunmen looking for him four times in two locations, Kandahari said.

Another guest on the show, a parliament member from Kandahar named Shakiba Hashimi , said that Karzai called her husband the morning after it aired.

" Ahmed Wali said that after appearing on that program, I would not have the courage to return to Kandahar ," Hashimi said. It was a gloating sort of threat, and Hashimi took it seriously: She said she hadn't been back to the province since.

Asked for comment about Dad Mohammed Khan's allegation and others during an interview at his palatial Kandahar home, which is protected by guard shacks, perimeter walls and sand-filled roadblocks, Ahmed Wali Karzai said he had nothing to do with drugs.

A few minutes later, he yelled, "Get the (expletive) out before I kick your (expletive)" at a reporter.

Asked about Ahmed Wali Karzai , the president's spokesman said there was no proof that the president's brother was involved with the drug trade.

President Karzai has told the U.S. and British governments that "if they have any evidence against his brothers or close associates, they should come forward," said Humayun Hamidzada , the spokesman. To date, he said, there's been no response.

PRESIDENT HAMID KARZAI : A PASSIVE ROLE?
President Karzai hasn't been accused of any connection to drug trafficking, but he appears to be powerless to halt some of his own officials' ties to it. The issue allegedly extends far beyond his brother.

A man named Syed Jan traveled through Afghanistan in 2005 with documents saying that he worked for a drug task force in Helmand province. The deputy interior minister for counter-narcotics, Col. Gen. Mohammed Daoud , had signed the paperwork. When Jan's car was stopped at a checkpoint in eastern Afghanistan , it was carrying about 425 pounds of heroin. That amount was worth about $580,000 on the Afghan wholesale market in 2005 and more than $5.4 million wholesale in Britain — which gets most of its heroin from Afghanistan — during 2006, according to figures from the United Nations .

Daoud told McClatchy the documents were genuine, but that Jan "was introduced to my office by President Karzai's office."

Appearing before a special narcotics court in Kabul , Jan was sentenced to 16 years. An appeals court then declared him innocent and released him.

Sareer Ahmad Barmak, a spokesman for a central narcotics-prosecution task force in Kabul , said that Jan had confessed to being a drug trafficker. "I don't know what he did, how much money he offered to the judges to get acquitted," Barmak said.

At the urging of Afghanistan's attorney general, President Karzai directed the appeals court to reconsider. While the case was pending, however, the Justice Ministry ordered that Jan be transferred from Kabul to a jail in his home province of Helmand, a move that Barmak said was illegal.

On the drive from the Helmand airport to the jail, gunmen ambushed the police convoy and Jan escaped.

It was obvious from the details that Barmak gave that the gunmen knew about the transfer in advance. A Justice Ministry official told McClatchy that Jan had simply slipped out of custody. The last anyone heard, he was living in Dubai or Pakistan .

Asked for comment, Hamidzada, President Karzai's spokesman, said, "I'm not aware of these little details, of one particular person carrying letters, (of) these little people doing little things."

Several former security officers in southern Afghanistan said that the story of Syed Jan was nothing unusual.

Mohammed Hussein Andewal, a former police chief of Helmand province, said that in 2007 his men caught an opium dealer red-handed with a large stash of drugs on his way to the bordering province of Farah.

Andewal said he was called first by a regional Interior Ministry commander and then by a senior official from the ministry in Kabul telling him to let the man go.

"I know very high government officials who have heroin storerooms in their own houses," he said.

Andewal said that if he had a map in front of him, he could sketch the bases and the movements of a drug-dealing ring of Afghan leaders in five provinces who pushed heroin through Nimruz province into Iran .

"If anyone could guarantee my security, I could give the names and draw the map," he said with a grin and then a shrug. "But I would get killed."

A former senior Afghan official who's worked in high positions in southern Afghanistan and the national government said he could list the bases and movements of Ahmed Wali Karzai's drug network as well as the names, home districts and jobs of the dealers in Afghanistan and Pakistan . However, the former official said he wouldn't want those facts or his identity made public, because he had the same worries as Andewal: a bullet to the head or a bomb on the road.

http://www.afghanistannewscenter.com/news/2009/may/may102009.html#4
VID and TRANSCRIPT
https://
http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=3688










___________________
Inside the Afghan drug trade

In a northern province, four law-enforcement officials describe life built around trafficking.

By Scott Baldauf, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor / June 13, 2006 at 12:06 pm EDT
KABUL, AFGHANISTAN

The Afghan police chief doesn't realize his voice is being taped. So pardon him if he brags about his life as a drug trafficker.

In a friendly conversation recorded in his home last summer, he tells of his quarrels with another drug-dealing police commander in the country's northern Takhar Province; about driving through a rival's police checkpoint with 500 kilos of heroin in his car; and his adventures in rescuing three heroin-smuggling friends from the clutches of Tajik policemen. It's just another part of the job, he says.
http://www.csmonitor.com/layout/set/print/2006/0613/p01s04-wosc.html



_________________________________________________________



Afghan Officials In Drug Trade Cut Deals Across Enemy Lines

Afghan Officials In Drug Trade Cut Deals Across Enemy Lines March 21st, 2009

Toronto Globe and Mail
March 21, 2009
Corrupt politicians are safeguarding traffickers who then help the Taliban, Globe investigation finds
By Graeme Smith
KABUL — In the shadow of the craggy mountains overlooking the road between Kabul and the eastern city of Jalalabad, a specially trained unit of police conducted a nearly perfect ambush of a drug dealer.
Officers surrounded Sayyed Jan's vehicle so quickly that his two bodyguards never had a chance to fire their weapons, and he was caught moving at least 183 kilograms of pure heroin.
But the Counternarcotics Police of Afghanistan realized they had a problem when they discovered that Mr. Jan's powerful friends included their own boss. The drug dealer was carrying a signed letter of protection from General Mohammed Daud Daud, the deputy minister of interior responsible for counternarcotics, widely considered Afghanistan's most powerful anti-drug czar.
That along with other papers and interviews with well-placed sources, show that Gen. Daud has safeguarded shipments of illegal opiates even as he commands thousands of officers sworn to fight the trade. Some accuse the deputy minister of taking a major cut of dealers' profits, ranking him among the biggest players in Afghanistan's $3-billion (U.S.) drug industry.
Reached by telephone this week, Gen. Daud angrily denied involvement in drug corruption. "Your information is completely defective and deficient, and shameful for the prestige of journalism," he said.
The Globe and Mail's investigation of Gen. Daud highlights the wider implications of drug cartels operating inside the Kabul administration. It's a toxic triangle of alliances, as corrupt officials work with drug traffickers who, in turn, help the Taliban.
Some international officials still say the corruption is limited to isolated bureaucrats who supplement their meagre salaries with graft. But a growing number of informed observers now agree with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's recent description of Afghanistan as a "narco-state," saying they are concerned about networks of corrupt officials taking over parts of government — in effect, running branches of the state for illegal gain.
This is a problem for Canada and other North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries, not only because Afghanistan supplies most of the heroin on their own streets, officials say, and not only because such large-scale corruption wastes the money and lives spent in support of the Kabul government.
More importantly, the routes used to export heroin also bring guns and ammunition into the country, giving firepower to those killing Canadian soldiers. The drug barons inside the Afghan administration are believed to be cutting deals across enemy lines, supplying cash and weapons to the rising insurgency.
The wolf as shepherd
One of the most notorious departments in Kabul is the anti-drug section of the Ministry of Interior, the Counternarcotics Police of Afghanistan.
Gen. Daud has been responsible for the CNPA since his presidential appointment as deputy minister for Counternarcotics in 2004, and the force has grown to an estimated 3,000 drug officers across the country. But the and case studies gathered by The Globe and Mail paint a disturbing portrait of his role in the industry.
"You have chosen a wolf as your shepherd," said an Afghan police officer who worked with Gen. Daud.
The officer spoke on condition of anonymity, as did all other Western and Afghan officials who provided details about drug corruption.
Talking about narcotics can be dangerous in Kabul; in December, an outspoken judge who handled drug cases was dragged out of his house by masked men and executed with a gunshot to the head.
One of the few people who has discussed Gen. Daud's dealings on the record is Lieutenant Nyamatullah Nyamat, then serving as head of the counternarcotics police in Kunduz province. He gave an interview to the Los Angeles Times accusing Gen. Daud of running a drug business in northern Afghanistan and protecting other dealers; shortly after the article was published in 2005, Lt. Nyamat disappeared. Two sources familiar with the incident said British advisers to the CNPA scrambled to ensure the lieutenant's safety, holding a meeting in which Gen. Daud admitted ordering his arrest. (Gen. Daud now denies this.) The lieutenant was eventually released unharmed, and reassigned to a less active post in central Afghanistan.
The Kabul government has often emphasized the lack of firm evidence against its top members; Ms. Clinton's "narco-state" reference was angrily rejected by government officials earlier this year. Gen. Daud's boss, Interior Minister Mohammad Hanif Atmar, specifically defended the counternarcotics force during an interview last month at his elegant offices in Kabul. When asked whether he still has confidence in the CNPA, Mr. Atmar nodded vigorously.
"Absolutely, absolutely," he said. "That's not to say some people may not be honest in their jobs, but this is an ongoing battle in every country, every nation, with every police force. By and large they are actually doing the right job with honesty and integrity."
Mr. Atmar's appointment to the Interior Ministry last fall was greeted with optimism among foreign diplomats, who hoped the well-regarded administrator would clean up corruption among the police. The minister says he has attempted to purge the senior ranks, removing 10 police generals and charging some of them with drug corruption in the few months since he took office.
Powerful figures in the ministry such as Gen. Daud remain untouched, but the minister said he can only take action with proof of wrongdoing.
"One unfortunate thing is that much of this is based on speculation," Mr. Atmar said. "Give me the evidence, and hold me accountable for action on that evidence."
The drug runner
The strongest paper trail connecting Gen. Daud with drug dealing comes from the arrest of Sayyed Jan, the infamous trafficker, on June 19, 2005.
Officials disagree about how much heroin Mr. Jan was carrying: one source said 183 kilograms, another said 192, and Gen. Daud himself said it was 250.
Sources also disagree about whether the dealer was wearing a CNPA uniform when arrested, but either way it appears he was operating with Gen. Daud's blessings until he was undeniably caught smuggling. A letter from Gen. Daud to the governor of Helmand province, dated March 15, 2005, introduces Mr. Jan as a "respected Haji," meaning a Muslim who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and urges the provincial administration to assist Mr. Jan. The letter was signed with a flourish by Gen. Daud. The governor seems to have obeyed the counternarcotics chief, as investigators found two other letters written the same month, one from the governor telling the police chief to allow safe passage for Mr. Jan and another from the police chief repeating the instruction to his men.
A relative of Mr. Jan described him as a hard-working young trafficker from the southern province of Helmand who got started as a teenager during the Taliban regime, guarding small caches of opium in the desert. Mr. Jan founded his own drug business in 2001, his relative said, and the operation thrived under the new government as he bought protection for his refineries and transportation routes.
One of the dealer's biggest protectors was Gen. Daud, his relative said, describing a conversation in which Mr. Jan confided that he paid the deputy minister $50,000 (U.S.) for permission to run a single convoy through his zone of control. When speaking about the counternarcotics chief, the trafficker used a Pashto word that means "boss."
Another source confirmed that Gen. Daud received payments from Mr. Jan, but suggested they were based on 50 per cent commission on his drug profits.
That relationship seems to have broken down when a CNPA unit, apparently acting without Gen. Daud's knowledge, caught the trafficker with a vehicle full of heroin. Gen. Daud initially attempted to set Mr. Jan free from prison, but then reversed himself and declared his support for the prosecution.
In a complicated series of legal manoeuvrings, however, the young trafficker was transferred to a prison in Helmand where sources say a local official accepted a bribe of 1.8 million Pakistani rupees, worth about $28,000Ö Canadian dollars, to set him free. The dealer is now believed to be continuing his work outside of Afghanistan.
When confronted with this information, Gen. Daud said he cannot be held responsible for Mr. Jan escaping prosecution because it falls outside his jurisdiction. He denied taking money from Mr. Jan or any other dealer.
"Sayyed Jan fled from jail, but God willing we are chasing him to arrest him again and put him back in jail," the counternarcotics chief said.
Another arrest caught Gen. Daud by surprise in the summer of 2005. His own men, again apparently working without the direct supervision of the counternarcotics chief, captured a fuel tanker packed with an estimated 700 kilograms of raw opium on the outskirts of Kabul. The driver, Noor Mohammed, asked for permission to make a phone call; he dialled a number, and shortly afterward Gen. Daud's personal bodyguards rushed to the scene, brandishing their weapons and demanding the CNPA officers leave.
A tense standoff followed, then confusion as the CNPA bodyguards realized they were pointing their guns at fellow CNPA officers. Two Afghan officials who described the scene said they eventually settled the dispute by agreeing to take the tanker back to CNPA headquarters, and it's not known what eventually happened to the drugs. But those involved saw the incident as a clear example of Gen. Daud trying to protect some shipments.
"This is nonsense," Gen. Daud said, suggesting that drug dealers spread unfounded rumours to undermine his work.
Such anecdotes have spread widely, in fact, in Kabul's community of Western officials. But some take a sanguine view of reported corruption, especially when the reports concern a figure so prominent as Gen. Daud.
The former warlord
Born in 1969 to a family from the northern province of Takhar, Gen. Daud joined the anti-Soviet resistance as a teenager and became part of the famed militia of Ahmad Shah Massoud, the so-called Lion of the Panjshir.
After the assassination of Massoud no honorific needed in 2001, Gen. Daud worked with U.S. forces overthrowing the Taliban regime and was rewarded with control over a broad territory in the north.
As the country held its first presidential elections in 2004, however, Western officials became increasingly concerned that warlords such as Gen. Daud and their private armies would not fit into their plans for a heavily centralized government. Like other warlords, Gen. Daud was invited to accept a senior appointment in Kabul in hopes that he could be drawn away from his regional power base and integrated into the new regime.
This strategy worked, in some respects; officials say Gen. Daud no longer ranks among the country's biggest militia commanders, though he could still mobilize 4,000 to 6,000 armed men within 48 hours if necessary. He remains popular in his home province, where Western officials have been amused to hear villagers reciting poems in his honour.
Gen. Daud's supporters point out that many senior figures in the Kabul administration are implicated in drug corruption, and pushing them out of their jobs won't solve the problem. They emphasize that Gen. Daud appears to be reducing his involvement in the drug trade as he reaches middle age; his second wife is a U.S. citizen, and some speculate that he might try to clean up his business and eventually settle in the United States.
"Dealing with these characters is a slow process," a senior Western official said. "You can't judge them based on the past. You have to think about what they can do for this country in the future."
Others disagree, seeing the problem of corruption in more urgent terms.
"Fighting corruption and official involvement in drug trafficking in Afghanistan is as critical a challenge to rebuilding the country as defeating the Taliban," veteran ABC news correspondent Gretchen Peters writes in her forthcoming book Seeds of Terror, based on five years of field research along the Afghan-Pakistan border.
The need for such reform becomes clearer as drug investigators find traffickers involved with another kind of contraband: weapons.
Two Western officials closely monitoring the problem said about 50 to 70 per cent of weapons that supply the insurgency arrive in the country by road, facilitated by corrupt figures in the Afghan government — a statistic that shatters the image of Taliban hauling shipments of guns and ammunition through snowy mountain passes, as usually portrayed by NATO leaders; instead, many insurgents apparently find it more convenient to buy supplies from corrupt authorities.
The profits are huge: a Kalashnikov rifle purchased for $100 or $150 in Tajikistan can be smuggled to the battlefields of southern Afghanistan and sold for $400. The fact that the same rifle might be used to kill a Canadian soldier — or the corrupt Afghan official who sold it — has not diminished the trade.
"This government is not working for us," said the relative of Mr. Jan, the trafficker, expressing his disgust with the business. "We hate the drugs. But this government is addicted to money."



http://www.truth-out.org/archive/item/93291:the-afghan-war-spreading-democracy-and-heroin


-----------------------------------






AFGHANISTAN: A HARVEST OF DESPAIR
The Lure of Opium Wealth Is a Potent Force in Afghanistan
Western officials warn of a nascent narco state as drug traffickers act with impunity, some allegedly with the support of top officials

By Paul Watson Times Staff Writer

May 29, 2005
Kunduz, Afghanistan

http://www.latimes.com/news/la-fg-drugs29may29,0,415054,full.story






Afghanistan: Halbbruder des Präsidenten ein Drogenbaron?
KABUL. Eine Woche vor der Präsidentenwahl verschärft ein Drogenskandal im Umfeld von Präsident Hamid Karzai die ohnehin komplizierte und gefährliche politische Situation Afghanistans.
http://www.nachrichten.at/nachrichten/politik/aussenpolitik/Afghanistan-Halbbruder-des-Praesidenten-ein-Drogenbaron;art391,240680


-----------------
OFF TOPIC

Israel and the Iran-Contra Scandal: How Neocons Messed Up the Mideast
By Robert Parry
Global Research, February 15, 2013
http://www.globalresearch.ca/israel-and-the-iran-contra-scandal-how-neocons-messed-up-the-mideast/5323076

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
hannah

Registered:
Posts: 797
Reply with quote  #365 
BROKEN LINKS REPAIRED - Thanks to Internet Waybackmachine


Attorney Kevin Warren's site in Los Angeles

here is the link to the archived version in archive.org

WE THE PEOPLE
https://web.archive.org/web/20100210185054/http://www.wethepeople.la/ciadrugs.htm




_________________-
NARCO-COLONIALISM IN THE 20TH CENTURY - EX DEA AGENTS SPEAK

https://web.archive.org/web/20120208083401/http://ciadrugs.homestead.com/files/




FAIRNESS AND ACCURACY IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF CONTRA CRACK
http://web.archive.org/web/20121025005853/http://www.fair.org/issues-news/contra-crack.html
Gary Webb Explains how the media caved in
http://fair.org/extra-online-articles/taking-a-dive-on-contra-crack/
http://fair.org/extra-online-articles/exposed-the-contra-crack-connection/
------------------------------------------------




RUSS KICK's THE MEMORY HOLE -- THE COMPLETE KERRY REPORT ONLINE! (3 parts)

"Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy"
a/k/a the Kerry Report Transcripts

https://web.archive.org/web/20070104000306/http://www.thememoryhole.com/kerry/


Part One

Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Communications and International Economic Policy, Trade, Oceans and Environment of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundredth Congress, First Session, May 27, July 15, and October 30, 1987

Part Two: Panama

Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Communications of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundredth Congress, Second Session, February 8, 9, 10, and 11, 1988

entire volume in one Acrobat file


Part Three: The Cartel, Haiti and Central America

Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Communications of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundredth Congress, Second Session, April 4, 5, 6, and 7, 1988

entire volume in one Acrobat file



KERRY REPORT
Background

>>> In 1987/8, two subcommittees of the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations held three 14 days of hearings on drug trafficking. Headed by Sen. John F. Kerry (D - Mass.), the panel heard evidence of official corruption in Central America, South America, the Caribbean, and the United States. The next year, the government published the transcripts in a 4-volume set that has remained a touchstone for anyone interested in narco-corruption, particularly as it involves US intelligence agencies.

The trouble is, this 1,800-page goldmine of information has been incredibly hard to find. The Memory Hole's copy was given to me by a friend of the family—Lorenzo Hagerty—who told me an interesting story. As soon as the Kerry Report was published, Lorenzo ordered a set of the transcripts from the Government Printing Office. When it arrived, he began reading it and realized how important it was. He immediately called the GPO to order another set. He was told that the set was already out of print and would not be published again. It had been available to the public for one single week.

Small portions of the Kerry Report transcripts have been published online, but they are only a fraction of the entire four volumes. The Memory Hole is planning to scan and post the entire thing. The first volume has been posted as HTML, and the second two have gone up as Acrobat files. The front page and the email updates will contain notifications when the final volume is posted.

The one-volume final report based on these hearings—also very rare—has been scanned and posted by the National Security Archive. It's available here

More info about the hearings is here.




SOME FINDINGS:


"The Subcommittee found that the Contra drug links included:



Involvement in narcotics trafficking by individuals associated with the Contra movement.


Participation of narcotics traffickers in Contra supply operations through business relationships with Contra organizations.


Provision of assistance to the Contras by narcotics traffickers, including cash, weapons, planes, pilots, air supply services and other materials, on a voluntary basis by the traffickers.


Payments to drug traffickers by the US State Department of funds authorized by the Congress for humanitarian assistance to the Contras, in some cases after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others while traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies."

Senate Committee Report on Drugs,
Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy
chaired by Senator John F. Kerry






-------------------
______________________________

MOTHER JONES COVERAGE of "A TAINTED DEAL"
https://web.archive.org/web/20050420101319/http://www.motherjones.com/commentary/columns/1998/06/cia.html
https://web.archive.org/web/20050405214411/http://www.motherjones.com/news/special_reports/total_coverage/coke.html





PETER DALE SCOTT SITE

http://www.peterdalescott.net/q.html



PROFESSOR BeN ATTIA's siite- CAL STATE Northridge

https://web.archive.org/web/20080304020543/http://www.csun.edu/CommunicationStudies/ben/news/cia/



GARY WEBB SPEECH on PARASCOPE-

https://web.archive.org/web/20001119011800/http://www.parascope.com/mx/articles/garywebb/garyWebbSpeaks.htm



______________________________________________________-----

For the paranoid, you can read the internal investigation on a 3rd party site

ALLEGATIONS OF CONNECTIONS BETWEEN CIA
AND THE CONTRAS IN COCAINE TRAFFICKING
TO THE UNITED STATES (1)
(96-0143-IG)

Volume II: The Contra Story
http://whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/MENA/CIAREPORT/contents.html



--------------------------



Top U.S. Government Officials Admit that Our Government Has Repeatedly Protected Drug Smugglers (9 Videos)
Posted on May 27, 2012 by WashingtonsBlog

http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2012/05/has-the-u-s-government-ever-protected-drug-smugglers.html


________________________-

CELE CASTILLO'S VIDEOS (14 videos)
http://powderburns.org/archives.html#date

View Dateline NBC's story about CIA Drug Trafficking into the United States, especially South Central Los Angeles. The piece shows the participation of the CIA funded Contras using Cia planes and flying the cocaine into Arkansas and Texas. Dateline interviews the late Gary Webb, Cele Castillo, Ricky Ross and John Kerry.

__________________
Test your connection for leaks:
http://ip-check.info/?lang=en

Use TAILS
https://tails.boum.org/

How to boot from USB and other great stuff:
http://www.rmprepusb.com/

Open pdf and word files online instead of on your puter'
http://view.samurajdata.se/

USE the net more securely:
https://pressfreedomfoundation.org/blog/2014/04/help-support-little-known-privacy-tool-has-been-critical-journalists-reporting-nsa
https://www.torproject.org/download/download

http://www.theintelligencenews.com/


"The world isn't run by weapons anymore, or energy, or money. It's run by little ones and zeroes......"



"There's a war out there, old friend. A world war. And it's not about who's got the most bullets. It's about who controls the information.... it's all about the information!"
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hannah

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Posts: 797
Reply with quote  #366 
For Maynard---- 3 NYT articles




CIA Ignored Tips Alleging Contra Drug Links, Report Says
By Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, November 3, 1998; Page A04

In September 1981, as the Reagan administration was approving a covert CIA program to finance anti-Sandinista exile organization attempts to overthrow the Nicaraguan government, "an asset" told the agency that one of the major contra rebel groups intended to sell drugs in the United States to pay its bills.
The cable described for CIA headquarters a July 1981 drug delivery from Honduras to Miami, including the names of those involved, and called it "an initial trial run" by members of the Nicaraguan Revolutionary Democratic Alliance. An earlier cable had said the rebels felt they were "being forced to stoop to criminal activities in order to feed and clothe their cadre."
Although the cables were circulated to the departments of State, Justice, Treasury and Defense and all U.S. intelligence agencies, the CIA neither followed up nor attempted to corroborate the allegations, according to a 450-page declassified version of a report by the CIA's inspector general released last month.
Nearly a decade after the end of the Nicaraguan war -- and after years of suspicions and scattered evidence of contra involvement in drug trafficking -- the CIA report discloses for the first time that the agency did little or nothing to respond to hundreds of drug allegations about contra officials, their contractors and individual supporters contained in nearly 1,000 cables sent from the field to the agency's Langley headquarters.
In a few cases, the report says, officials instructed the Drug Enforcement Administration to hold back inquiring about charges involving alleged drug dealers connected with the Nicaraguan rebels. The report also shows that at times, wide suspicions or allegations of drug trafficking did not disqualify individuals from being recruited for the CIA effort.
Looking back, Frederick P. Hitz, the now-retired CIA inspector general who supervised the report, said, "We fell down on accountability. . . . There was a great deal of sloppiness and poor guidance in those days out of Washington."
Hitz's report disclosed, however, that in 1982, after the CIA's covert support of the contras began, then-Reagan Attorney General William French Smith and CIA Director William J. Casey agreed to drop a previous requirement that agency personnel report information about alleged criminal activities when undertaken by persons "acting for" the CIA.
The Smith-Casey agreement covered those associated with the contra effort. The provision remained unchanged until 1995, the report said.
The report also said the CIA gave Congress "incomplete" briefings that "often lacked specific detail." Jack Blum, counsel for a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee that in the mid-1980s investigated contra drug activities, said after reading the report that many details were denied his panel. Instead, he said, "they put out stories that spun the facts against us," denying contra connections to drug activity.
Although the report contradicts previous CIA claims that it had little information about drug running and the contras, it does not lend any new support to charges of an alliance among the CIA, contra fund-raisers and dealers who introduced crack cocaine in the 1980s in south-central Los Angeles. Those charges created a national sensation during the summer of 1996 when they were published in a series of articles by the San Jose Mercury News.
The allegations, which were not substantiated by subsequent reporting by other newspapers, prompted a year-long CIA inquiry that produced two reports, including the one released last month. The first report found that there was no evidence to indicate that the CIA had any dealings with the California drug traffickers. The classified version of the second report, sent to Congress earlier this year, concluded that there was no evidence that the CIA "conspired with or assisted contra-related organizations or individuals in drug trafficking to raise funds for the contras or for other purposes."
However, the unclassified report provides a wealth of anecdotes indicating that the CIA routinely received allegations about drug trafficking links to the contras. Although the report does not specify in most cases whether the allegations proved accurate, it suggests that in many cases the charges were simply ignored or overlooked because of the priority to keep the contra effort going.
For example, a 1984 Defense Department attache report described Alan Hyde, a Honduran businessman, as "making much money dealing in 'white gold,' i.e. cocaine." A 1985 CIA cable quoted Hyde as boasting that he had a U.S. Customs Service agent "in his pocket" and friends in "Cosa Nostra." A July 1987 CIA cable reported that the Coast Guard had placed three ships owned by Hyde on suspected drug-smuggling lists.
However, after an early offer to help the CIA was turned down, in 1987 Hyde was enlisted to provide logistical support to the contras. A CIA cable from the field said none of the prior reports were "firm proof that is involved in smuggling or nefarious activities."
When questions were raised within the CIA about Hyde's background, a cable from the field argued that Hyde was being used for a short-term project that was an "operational necessity." This view was endorsed in a cable signed by the then-director of operations. A later cable said Hyde's role had been approved at the level of the deputy director of Central Intelligence, although the incumbent at that time, Robert M. Gates, told the inspector general he had no recollection of approving Hyde's employment.
The report contains a concluding item without comment. A March 11, 1993, cable discouraged counter-narcotics efforts against Hyde because "his connection to is well documented and could prove difficult in the prosecution stage."
There is no evidence in the report that the allegations against Hyde were proven accurate or that he was ever charged with a crime. Attempts to locate Hyde for comment for this article were unsuccessful.
The CIA report shows that the agency did not follow up on allegations of drug dealing involving individuals, the so-called "benefactors," who were part of former White House aide Oliver North's program to evade legal restrictions on U.S. military aid to the contras through a secret supply operation run from Ilopango air base in El Salvador.
An August 1985 CIA cable identified Carlos Alberto Amador, a veteran supply pilot for the contras, as someone who was to ferry planes from Miami to Colombia to be used in drug trafficking. A CIA headquarters cable nearly a year later attributed to a "DEA source" information that Amador was believed, as of April 1986, to have flown cocaine from San Salvador to Florida.
The 1986 cable noted that Amador, a Nicaraguan with a U.S. passport, has access to Hangar 4 at Ilopango, which was used by North's "benefactors." A DEA report in April 1986 noted that the DEA wanted San Salvador police to investigate Amador and the contents of Hangar 4.
After a U.S. Embassy official asked the CIA if it had any connection to Amador, CIA headquarters told its local station in San Salvador it "would appreciate Station advising not to make any inquiries to anyone re Hanger no. 4 at Ilopango since only legitimate . . . supported operations were conducted from this facility," according to the IG report.
The report also provides new allegations about rebels led by one of the best-known anti-Sandinistas, Eden Pastora. While the CIA has maintained that it cut off funding to Pastora in 1984 before his aides turned to drug dealers for financial and materiel support, the IG report indicates that Pastora's colleagues were suspected of involvement with drug dealers while the agency was supporting his operations. Pastora has denied knowledge of any funds coming to his rebel forces from drug traffickers.
A different problem was represented in the case of Juan Ramon Rivas, one of the first rebel fighters to enter Nicaragua in 1982. By 1986, he had created a 5,000-person task force in the north and in March 1988 was selected as rebel chief of staff in the area. In November of that year, however, a DEA report identified Rivas as a fugitive from a Colombian prison who had been arrested on a drug charge.
Rivas, a former member of the Nicaraguan National Guard, acknowledged to DEA officials that after the Sandinistas took power in 1979, he went to Colombia and became involved in the drug trade. He told officials he was prepared to resign from the rebels if his past drug activities would be politically damaging to the cause.
The CIA decided, however, that he remain at his post. A CIA lawyer said agency regulations "focus solely on individuals currently in narcotics trafficking. . . . What we have here is a single, relatively petty transgression in a foreign country that occurred a decade ago and that is apparently of no current interest to DEA."
In the end, Hitz's report does not make it easy to sort out who is to blame. It consists of more than 1,000 items containing unsourced allegations about hundreds of individuals and companies, and none reaches a conclusion.
Hitz said his aim in the report was "to try to find out what was on the written record . . . and not develop any cases to bring to closure. . . . This is grist for more work, if anyone wants to do it."
Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company



____________________
CIA Said to Ignore Charges of Contra Drug Dealing in '80s
By James Risen
New York Times
October 10, 1998

WASHINGTON -- Despite requests for information from Congress, the CIA repeatedly ignored or failed to investigate allegations of drug trafficking by the anti-Sandinista rebels of Nicaragua in the 1980s, according to a newly declassified internal report.
In a blunt and often critical report, the CIA's inspector general determined that the agency "did not inform Congress of all allegations or information it received indicating that contra-related organizations or individuals were involved in drug trafficking."
Beginning in 1986, the subject of contra drug trafficking became a focus for critics of the Reagan administration's policy toward Nicaragua who charged that the CIA was shielding drug smugglers to protect its anti-Communist covert action program in Nicaragua. That year Congress imposed a fund cutoff for any contra group that had members involved in drug trafficking. Despite that ban, the CIA failed to tell Congress about allegations it had received against at least eight individuals with contra ties.
During the time the ban on funds was in effect, the CIA informed Congress only about drug charges against two other contra-related people. In addition, the agency failed to tell other executive branch agencies, including the Justice Department, about drug allegations against 11 contra-related individuals or entities.
The report quotes many active and retired CIA officers who served in Central America as saying they either did not hear or did not believe allegations of drug trafficking involving the contra rebels, with whom they worked closely. It also makes clear that the agency did little or nothing to investigate most of the drug allegations that it heard about the contras and their supporters.
In April 1987, the acting director of central intelligence, Robert Gates, wrote in a memorandum that it was "absolutely imperative that this agency and our operations in Central America avoid any kind of involvement with individuals or companies that are even suspected of involvement in narcotics trafficking." The CIA investigation that began almost a decade later, however, found no evidence that the memorandum was distributed to anyone other than Gates' deputy for operations, Clair George.
The new study is the second volume of the CIA's internal investigation prompted by a 1996 series of articles in The San Jose Mercury-News, which claimed that a "dark alliance" between the CIA, the contras and drug traffickers had helped finance the contra war with millions of dollars in profits from drug smuggling. The series also alleged that this network was the first to introduce crack cocaine into South Central Los Angeles. The first volume of the CIA inspector general's report, issued in January, dealt primarily with the specific allegations raised by the Mercury-News series and dismissed the newspaper's central findings.
But the second volume is the result of a broader inquiry into long- unresolved questions about the contra program and drug trafficking. In all, the inspector general's report found that the CIA had received allegations of drug involvement by 58 contras or others linked to the contra program. These included 14 pilots and two others tied to the contra program's CIA-backed air transportation operations.
The report indicates that information linking the contras to drugs began to emerge almost as soon as the contras came into existence -- and before it became publicly known that the CIA was supporting their effort to overthrow the Marxist-led government in Managua. In September 1981, as a small group of rebels was being formed from former soldiers in the National Guard of the deposed Nicaraguan dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, a CIA informant reported that the leadership of the fledgling group had decided to smuggle drugs to the United States to support its operations. Eight months later, another report indicated that one prominent leader of the group, Justiniano Perez, was a close friend of a known trafficker.
The agency's response also set something of a pattern. "No information has been found to indicate any action to follow up or corroborate the allegations," the report said. Similarly, it said, it found no information that the CIA followed up on FBI information about the Perez matter.
The omissions of information were often glaring. In 1986, for example, Alan Fiers, then chief of the CIA's Central American task force dealing with the contras, responded to questions raised by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass., about specific contra members and contra-related companies. According to the report, Fiers responded to Kerry's questions about a contra logistics coordinator named Felipe Vidal by providing a sheet of information about his convictions for illegal possession of firearms in the 1970s, but without any mention of Vidal's arrests and conviction for drug trafficking.
The report said that in at least six instances, the CIA knew about allegations regarding individuals or organizations but that knowledge did not deter it from continuing to employ them. In some other cases, the agency decided the allegations were not substantiated.
Copyright 1998 The New York Times Company

http://www.nytimes.com/1998/10/10/world/cia-reportedly-ignored-charges-of-contra-drug-dealing-in-80-s.html










C.I.A. Says It Used Nicaraguan Rebels Accused of Drug Tie
By JAMES RISEN
Published: July 17, 1998
The Central Intelligence Agency continued to work with about two dozen Nicaraguan rebels and their supporters during the 1980's despite allegations that they were trafficking in drugs, according to a classified study by the C.I.A.
The new study has found that the agency's decision to keep those paid agents, or to continue dealing with them in some less formal relationship, was made by top officials at headquarters in Langley, Va., in the midst of the war waged by the C.I.A.-backed contras against Nicaragua's leftist Sandinista Government.
The new report by the C.I.A.'s inspector general criticizes agency officials' actions at the time for the inconsistent and sometimes sloppy manner in which they investigated -- or chose not to investigate -- the allegations, which were never substantiated by the agency.
The inspector general's report, which has not yet been publicly released, also concludes that there is no evidence that any C.I.A. officials were involved in drug trafficking with contra figures.
''The fundamental finding of the report is that there is no information that the C.I.A. or C.I.A. employees ever conspired with any contra organizations or individuals involved with the contras for purposes of drug trafficking,'' a United States intelligence official said.
The new report is the long-delayed second volume of the C.I.A.'s internal investigation into possible connections between the contras and Central American drug traffickers. The investigation was originally prompted by a 1996 series in The San Jose Mercury-News, which asserted that a ''dark alliance'' between the C.I.A., the contras and drug traffickers had helped finance the contra war with profits from drug smuggling.
The second volume dismisses those specific charges, as did the first volume, released in January.
The series charged that the alliance created a drug trafficking network that introduced crack cocaine into South Central Los Angeles. It prompted an enormous outcry, especially among blacks, many of whom said they saw it as confirmation of a Government-backed conspiracy to keep blacks dependent and impoverished.
The Mercury-News subsequently admitted that the series was flawed and reassigned the reporter.
In the declassified version of the C.I.A.'s first volume, the agency said the Mercury-News charges were baseless and mentioned drug dealers who had nothing to do with the C.I.A.
But John M. Deutch, the Director of Central Intelligence at the time, had also asked the inspector general to conduct a broader inquiry to answer unresolved questions about the contra program and drug trafficking that had not been raised by The Mercury-News. Frederick Hitz, then the C.I.A.'s inspector general, decided to issue a second, larger report to deal with those broader issues.
Many allegations in the second volume track closely with charges that first surfaced in a 1987 Senate investigation. The C.I.A. is reluctant to release the complete 500-page second volume because it deals directly with contras the agency did work with.
According to the report, C.I.A. officials involved in the contra program were so focused on the fight against the Sandinistas that they gave relatively low priority to collecting information about the possible drug involvement of contra rebels. The report concluded that C.I.A. officers did report on drug trafficking by the contras, but that there were no clear guidelines given to field officers about how intensively they should investigate or act upon the allegations.
In all, the C.I.A. received allegations of drug involvement against about 50 contras or supporters during the war against the Sandinistas, the report said. Some of the allegations may have been specious, the result of Sandinista propaganda, American intelligence officials said.
It could not be determined from the C.I.A.'s records how many of the 50 cases were fully investigated. But the agency continued to work with about two dozen of the 50 contras, according to American intelligence officials familiar with the report. They said the report had found that the agency was unable to either prove or disprove the charges, or did not investigate them adequately.
American intelligence officials, who provided information about the report, declined to identify the individual contras who were the subjects of the drug allegations. But they did say that in addition to individual cases, the report found that drug allegations had been made against one contra organization, a group known as 15th of September. That group was formed in 1980 and was disbanded in January 1982.
The C.I.A.'s decision to classify this second volume has already been met with criticism in Congress. Senator John Kerry, Democrat of Massachusetts, who led a 1987 Congressional inquiry into allegations of contra drug connections, wrote a letter Thursday to the Director of Central Intelligence, George J. Tenet, asking that the report be immediately declassified.
Mr. Kerry, who has reviewed the second volume of the inspector general's report, said he believed that C.I.A. officials involved in the contra program did not make a serious effort to fully investigate the allegations of drug involvement by the contras.
''Some of us in Congress at the time, in 1985, 1986, were calling for a serious investigation of the charges, and C.I.A. officials did not join in that effort,'' Mr. Kerry said. ''There was a significant amount of stonewalling. I'm afraid that what I read in the report documents the degree to which there was a lack of interest in making sure the laws were being upheld.''
http://www.nytimes.com/1998/07/17/world/cia-says-it-used-nicaraguan-rebels-accused-of-drug-tie.html


-----------------------------------------





Drug Dealer Reportedly Aided Contras
Nicaragua: Rebel leaders say the CIA gave permission to accept airplanes, cash from narcotics trafficker. Spy agency denies account.
October 31, 1996| DOUGLAS FARAH and WALTER PINCUS | THE WASHINGTON POST
In the early summer of 1984, a wealthy Nicaraguan exile invited two representatives of the Contras fighting Managua's leftist government to her Miami home. Her aim was to broker a deal with a Colombian businessman that would help fill the rebels' empty coffers.
The hostess was Marta Healy, and the businessman was George Morales--a champion powerboat racer, socialite and big-league drug trafficker under indictment in the United States.

The Contra representatives were Octaviano Cesar and Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro, Healy's ex-husband. Both were working with Eden Pastora, a maverick revolutionary trying to open a southern front in the Contras' guerrilla war from a base in Costa Rica, in addition to the Contras based in Honduras on Nicaragua's northern border. The CIA had run out of money to support either group of Contras, and Congress refused to provide any more until the following year.
Despite their rift with the spy agency, Chamorro and Cesar said, they asked a CIA official if they could accept the offer of airplanes and cash from the drug dealer, Morales. "I called our contact at the CIA, of course, I did," Chamorro said recently. "The truth is, we were still getting some CIA money under the table. They said he was fine."
*
U.S. officials, including the man who oversaw the Contra operation at the CIA, dispute the rebel leaders' account that they notified the agency about Morales' offer. Duane "Dewey" Clarridge, who at the time was head of the CIA's Latin America division and is now retired, said he "certainly never dealt with Popo Chamorro," although he may have met him, and never knew Morales. The CIA told Congress in 1987 that it concluded in November 1984--or just a few months after the Miami meeting--that it could not resume aid to the Costa Rican-based Contras or have other dealings with them because "everybody around Pastora was involved in cocaine."
The Morales case, as retold with new details in recent interviews with participants, seems to remain the best-documented example of a Contra group cooperating with a drug trafficker and receiving substantial aid in return. According to Pastora and Chamorro, Morales--who was convicted in 1986 of drug trafficking and died in prison in 1991--contributed at least two airplanes and $90,000 to the Pastora group, known by its Spanish initials ARDE.
In sworn testimony to a congressional inquiry headed by Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) in the late 1980s, and in a separate court case before he died, Morales said he gave the airplanes and cash to the Contras because he was promised by Chamorro that the Contras would use their influence with the U.S. government to help with his legal problems. Although imprisoned, he told the Kerry committee that he had in fact received some legal help, but he did not specify what that was.
Morales offered Pastora's fighters, who were stuck in remote jungle areas in Costa Rica south of Nicaragua that could only be resupplied by air, a deal that seemed too good to be true: a DC-3 airplane he had stashed in Haiti, to carry weapons and other materiel, along with cash for guns, boots and uniforms.

The money was vital because Pastora's troops, unwilling to join a CIA-engineered Contra umbrella organization in Honduras north of Nicaragua, were about to disband. Pastora said the CIA had cut off his funding in May 1984.
In desperation, Pastora turned to his second-in-command, Chamorro, and Cesar, who spoke flawless English, to scour for funds.
So the meeting set up by Healy with a wealthy, potential patron seemed heaven-sent, Chamorro and Cesar said. In return for his gifts, Chamorro and Cesar said, Morales asked for a face-to-face meeting with Pastora. They denied that drug trafficking was discussed.
But a July 26, 1986, State Department report to Congress said intelligence reports offered a different account. The report said an unidentified senior member of Pastora's organization had agreed to allow Morales to use Contra facilities "in Costa Rica and Nicaragua to facilitate the transportation of narcotics."
*
While it is unclear how much of that deal was implemented, there are signs that it went forward. In court testimony in 1990, Fabio Ernesto Carrasco, a Colombian drug trafficker turned government witness with immunity from prosecution, testified he had paid "millions" of dollars to Cesar and Chamorro from 1984 to 1986. Orders to make the payments, he said, came from his boss, Morales. Morales also told the Kerry committee that he sent $4 million to $5 million in drug profits to Contra groups.
Independent evidence is not available to substantiate that Morales sent such large amounts of money or that the funds were used for the Contra cause.
http://articles.latimes.com/1996-10-31/news/mn-59826_1_drug-dealer






================================================
CIA Knew of Contra Plan to Sell Drugs in U.S.
Walter Pincus, Washington Post
Published 4:00 am, Wednesday, November 4, 1998
Nearly a decade after the end of the Nicaraguan war -- and after years of suspicions and scattered evidence of Contra involvement in drug trafficking -- the CIA report discloses that the agency did little or nothing to respond to hundreds of drug allegations about Contra officials, their contractors and supporters contained in nearly 1,000 cables sent from the field to the agency's headquarters.
In a few cases, the report says, officials instructed the Drug Enforcement Administration to hold back inquiring about charges involving alleged drug dealers connected with the Nicaraguan rebels.
http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/CIA-Knew-of-Contra-Plan-to-Sell-Drugs-in-U-S-2980491.php



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"The world isn't run by weapons anymore, or energy, or money. It's run by little ones and zeroes......"



"There's a war out there, old friend. A world war. And it's not about who's got the most bullets. It's about who controls the information.... it's all about the information!"
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #367 
This is a good essay on the CIA drug issue and the FAKE drug war:

(Parts 1 to 4)

https://darkpolitics.wordpress.com/cia-involvement-in-drug-smuggling-part-1/

https://darkpolitics.wordpress.com/cia-involvement-in-drug-smuggling-part-2/

https://darkpolitics.wordpress.com/cia-involvement-in-drug-smuggling-part-3/

https://darkpolitics.wordpress.com/cia-involvement-in-drug-smuggling-part-4/



----------------------------------------




Your Government Dealing Drugs
By Jesse Ventura with Dick Russell

Drugs, Guns, and Government

The heroin epidemic that ravaged our cities during the 50s and 60s basically originated with the CIA out of Southeast Asia. Almost from the moment of their founding in 1947, the CIA was giving covert support to organized drug traffickers in Europe and the Far East, and eventually the Middle East and Latin America. During the Vietnam War—hold onto your hats!—heroin was being smuggled into this country in the bodies of soldiers being flown home, coded ahead of time so they could be identified at various Air Force bases and the drugs removed.

Condensed and excerpted from American Conspiracies
by Jesse Ventura with Dick Russell,
with permission of Skyhorse
Publishing, Inc., New York, NY

Toward the end of American involvement over there in 1975, a former Green Beret named Michael Hand arranged a 500-pound shipment of heroin from Southeast Asia's "Golden Triangle" to the U.S. by way of Australia. That's where Hand had set up shop as vice chair of the Nugan Hand Bank, which was linked by the Australian Narcotics Bureau to a drug smuggling network that "exported some $3 billion worth of heroin from Bangkok prior to June 1976." Several CIA guys who later came up in the Iran-Contra affair (Ted Shackley, Ray Clines and Edwin Wilson) used the Nugan Hand bank to channel funds for covert operations. By 1979, the bank had 22 branches in 13 countries and $1 billion in annual business. The next year, chairman Frank Nugan was found shot dead in his Mercedes, a hundred miles from Sydney, and the bank soon collapsed. Two official investigations by Australia uncovered its financing of major drug dealers and the laundering of their profits, while collecting an impressive list of "ex"CIA officers.
Drugs Funding Reagan's War in Nicaragua
(see http://www.naderlibrary.com/lit.crimesofpatriots.toc.htm )


After the CIA's involvement with the Southeast Asian drug trade had been partly disclosed in the mid-1970s, and the U.S. left Vietnam to its fate, the Agency started distancing itself from its "assets." But that only left the door open to go elsewhere. Which the Reagan Administration did big-time, to fund its secret war in Nicaragua. The 1979 Sandinista revolution that overthrew Anastasio Somoza, one of our favorite Latin dictators, was not looked upon fondly by Ronnie and his friends. He called the counterrevolutionary Contras "freedom fighters," and compared them to America's founding fathers. In his attempt to get Congress to approve aid for the Contras, Reagan accused the Sandinista government of drug trafficking. Of course, Nancy Reagan had launched her "Just say no" campaign at the time, but I guess she hadn't given the word to her husband. After his administration tried to mine the Nicaraguan harbors and got a hand slap from Congress, it turned to secretly selling missiles to Iran and using the payments—along with profits from running drugs—to keep right on funding the Contras. Fifty thousand lost lives later, the World Court would order the U.S. to "cease and to refrain" from unlawful use of force against Nicaragua and pay reparations. (We refused to comply.)

The fact is, with most of the cocaine that flooded the country in the 80s, almost every major drug network was using the Contra operation in some fashion. Colombia's Medellin cartel began quietly collaborating with the Contras soon after Reagan took office.

Then, in 1982, CIA Director Casey negotiated a little Memorandum of Understanding with the attorney general, William French Smith. Basically what this did was give the CIA legal clearance to work with known drug traffickers without being required to report it, so long as they weren't official employees but only "assets." This didn't come out until 1998, when CIA Inspector General Frederick Hitz issued a report that implicated more than 50 Contra and related entities in the drug trade. And the CIA knew all about it. The trafficking and money laundering tracked right into the National Security Council, where Oliver North was overseeing the Contras' war.

Here's what was going on behind the scenes: In the mid-1980s, North got together with four companies that were owned and operated by drug dealers, and arranged payments from the State Department for shipping supplies to the Contras. Michael Levine, an undercover agent for the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration), later said that "running a covert operation in collaboration with a drug cartel . . . what I call treason." The top DEA agent in El Salvador, Celerino Castillo III, said he saw "very large quantities of cocaine and millions of dollars" being run out of hangars at Ilopango air base, which was controlled by North and CIA operative Felix Rodriguez (he'd been placed in El Salvador by Vice President Bush's office, as a direct overseer of North's operations). The cocaine was being transshipped from Costa Rica through El Salvador and on into the U.S. But when Castillo tried to raise this with his superiors, he ran into nothing but obstacles.


Iran-Contra Affair: Drugs, Arms and Hostages

Early in 1985, two Associated Press reporters started hearing from officials in D.C. about all this. A year later, after a lot of stonewalling by the editors, the AP did run Robert Parry and Brian Barger's story on an FBI probe into cocaine trafficking by the Contras. This led the Reagan Administration to put out a three-page report admitting that there'd been some such shenanigans when the Contras were "particularly hard pressed for financial support" after Congress voted to cut off American aid. There was "evidence of a limited number of incidents." Uh-huh. It would be awhile yet before an Oliver North note surfaced from July 12, 1985, about a Contra arms warehouse in Honduras: "Fourteen million to finance came from drugs."

Contra rebels (MAI/Landov)

Also in 1986, an FBI informant inside the Medellin cartel, Wanda Palacio, testified that she'd seen the organization run by Jorge Ochoa loading cocaine onto aircraft that belonged to Southern Air Transport, a company that used to be owned by the CIA and was flying supplies to the Contras. There was strong corroboration for her story, but somehow the Justice Department rejected it as inconclusive. Senator John Kerry started looking into all this and said at one closed-door committee meeting: "It is clear that there is a network of drug trafficking through the Contras...We can produce specific law-enforcement officials who will tell you that they have been called off drug-trafficking investigations because the CIA is involved or because it would threaten national security."


What became known as the Iran-Contra affair came to light in November 1986. We were selling arms to Iran, breaking an arms embargo in order to fund the contras. Fourteen Reagan Administration officials got charged with crimes and eleven were convicted, including Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger. Of course, Poppa Bush pardoned them all after he got elected president. And do you think a word about drug-running came up in the televised House committee hearings that made Ollie North a household name? Fuhgedaboutit.


The thousand-page report issued by Senator Kerry about his committee's findings did discuss how the State Department had paid more than $800,000 to known traffickers to take "humanitarian assistance" to the Contras. The New York Times then set out to trash Kerry in a three-part series, including belittling him for relying on the testimony of imprisoned (drug-running) pilots. The Washington Post published a short article heavy on criticisms against Kerry by the Republicans. Newsweek called him "a randy conspiracy buff." (Wonder what they were snorting.)

But are we surprised? In 1987, the House Narcotics Committee had concluded there should be more investigation into the Contra drug allegations. What was the Washington Post's headline? "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling." The paper wouldn't even run Chairman Charles Rangel's letter of correction! That same year, a Time correspondent had an article on this subject blocked and a senior editor privately tell him: "Time is institutionally behind the Contras. If this story were about the Sandinistas and drugs, you'd have no trouble getting it in the magazine."


Drugs, Panama and Beyond

The list of government skullduggery goes on, and it's mind-boggling. Remember when Poppa Bush ordered our military to invade Panama back in 1990? The stated reason was that its leader, Colonel Manuel Noriega, had been violating our laws by permitting drugs to be run through his country. In fact, Noriega had been "one of ours" for a long time. After Noriega was brought to the U.S. and convicted by a federal jury in Miami and sentenced to 40 years, filmmaker Oliver Stone went to see him in prison. There Noriega talked freely about having spied on Castro for the U.S., giving covert aid to the Contras and visiting with Oliver North. Noriega and Bush Sr. went way back, to when Bush headed the CIA in 1976.

The brief prepared by Noriega's defense team was heavily censored, but it did reveal significant contact with Bush over a 15-year period. In fact, Bush had headed up a special anti-drug effort as vice president called the South Florida Task Force, which happened to coincide with when quite a few cargoes of cocaine and marijuana came through Florida as part of the Contra support network. So why did we finally go after Noriega? Some said it's because he knew too much and was demanding too big a cut for his role in the Agency's drug dealing.

It's a proven fact that the CIA's into drugs; we even know why. It's because they can get money to operate with, and not have to account to Congress for what they're doing. All this is justified because of the "big picture." But doesn't it really beg for a massive investigation and trials and a whole lot of people going to jail? This includes the big banks that allow the dirty money to be laundered through them.

Go back to Chicago and Prohibition, when Al Capone became more powerful than the government because we'd outlawed the selling of liquor. Legalize marijuana and you put the cartels out of business! Instead, we're going to further militarize our border and go shoot it out with them? And if a few thousand poor Mexicans get killed in the crossfire, too bad. I don't get that mentality. I don't understand how this is the proper way, the adult answer, when they could do it another way. Eventually, after thousands more people get killed, they'll probably arrive at the same answer: legalization. Because there's nothing else that will work.

And legalization would go a long way toward giving us a more legitimate government, too—a government that doesn't have to shield drug dealers who happen to be doing its dirty work. There are clearly people in government making money off drugs. Far more people, statistically, die from prescription drugs than illegal drugs. But the powers that be don't want you to be able to use a drug that you don't have to pay for, such as marijuana. Thirteen states now have voted to allow use of medical marijuana. Thank goodness Barack Obama just came out with a new policy stating that the feds are not going to interfere as long as people are following state law. That's a great step toward legalization.

'You can't legislate stupidity' is an old saying I used in governing. Just because you make something illegal doesn't mean it's going away; it just means it'll now be run by criminals. But is using an illegal drug a criminal offense or a medical one? I tend to believe medical, because that's customarily how addictions are treated; we don't throw you in jail for them. In a free society, that's an oxymoron—going to jail for committing a crime against yourself.

The government is telling people what's good for them and what's not, but that should be a choice made by us, not those in power. Look at the consequences when it's the other way around.

-----------------

HUFFINGTON POST COLUMN BY Jesse Ventura

Author, American Conspiracies
Posted: February 26, 2010 12:33 PM

Obama Continues Bush-Era "Drug War" Hypocrisy

https://secure.huffingtonpost.com/jesse-ventura/obama-continues-bush-era_b_478339.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #368 
http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/newsdesk/2014/04/vicente-zambada-niebla-a-billion-dollar-narco-junior-cuts-a-deal.html

A Billion-Dollar “Narco Junior” Cuts a Deal
Posted by Patrick Radden Keefe

Zambada.jpg

Vicente Zambada-Niebla, who is thirty-nine years old, is what Mexicans call a “narco junior”—a second-generation drug trafficker. His father, Ismael Zambada, who is known as El Mayo, has long been the No. 2 man in the dominant drug-trafficking organization in the Americas, the Sinaloa Cartel. In 2009, Vicente Zambada was arrested by Mexican authorities and promptly extradited to Chicago, where he was expected to stand trial for importing drugs to that city as a key logistics manager for the cartel.

But then the case took a turn: Zambada’s lawyers declared that he could not be prosecuted by the United States, because, they claimed, he had been secretly working as an informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration, even as he smuggled tons of cocaine across the border. In fact, according to his counsel, Zambada had been assured by his contacts at the D.E.A. that, in exchange for providing them with intelligence about the drug trade in Mexico, he would be guaranteed immunity against prosecution for his own role in the business.

The news of this unorthodox defense strategy, which became public in 2011, contributed to the deepening cynicism on both sides of the border about the war on drugs. A flurry of filings in the federal court in Chicago revealed that Zambada had indeed met in Mexico City with representatives of the D.E.A., to whom he had been introduced by a Sinaloa consigliere-turned-informant. The Department of Justice acknowledged as much, but denied that any quid pro quo had been arranged. In any case, they explained, individual D.E.A. agents are not authorized to hand out irrevocable get-out-of-jail-free cards to men like Zambada. And so, with both sides sticking to their stories, it appeared that the truth would only come out when his case came to trial in 2012.

But the trial was delayed, and delayed, and delayed again. The case was so significant that at one point in 2011 officials expressed concern that Zambada would be assassinated before he could stand trial. As any revelation of the details of the case was postponed, theories proliferated. Earlier this year, the newspaper El Universal released a report, drawing on court documents, which claimed that the D.E.A. had knowingly allowed Zambada to smuggle “billions of dollars” of narcotics into the U.S. The newspaper contended that the conspiracy ran even deeper, alleging that the governments of both the United States and Mexico had, in effect, played favorites among the rival trafficking organizations, secretly colluding with the Sinaloa cartel in order to wipe out its rivals.

The notion of Zambada as a kind of Mexican Whitey Bulger, allowed to operate with impunity in exchange for passing along bits of information about his enemies, has a certain intuitive appeal—and no one could deny that the drug war entails plenty of devil’s bargains. But this particular conspiracy theory always struck me as too neat. For one thing, the D.E.A.’s use of informants in drug cartels is hardly a secret: for drug cops, snitches, along with wiretaps, are the primary tools to attack an organization, not signs of covert collusion. As an analysis of the Zambada case on the Web site InsightCrime puts it: “This is not some conspiracy to protect or favor certain groups—it is a tactic employed by the D.E.A. and other US agencies to allow them to focus efforts on priority targets.”

Still, the long delay in the trial amplified the suspicion that there were explosive secrets just waiting to spill out. Today, the Justice Department revealed that Zambada will not be tried at all, because he pled guilty and agreed to coöperate with the government—more than a year ago. In a secret plea agreement, which was unsealed on Thursday, Zambada confesses that he was a senior figure in the Sinaloa cartel and a “surrogate and logistical coordinator” for his father. He admits to having smuggled “multiple tons” of cocaine, using “private aircraft, submarines and other submersible and semi-submersible vessels, container ships, go-fast boats, fishing vessels, buses, rail cars, tractor-trailers, and automobiles.”

The deal establishes that Zambada will spend at least ten years in prison, with the possibility of a life sentence. But the most intriguing number in the case involves the value of the property and assets that Zambada has agreed to forfeit to the government. Several years ago, Zambada’s father granted a rare interview to the Mexican magazine Proceso. The interviewer mentioned that the head of the Sinaloa cartel, Joaquin (El Chapo) Guzman, had been included on the list of billionaires published by Forbes, and asked whether Zambada had a similar fortune. “That’s just stupid,” the elder Zambada scoffed.

According to the plea agreement, however, the younger Zambada must surrender assets amounting to $1.37 billion—and Zambada did not contest the number. The extent of his property and other holdings in Mexico is unclear, and it would not necessarily be easy for the U.S. government to seize assets held in a foreign country. A D.E.A. spokesman said that Zambada could also possess property in the United States. “We might end up with a Marshals auction,” he said. Among close observers of the Sinaloa cartel, the extent of Chapo Guzman’s own wealth has been a subject of considerable debate. If Zambada’s forfeiture agreement is any indication, perhaps even senior lieutenants in Guzman’s organization merit inclusion on the Forbes list.

If Zambada pled guilty more than a year ago, why are we only finding out about it now? The authorities kept Zambada’s deal under wraps, even as rumors flourished about secret arrangements between the cartel and the D.E.A. The Department of Justice has not disclosed any reasons for the timing of the announcement, but it may have something to do with the arrest, in February, of Chapo Guzman. Within hours of Guzman’s capture in Mexico, U.S. officials announced that they would seek his extradition to face trial in Chicago. That seems unlikely to happen soon, as Guzman must first contend with a series of charges in Mexico. But, if he ever does stand trial in the Windy City, the prosecution will have, in Vicente Zambada, a formidable witness against him.

Above: Vicente Zambada-Niebla in Mexico City in March, 2009. Photograph by Daniel Aguilar/Reuters/Corbis.
(NOTE: NARCONEWS.com has been covering this story since 2011)






=====================
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/04/zambada-niebla-s-plea-deal-chapo-guzman-s-capture-may-be-key-unfolding-


Zambada Niebla’s Plea Deal, Chapo Guzman’s Capture May Be Key To An Unfolding Mexican Purge
Posted by Bill Conroy - April 12, 2014 at 6:55 pm

History and Court Pleadings Help To Connect The Dots Mainstream Media Is Missing

Jesus Vicente Zambada Niebla, the son of a powerful co-founder of Mexico’s Sinaloa narco-trafficking organization, has agreed to tell the US government everything he knows about his alleged partners in crime, their operations and enablers, US authorities announced earlier this week.

The details of his cooperation are spelled out in a recent plea deal signed by Zambada Niebla, himself considered a key figure in the Sinaloa organization run by his father Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada and the recently capture Joaquin Guzman Loera (aka Chapo Guzman).

The plea agreement, which can be read in its entirety at this link, rewards Zambada Niebla for his cooperation by reducing a potential life prison sentence to as little as 10 years (including time served he could be out in roughly five years) and by offering protection for his family members. However, the US government will only honor the deal if it deems Zambada Niebla is truthful and helpful in providing evidence that advances investigations and cases against the Sinaloa organization and its leadership.

(excerpt)







=====================

Tampa ‘Black Ice” drug operation tied to organized crime
Posted on April 1, 2014 by Daniel Hopsicker        
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Doug McClain learned the ins and outs of financial fraud while working for Robert Colgin Wilson, who—far more than “The Wolf of Wall Street”—exemplified the role of American organized crime in financial fraud during the last quarter of the 20th Century.

Emmert-ColvinWilson was no fly by night. His roots ran deep. When he was convicted of securities fraud in the mid-70’s, his lawyer during the trial and appeal was the same Dallas attorney, Emmett Colvin, who a decade earlier represented Jack Ruby during his trial for the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald.

When the Tampa office of Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) partnered with McClain and other members of organized crime in a still-unexplained drug trafficking operation that brought tons of cocaine into the U.S. between 2003 and 2008, they were getting a known quantity.

http://www.madcowprod.com/2014/04/01/black-ice-organized-crime/


PART II

The Enterprise & Southern-style organized crime
Posted on April 1, 2014 by Daniel Hopsicker        
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RCWILSONThe man who facilitated the purchase of several DC-9's for SkyWay Aircraft in St. Petersburg Florida was the company's largest shareholder, Doug McClain Sr.'s Argyll Equities. So how did he get such an important job in such a thriving Enterprise?
http://www.madcowprod.com/2014/04/01/robert-wilsons-enterprise/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #369 
-------------------

Panama- the career of Manuel Noriega


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_Noriega

Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno
born February 11, 1934) is a former Panamanian politician and soldier. He was military dictator of Panama from 1983 to 1989
Although the relationship did not become contractual until 1967, Noriega worked with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from the late 1950s until the 1980s. In 1988 grand juries in Tampa and Miami indicted him on U.S. federal drug charges.
The 1988 Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations concluded: "The saga of Panama's General Manuel Antonio Noriega represents one of the most serious foreign policy failures for the United States. Throughout the 1970s and the 1980s, Noriega was able to manipulate U.S. policy toward his country, while skillfully accumulating near-absolute power in Panama. It is clear that each U.S. government agency which had a relationship with Noriega turned a blind eye to his corruption and drug dealing, even as he was emerging as a key player on behalf of the Medellín Cartel (a member of which was notorious Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar)." Noriega was allowed to establish "the hemisphere's first 'narcokleptocracy'". One of the large financial institutions that he was able to use to launder money was the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), which was shut down at the end of the Cold War by the FBI. Noriega shared his cell with ex-BCCI executives in the facility known as "Club Fed".
In the 1988 U.S. presidential election, Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis highlighted this history in a campaign commercial attacking his opponent, Vice President (and former CIA Director) George H. W. Bush, for his close relationship with "Panamanian drug lord Noriega."

PANAMA STRONGMAN SAID TO TRADE IN DRUGS, ARMS AND ILLICIT MONEY
By SEYMOUR M. HERSH, Special to the New York Times
Published: June 12, 1986
WASHINGTON, June 11— The army commander of Panama, a country vital to United States interests in Latin America, is extensively involved in illicit money laundering and drug activities and has provided a Latin American guerrilla group with arms, according to evidence collected by American intelligence agencies

Officials in the Reagan Administration and past Administrations said in interviews that they had overlooked General Noriega's illegal activities because of his cooperation with American intelligence and his willingness to permit the American military extensive leeway to operate in Panama.
They said, for example, that General Noriega had been a valuable asset to Washington in countering insurgencies in Central America and was now cooperating with the Central Intelligence Agency in providing sensitive information from Nicaragua.

http://www.nytimes.com/1986/06/12/world/panama-strongman-said-to-trade-in-drugs-arms-and-illicit-money.html




http://www-personal.umich.edu/~lormand/poli/soa/panama.htm

PANAMA:
THE RESUMÉ OF MANUEL NORIEGA,
THE MOST FAMOUS GRADUATE OF THE SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS

(1) Noriega, considered "outstanding" at the SOA, is on the CIA payroll (to the tune of up to $100,000 a year) from the mid-�60s to the mid-�80s.
(2) His drug trafficking, though known, is no obstacle to his chumminess with George Bush (CIA director and "Vice" President) during the �70s and early �80s.
(3) His true crime is being an independent leader of Panama, just before the US is obliged to return the stolen Panama Canal Zone on January 1st, 1990.
(4) So after publicly demonizing his longtime friend and employee, Bush slaughters thousands of Panamanians and installs a puppet government, in the nick of time, on December 20th, 1989.
(5) Let�s not call any more presidents "wimps", ok? It just pisses �em off.
The gory details�
50s-60s Spy for US, informing on colleagues in his socialist party, and on leftist students at his Peruvian military academy. � New York Times, 9/28/88
1967 Finishes courses at SOA including Infantry Officer, Combat Intelligence Officer, Military Intelligence (Counter-Intelligence Officer Course), and Jungle Operations. An instructor calls him "outstanding." � John Dinges, Our Man in Panama, 1991
1971 US has "hard evidence" of his heavy involvement in drug trafficking, "sufficient for indictment". Nixon sets in motion initial plans for his assassination. � Frontline (PBS), 1/30/90
1970-76 Meanwhile, Noriega is in the pay of the CIA and the Pentagon, reportedly receiving more than $100,000 per year. � Newsweek, 1/15/90
1976 CIA Director George Bush gives him a VIP tour of CIA headquarters in Washington; he resides with Bush's Deputy Director. � Dinges
1977 Carter officials reportedly remove him from the US payroll. � New York Times, 10/2/88
1979 Gives haven to the overthrown Shah of Iran, brutal US-installed dictator.
1981 Becomes part of a ruling military junta after 13-year dictator and SOA graduate General Omar Torrijos dies in a plane crash, later blamed on Noriega and the CIA by other junta members.
Reagan/Bush officials put him back on the US payroll, again reportedly at more than $100,000 per year. � San Francisco Chronicle, 6/11/87
1981-83 Extensive drug trafficking and money laundering involving the Medellin, Colombia cocaine cartel. � Dinges
8/83 Seizes command of the National Guard (to be renamed "Panama Defense Forces"). He is the effective chief of state.
11/83 Washington visits with White House, State Department and Pentagon, including CIA Director William Casey. � Newsweek, 1/15/90
1983-86 The US loves him for: spying on Fidel Castro and Daniel Ortega; allowing the United States to set up listening posts in Panama, with which they monitor sensitive communications in all of Central America and beyond; aiding the American warfare against the rebels in El Salvador and the government of Nicaragua (facilitating the flow of money and arms to the contras, allowing the US to base spy planes in Panama in clear violation of the canal treaties, giving the US permission to train contras in Panama, and spying in support of American sabotage inside of Nicaragua). � Newsweek, 1/15/90

The American love/hate relationship �
1983-86 The US hates him for: suspected spying for Fidel Castro and Daniel Ortega; helping Cuba circumvent the US economic embargo; helping to get weapons for the Sandinistas and for the guerrillas m El Salvador and Colombia; transferring high technology to Eastern Europe.
1984 The CIA and the Medellin cartel help finance the campaign of Noriega�s candidate for President, Nicolas Barletta. Barletta is declared the winner ten days after the election, while the US ambassador hides from the media information that Barletta had been defeated by at least four thousand votes. Political opposition parties demonstrate for weeks against the egregious fraud, to no avail. Reagan welcomes Barletta to the Oval Office, and Secretary of State George Schultz attends the inauguration.
1985 A few enthusiastic Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) agents and US Attorneys, keeping a low profile, begin investigations into his drug activities.
6/86 The New York Times carries a front-page story recounting many of his questionable activities, including his drug trafficking and money laundering operations, and the murder of a political opponent. It is the most detailed and damning report on him to appear in the US media. The Reagan administration reassures him that he need not be overly concerned about the story.
7/86 Oliver North arranges for an American public relations firm to work on improving Panama's and Noriega's image, in return for continued support of the Nicaraguan sabotage campaign. � Iran-Contra testimony of PR firm official
1987 Drug Enforcement Agency head John Lawn praises Noriega�s "personal commitment" in helping to solve a major money laundering case. High US law enforcement officials, including Lawn, work alongside Noriega at a meeting of Interpol, even advising him on how to achieve a better public image. � Los Angeles Times, 1/16/90
1988 Indictment on Federal drug charges. (His principal protectors in Washington are gone: North had been relieved of his duties in 1986, Casey had died in 1987.) All the charges relate to activities prior to June 1984 (except for one drugs/arms deal in 1986). The DEA is deeply divided between those who investigated him as a criminal and those who swore by the authenticity of his cooperation with their agency. � Dinges.
5/89 The CIA provides more than $10 million in aid to Noriega�s opposition. When the ballot counting indicated his candidate losing heavily, he stops the electoral process and allows violence against opposition candidates and their supporters. Unlike 1984, Washington expresses its moral indignation about the fraudulent election. � US News & World Report, 5/1/89
10/89 Elements of the Panamanian Defense Forces take custody of him for two hours and offer to turn him over to the US military, but are refused (Bush has never clearly explained this decision). They receive no US support, and pro-Noriega forces free him.� New York Times, 10/8/90

Another brutal American invasion�
12/89 The US invades Panama, ostensibly in order to capture Noriega, who is in a Florida prison serving a forty-year sentence for drug trafficking. The official body count is approximately 500 Panamanians (mainly civilians) dead, but nongovernmental sources with no less evidence count thousands more; there are also over 3,000 wounded, tens of thousands left homeless. Plus 23 American dead, 324 wounded. Reporter: "Was it really worth it to send people to their death for this? To get Noriega?" Bush: "very human life is precious, and yet I have to answer, yes, it has been worth it." � New York Times, 12/22/89
1990 The original post-invasion plans called for outright US military government, with the head of the US Army Southern command as Panama�s de facto ruler. At the last minute a decision is made to install Guillermo Endara as president, but his government is "merely a façade". � official Pentagon study of the Panama occupation, cited in The Nation, 10/3/94. Endara, one of the two vice presidents, and the attorney general, all have links to drug trafficking and money laundering. � EXTRA!, 1/90. The US confiscates thousands of boxes of Noriega government documents and refuses to hand over any of them to Panamanian investigators. "The United States is protecting robbers and thieves and obstructing justice. We are the owners of the documents. If I am to complete my work, I have to see the documents." � Panama�s chief prosecutor, Los Angeles Times, 6/23/90
1991 Colombian drug cartels and associates of Noriega once again turn Panama into a narcotics transshipment center; there are far more cocaine production facilities than ever existed under Noriega, and drug use in Panama is reportedly at a far higher level. � Los Angeles Times, 4/28/91
The Organization of American States approved a resolution "to deeply regret the military intervention in Panama" by a vote of 20 to 1 (the US).
"We are outraged � missed an historic opportunity to get beyond its traditional narrow concern with nonintervention." � Richard Boucher, State Department spokesman, Los Angeles Times, 12/23/89.
"This land is my land, that land is my land, there�s no land here that isn�t my land." � US soldiers singing near the Vatican Embassy, where Noriega had taken sanctuary during the invasion.




Manuel Noriega Fast Facts
By CNN Library February 14, 2014 --
http://edition.cnn.com/2013/08/19/world/americas/manuel-noriega-fast-facts/

Ollie and NSA Poindexter help Noriega and continue to do business with him
http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB113/
http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/nsaebb2.htm



=============================
Drug Lords Aided Contras, Ex-Kingpin Testifies
November 26, 1991|From Associated Press
MIAMI — Colombian drug lords gave the U.S.-backed Nicaraguan Contras up to $10 million in the early 1980s, imprisoned kingpin Carlos Lehder testified Monday in Manuel A. Noriega's drug-smuggling trial.

http://articles.latimes.com/1991-11-26/news/mn-47_1_drug-lords


==========================



==================
BEFORE AFGAHNISTAN, THERE WAS BURMA:


Khun Sa offer to sell entire world's Opium Crop at the source - Letter ignored by U.S. DOJ
A letter names names of U.S. Officials involved in the Heroin Trade.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/217529574/Druglord-Khun-Sa-Letter-to-USDOJ-28June1987
Source:
http://web.archive.org/web/20100210185054/http://www.wethepeople.la/ciadrugs.htm
http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/2009/11/11/armitage-part-i-the-early-years-the-golden-triangle/

Former Congressman John LeBoutillier (R-NY) viewed the videotapes of Gritz’ meeting with Khun Sa, videotapes that Gritz brought back from Burma:

As the Associated Press reported on June 4, 1987, “A drug warlord in Burma accuses Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard L. Armitage and others of drug trafficking to fund anti-communist operations, the Riverside Press-Enterprise reported Thursday.”

The AP story then stated, “In a three-hour videotape interview smuggled out of Southeast Asia within the past week, Khun Sa said high-ranking American officials were involved in drug trafficking between 1965 and at least 1979.”
- See more at: http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/2009/11/11/armitage-part-i-the-early-years-the-golden-triangle/
==========================



Haiti’s Nightmare: The Cocaine Coup and the CIA Connection
By Global Research News
Global Research, March 01, 2013
The Shadow and Global Research 25 February 2004
by Paul DeRienzo

Originally published by The Shadow no. 32, April/June 1994, published on Global Research 4 days before the February 29, 2004 Coup d’Etat
http://www.globalresearch.ca/haitis-nightmare-the-cocaine-coup-and-the-cia-connection/5324698
=================





__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #370 
http://www.fbi.gov/chicago/press-releases/2014/high-level-sinaloa-cartel-members-guilty-plea-unsealed


High-Level Sinaloa Cartel Member’s Guilty Plea Unsealed
Zambada-Niebla’s Cooperation with U.S. Revealed
U.S. Attorney’s OfficeApril 10, 2014

Northern District of Illinois(312) 353-5300
#########################



Why aren't we putting US agencies on trial for financing El Chapo's drug war?

From Capone to Mexico's captured cocaine king, the villains we love to hate obscure the truth about America's secret support

Top Sinaloa cartel member cooperating with police in Guzman case
Gabriel Matthew Schivone
theguardian.com, Thursday 10 April 2014 15.14 BST



Washington allowed El Chapo's Sinaloa cartel to carry on business as usual while top Sinaola members, for their part, provided information on their rivals. DEA agents met with their informants more than 50 times, El Universal reported, as the agents offered their whisperers immunity.
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/apr/10/us-agencies-financing-el-chapo-drug-war

=====================

##############################3




FROM MOLLY Malloy at the Frontera List:


I recommend this new story from WhoWhatWhy by Douglas Lucas. Also posted below from the frontera list archive is the interview from Proceso between Julio Scherer and El Mayo Zambada from 2010. It is referred to in the WhoWhatWhy post. molly


http://whowhatwhy.com/2014/03/10/deal-right-devil/

A Deal With The Right Devil
By Douglas Lucas on Mar 10, 2014
Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada-Garcia

Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada-Garcia

How do you replace an El Chapo? Insert an El Mayo. The thing about arresting a drug lord is, it rarely makes any difference.

If, as expected, Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada-Garcia replaces Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera—the kingpin arrested February 22, as head of Sinaloa—the close relationship between the U.S. government and the most powerful drug trafficking organization in the world seems likely to continue.

This relationship was revealed during the trial of El Mayo’s son, Sinaloa logistics coordinator Jesus Vicente Zambada-Niebla. Court documents show that, by the U.S. government’s own admission, a lawyer for the cartel served as an intermediary between the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and Sinaloa leadership. For nearly ten years, that lawyer, Humberto Loya-Castro, provided the DEA with information the defense characterizes as intelligence on rival cartels.

The arrangement, according to the defense, gave the cartel’s leaders immunity and free rein “to continue their narcotics trafficking business in the United States and Mexico without interference.”
- See more at: http://whowhatwhy.com/2014/03/10/deal-right-devil/#sthash.eIOAwca6.dpuf
#######################################



THE Zambada Interview:


http://www.proceso.com.mx/?p=106967


Proceso en la guarida de “El Mayo” Zambada
‘Si me atrapan o me matan... nada cambia’

Julio Scherer García
Agencia Proceso | 04-04-2010 | 00:17 | Nacional


Ismael Zambada (Foto: Agencias)

Distrito Federal— Un día de febrero recibí en Proceso un mensaje que
ofrecía datos claros acerca de su veracidad. Anunciaba que Ismael
Zambada deseaba conversar conmigo.


^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
***********************
@@@@@@@@@@@@
Quote of the day:


"We also became aware of deep connections between the law-enforcement community and the intelligence community. I, personally, repeatedly heard from prosecutors and people in the law-enforcement world that CIA agents were required to sit in on the debriefing of various people who were being questioned about the drug trade. They were required to be present when witnesses were being prepped for certain drug trials. At various times the intelligence community inserted itself in that legal process. I believe that that was an impropriety; that that should not have occurred."

---Jack Blum, speaking before the October 1996 Senate Select Intelligence Committee on alleged CIA drug trafficking to fund Nicaraguan Contras in the 1980s, Chaired by Senator Arlen Specter.



======================


Mike C Ruppert FOUND DEAD of Suicide: Sunday, April 13
(February 3, 1951 – April 13, 2014)


Sheriff: Author Michael Ruppert dies of self-inflicted gunshot wound
Body discovered Sunday in Calistoga
http://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/sheriff-author-michael-ruppert-dies-of-self-inflicted-gunshot-wound/article_89508d82-c5ca-11e3-b327-001a4bcf887a.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #371 
EX DEA HECTOR BERRELLEZ AND PHIL JORDAN MARCH 2014 RADIO INTERVIEW--DOWNLOAD THE MP3 FILE HERE

WDFP Radio - The Denise Simon Experience - March 6, 2014 - Topic: DEA Corruption (March 6, 2014)

https://archive.org/details/DSE030614

Hosted by DENISE SIMON

This week's Guests: Retired DEA agent, Hector Berrellez and Retired DEA agent Phil Jordan, who once led DEA’s El Paso Intelligence Center

Topic: The Corruption within the DEA, ATF and DOJ

Official Site: http://www.WDFP.us

Official Site: http://www.StandUpAmericaUS.org




This audio is part of the collection: Community Audio
It also belongs to collection:

Artist/Composer: Stand Up America US
Date: 2014-03-06

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #372 

JOURNALIST BILL CONROY RESIGNS as editor-in-chief of the San Antonio Business Journal,
MAY 1, 2014


Bill has proven to be on the leading edge of exposing corruption in the drug war. The recent mainstrean press has acknowledged preferential treatment for the Sinaloa Cartel by the U.S. GOVT.

His site http://www.narconews.com contains valuable information about this and other malfeasance by elected officals and law enforcement. Narco News hosts the original DARK ALLIANCE SERIES:

http://www.narconews.com/darkalliance/drugs/start.htm
Attention will again be focused on DARK ALLIANCE, upon the realease of KILL THE MESSENGER on October 10, 2014. You can get the facts about Gary Webb and his series here. (It has been 18 years)



READ about Bill's resignation here:

Authentic Journalism Draws a Line in the Sand in the Alamo City

By Bill Conroy
Special for The Narco News Bulletin

May 14, 2014
http://narconews.com/Issue67/article4741.html



BEST OF LUCK TO BILL - PLEASE CONTINUE THE GOOD WORK


------------------



Off topic -another expose by Daniel Hopsicker's MadCow News


Donald Sterling’s Secret History
Posted on May 22, 2014 by Daniel Hopsicker        

Since his highly injudicious comments about Asian girlfriends, Magic Johnson and race almost a month ago, the name Donald T. Sterling, casual racist, parasitic landlord, and thoroughly-disgraced owner of the NBA’s L. A. Clippers, has been much in the news.

http://www.madcowprod.com/2014/05/22/donald-stirlings-secret-history/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #373 
KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE POSTER RELEASED MAY 28, 2014


HI-RES IMAGE
http://www.comingsoon.net/imageGallery/Kill_the_Messenger/large/hr_Kill_the_Messenger_3.jpg

The Poster for Kill the Messenger, Starring Jeremy Renner
Source: Focus Features
May 28, 2014

Focus Features has released the poster for director Michael Cuesta's thriller, Kill the Messenger, starring Jeremy Renner, Rosemarie DeWitt, Ray Liotta, Tim Blake Nelson, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Michael Sheen, Paz Vega, Michael Kenneth Williams, Mary Elizabeth Winstead and Andy Garcia. Check it out below and stay tuned for the trailer tomorrow.

The October 10 release is based on the remarkable true story of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb. Webb stumbles onto a story which leads to allegations that the CIA was aware of major dealers who were smuggling cocaine into the U.S., and using the profits to arm rebels fighting in Nicaragua. Webb keeps digging to uncover a conspiracy with explosive implications – and draws the kind of attention that threatens not just his career, but his family and his life.


http://www.comingsoon.net/news/movienews.php?id=118813




ON IMDB
http://www.imdb.com/media/rm424464128/tt1216491?ref_=ttmd_md_fs

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #374 
5/29/2014 -- KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE TRAILER ON YOUTUBE _PLEASE DISTRIBUTE



KTM OCTOBER 10, 2014 release date (AMC THEATERS ANOUNCEMENT)


Kill The Messenger
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kill_the_Messenger_%282014_film%29
http://www.killthemessengerthefilm.com

by Jeremy Renner
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeremy_Renner
http://www.imdb.com/name/nm0719637/

KILL THE MESSENGER ON FACEBOOK
facebook.com/KillTheMessengerMovie


Trailer For ‘Kill the Messenger’ With Jeremy Renner, Ray Liotta, and More
Written by Leonard Pearce, on May 29, 2014 at 1:15 pm
Share178 Tweet110 0 Reddit0 Tumblr2 Email2

kill_the_messenger_header_1

After directing such television as Dexter, Six Feet Under and, most recently, Homeland, helmer Michael Cuesta (L.I.E.) is back with a new drama and today we have the first trailer. Led by Jeremy Renner, Kill the Messenger follows the true story of a journalist, Gary Webb, who, in 1996, asserted the C.I.A was involved in crack cocaine importation to California.

Sadly, (and spoilers, we suppose) he then went on to commit suicide in 2004 after a smear campaign by the CIA ruined his professional career. This first trailer hints at those darker elements towards the end, but mostly showcases an entertaining drama with a strong central performance. Check out the trailer and poster below for the film starring Rosemarie DeWitt, Ray Liotta, Tim Blake Nelson, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Michael Sheen, Paz Vega, Michael Kenneth Williams, Mary Elizabeth Winstead, and Andy Garcia.

You need to have the Adobe Flash Player to view this content.
Please click here to continue.


kill_the_messenger_poster

Two-time Academy Award nominee Jeremy Renner (“The Bourne Legacy”) leads an all-star cast in a dramatic thriller based on the remarkable true story of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb. Webb stumbles onto a story which leads to the shady origins of the men who started the crack epidemic on the nation’s streets…and further alleges that the CIA was aware of major dealers who were smuggling cocaine into the U.S., and using the profits to arm rebels fighting in Nicaragua. Despite warnings from drug kingpins and CIA operatives to stop his investigation, Webb keeps digging to uncover a conspiracy with explosive implications. His journey takes him from the prisons of California to the villages of Nicaragua to the highest corridors of power in Washington, D.C. – and draws the kind of attention that threatens not just his career, but his family and his life.

Kill the Messenger opens on October 10th, 2014.
http://thefilmstage.com/trailer/trailer-for-kill-the-messenger-with-jeremy-renner-ray-liotta-and-more/



------------------------

Watch Jeremy Renner, Michael K. Williams in ‘Kill The Messenger’ trailer
0 comments

Posted by wilsonmorales on May 29, 2014 | 0 comments

Watch Jeremy Renner, Michael K. Williams in ‘Kill The Messenger’ trailer
Posted by Wilson Morales

May 29, 2014

Kill the Messenger posterFocus Features has released the trailer to upcoming film, ‘Kill The Messenger,’ which opens in theaters on October 10, 2014.

Two-time Academy Award nominee Jeremy Renner (“The Bourne Legacy”) leads an all-star cast in a dramatic thriller based on the remarkable true story of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb.

Directed by Michael Cuesta (“Homeland”), the cast includes Jeremy Renner, Rosemarie DeWitt, Ray Liotta, Tim Blake Nelson, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Michael Sheen, Paz Vega, Michael Kenneth Williams, Mary Elizabeth Winstead, and Andy Garcia.

Webb stumbles onto a story which leads to the shady origins of the men who started the crack epidemic on the nation’s streets…and further alleges that the CIA was aware of major dealers who were smuggling cocaine into the U.S., and using the profits to arm rebels fighting in Nicaragua. Despite warnings from drug kingpins and CIA operatives to stop his investigation, Webb keeps digging to uncover a conspiracy with explosive implications. His journey takes him from the prisons of California to the villages of Nicaragua to the highest corridors of power in Washington, D.C. – and draws the kind of attention that threatens not just his career, but his family and his life.

Kill the Messenger 2

Kill the Messenger 1



http://www.blackfilm.com/read/2014/05/watch-jeremy-renner-michael-k-williams-in-kill-the-messenger-trailer/






MOTHER JONES COVERAGE of "A TAINTED DEAL"
https://web.archive.org/web/20050420101319/http://www.motherjones.com/commentary/columns/1998/06/cia.html
https://web.archive.org/web/20050405214411/http://www.motherjones.com/news/special_reports/total_coverage/coke.html




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #375 
KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE IS NOW ON FACEBOOK - PLEASE DISTRIBUTE
http://www.facebook.com/KillTheMessengerMovie

6/4/14 OFFICIAL KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE SITE

http://www.killthemessengerthefilm.com


------------------


-------------------------
Jeremy Renner Looks to Kill the Messenger In New Official Trailer
Posted by Karen Benardello On May - 30 - 2014
http://www.shockya.com/news/2014/05/30/jeremy-renner-looks-to-kill-the-messenger-in-new-official-trailer/



Jeremy Renner Has a National Secret in First 'Kill the Messenger' Trailer 5/30/14
http://www.examiner.com/article/jeremy-renner-has-a-national-secret-first-kill-the-messenger-trailer




------------------


OFF TOPIC

________________________--



off topic-- for those of you who have doubts about what our government is capable of:


9 Huge Government Conspiracies That Actually Happened

Christina Sterbenz Dec. 23, 2013, 3:01 PM

http://www.businessinsider.com/true-government-conspiracies-2013-12




-----------


This is the big one

Members of the Kennedy assassination review committee said that some Kennedy Era documents were mistakenly declassified and handed over to the committee members. The members read them and gave copies to (NSA Expert) author JAMES BAMFORD who made them public.

http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf
http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010430/


The Joint chiefs of staff considered bombing their own ships and planes and blaming CUBA

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Northwoods


--------------------

"Americans don't understand that terrorists cannot take away habeas corpus, the Bill of Rights, or the Constitution. Terrorists are not anything like the threat that we face to the Bill of Rights and the Constitution from our own government in the name of fighting terrorism."
Paul Craig Roberts







__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #376 
6/14/2014 OFFICIAL KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE SITE-- PLEASE DISTRIBUTE

http://www.killthemessengerthefilm.com



------------------


Jeremy Renner Fights The CIA In New Kill The Messenger Trailer
By Gabe Toro 2014-05-29 12:49:19

"Some stories are just too true to tell," says one character in this blazing new trailer for Kill The Messenger. This true story centers on reporter Gary Webb, who uncovered a massive CIA-fronted operation that resulted not only in the government-sanctioned shipment of drugs and illegal behavior by drug cartels, but also the protection and safety given to various drug kingpins and satellite criminals. Prepare for controversy!


http://www.cinemablend.com/new/Jeremy-Renner-Fights-CIA-Kill-Messenger-Trailer-43223.html









=======================
IF YOU ARE NEW TO THE CONTRA CRACK CONTROVERSY, READ THE FOLLOWING ESSENTIAL WORKS=====

IMPORTANT!!

HPSCI Investigation closed out CONTRA CRACK INVESTIGATION JUNE, 2000
From LOYAL OPPOSITION: In Plain Sight: The CIA Keeps Getting Away With It
By David Corn June 5, 2000
http://www.alternet.org/story/9268/


============

JUNE 8, 2000 Journalist Robert Parry report on CLOSE OUT OF HPSCI hearings

CIA Admits Tolerating Contra- Cocaine Trafficking in 1980s

By Robert Parry
In secret congressional testimony, senior CIA officials admitted that the spy agency turned a blind eye to evidence of cocaine trafficking by U.S.-backed Nicaraguan contra rebels in the 1980s and generally did not treat drug smuggling through Central America as a high priority during the Reagan administration.

“In the end the objective of unseating the Sandinistas appears to have taken precedence over dealing properly with potentially serious allegations against those with whom the agency was working,” CIA Inspector General Britt Snider said in classified testimony on May 25, 1999. He conceded that the CIA did not treat the drug allegations in “a consistent, reasoned or justifiable manner.”
http://www.consortiumnews.com/2000/060800a.html


READ ROBERT PARRY's COMPLETE COVERAGE OF CONTRA CRACK - THIS IS ESSENTIAL READING
PARRY NAMES THE NAMES OF REAGAN ADMINISTRATION OFFICIALS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE COVER-UP. PLEASE READ AND DISTRIBUTE.
http://www.consortiumnews.com/archive/crack.html


ROBERT PARRY BROKE THE CONTRA CRACK STORY IN 1986, TEN YEARS BEFORE GARY WEBB
ENDING HIS CAREER AT ASSOCIATED PRESS (AP) and NEWSWEEK.




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #377 


CIAcocaine
Web Documentary Explores CIA’s Cocaine Connections In The Eighties
June 11, 2014/0 Comments/in LIFE & CULTURE /by SD Staff


Watch the video- Miami Dade Homicide detective Mike Fisten pursued druglord Albert San Pedro and his CIA Blackwater hitman Ric Prado


Back in the Eighties, Garfield Baker was supplying the soundtrack to Miami’s Cocaine Cowboys era. The Carol City native is one of the founders of Freestyle, a type of dance music that blends hip-hop beats with actual singing. He wrote and produced hits like “Don’t Stop the Rock,” “It’s Automatic,” “Lookout Weekend,” “When I Hear Music,” and “I’ll Be All You Ever Need” by Freestyle, Debbie Deb, and Trinere. The songs fit the uninhibited, flashy lifestyle fueled by never-ending bags of nose candy.

These days, Baker is looking to get financing to finish Power, Powder and Presidents, a documentary that digs deeper into the darker side of Miami’s coke trade and its role in the Cold War. Baker filmed the last on camera interviews with Jon Roberts, one of the stars of the seminal film about Miami’s halcyon yeyo days, Cocaine Cowboys. Serving Dope recently caught the remix, Cocaine Cowboys Reloaded on Netflix. It’s definitely a must see.

Roberts died in 2011, but not before finishing an autobiography with Rolling Stone scribe Evan Wright. Robert’s allegations that he and his partners in the Medellin Cartel were running drugs with the consent of the U.S. government forms the basis of Baker’s movie.

Not too long ago, Baker sat down with Serving Dope to talk about Power, Powder and Presidents.

SD: What’s your movie about?

Power, Powder and Presidents is the deathbed confession of a cocaine cowboy and the continuing story of what may be the ultimate abuse of power and the greatest miscarriage of justice. It illustrates the direct link between murderers and drug dealers with the highest office in the land. See, the war on drugs was precipitated by the Iran Contra scandal, both of which were waged by the Ronald Reagan administration. Our movie exposes a clandestine game of chess featuring Ronald Reagan, George H. Bush, Oliver North and other covert operatives arrayed as the power pieces. The civil servants, law enforcement and even foreign heads of state manipulated to be the unwitting pawns.

Where did the bad guys figure into all this?

The drug cartels, street hustlers and assassins served as both the convenient enemy and more often than not the collateral damage. As always the media fed the masses their daily news that was in turn spoon fed to them by the players that controlled the figureheads of international political, financial and military power while the world was distracted by the gory yet romantic entertainment.

What is in the movie?

We have 20 hours of exclusive bone chilling first person accounts, delivered as the death bed confessions of Jon Roberts all corroborated by interviews with former FBI/DEA agent Mike Fistin, shot in Red HD. Additionally, we have thousands of pages of exclusive FBI documents and hundreds of never before seen photographs punctuated by clips from the news networks that covered these events.

What’s your next move?

Given the phenomenal financial and critical success of the Cocaine Cowboys documentaries, the attendant non-fiction books by Evan Wright and Jon Roberts “memoir,” and current global appetite for the ongoing saga, we are looking to secure a wraparound production and distribution deal that will include all ancillary and derivative products, licenses and trademarks unto perpetuity. We are willing to remain as production consultants or co-producers on the project until delivery and will expect to share producer’s credit with collaborating production entity.

But didn’t Roberts tell the whole story to Rakontur, the company that made Cocaine Cowboys?

They own the exclusive rights and trademarks to the name “Cocaine Cowboys.” They do not own or control any of the rights to the twenty hours of footage of stories told to us directly by Jon Roberts. We own the exclusive rights and trademarks to the intellectual property of “Power, Powder and Presidents”. These rights were assigned and conferred to us directly by Jon Roberts. Cocaine Cowboys 1 & 2 in essence highlighted the fabulous life of the glamour and often romantic danger of the drug trade. The first person accounts given to us by Jon Roberts in “Power, Powder and Presidents” over the final two years of his life, gives a never before heard voice to secrets which have never been told. e.g., the gory details identifying the perpetrators and circumstances surrounding the beheading of a federal agent and the involvement of Enrique Prado in murders, collections, and arson for the drug cartels. Prado went on to serve as Ronald Reagan’s bodyguard, third in command at the CIA, and Vice President of Black Water. Not to mention the complicity of the White House, then Vice President Bush and Oliver North in the 1980’s drug trade.




http://servingdope.com/web-documentary-explores-cias-cocaine-connections-in-the-eighties/



---------------------




Read about Miami Dade Homicide Detective Mike Fisten here:
http://www.bluelinepi.com/about-us/
--------------------]

read about cocaine cowboy Jon Roberts here:
"That story is absolutely true," "I pursued the CIA agent, but I was unable to get him."
-Detective Mike Fisten

Desperado at twilight
Last testament of Fort Lauderdale's Jon Roberts
December 29, 2011|By Chauncey Mabe, Correspondent

http://articles.sun-sentinel.com/2011-12-29/news/fl-jon-roberts-american-desperado-20111227_1_american-desperado-evan-wright-miami-dade

---------------
Read about Ric Prado here:
http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/07/the-terrifying-background-of-the-man-who-ran-a-cia-assassination-unit/259856/

http://www.wired.com/2012/06/cia/

http://powerwall.msnbc.msn.com/politics/did-a-cia-agent-work-for-the-mob-1721447.story

Watch the interview with author EVAN WRIGHT here:
(This is a great video)
CIA Thugs, Drugs and Terrorism with True Crime Author Evan Wright


EPISODE BREAKDOWN:
00:01 Welcome to Byliner with Walter Kirn.
00:30 Introducing Evan Wright.
01:12 Ricky Prado and the background of a CIA-Mafia connection.
02:26 The early days of cocaine in Florida--the mafia and Cuba.
08:14 Cocaine begins flooding Miami and the country.
09:13 Ricky and Albert San Pedro form a bond and 'fraternity' over violence and drug dealing.
13:17 Ricky Prado becomes a hitman.
17:29 A C.I.A. recruit turns to the drug trade.
26:51 Ricky Prado goes to work for the CIA.
28:47 The rise and fall of Ricky Prado in the CIA.
32:29 Ricky Prado looks to cooperate with the Federal Investigators as the CIA stonewalls them.
36:17 Prado rises to the senior ranks of the CIA--Targeted Assassinations.
39:46 Cofer Black and Ricky Prado move to Blackwater and get dirty work done.
44:00 Still out there, and working for shadowy private firms.
45:40 Why does the CIA exist? To break laws.
48:28 Response to the book--from Prado himself.


___________________

Read more about Erik Prince, Cofer Black and Ric Prado at Blackwater and other companies

By Jeremy Scahill
http://www.thenation.com/article/154739/blackwaters-black-ops
http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/sociopol_blackwater15.htm
http://www.cbsnews.com/news/making-sense-of-the-blackwater-connection/
http://www.democracynow.org/blog/2010/6/17/part_ii_jeremy_scahill_on_blackwater_owner_erik_princes_rumored_move_to_uae_and_obama_admins_expansion_of_special_forces_operations_abroad
http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/blackwater-any-other-name-is-still-blackwater

--------------

buy the book about Enrique "RIC" Prado here:
http://www.amazon.com/How-Get-Away-Murder-America-ebook/dp/B008EJL43Q

Book Description
Publication Date: June 24, 2012
This is a story that the CIA will not want you to read. It will likely shake your faith in the highest levels of America’s national security establishment. And it will leave you feeling as if you are living not in the United States but in a seedy banana republic where there is no line between the good guys and the bad guys.

In “How to Get Away with Murder in America,” the celebrated journalist Evan Wright reveals the extraordinary story of Enrique “Ricky” Prado, an alleged killer for a major Miami drug trafficker who was recruited into the CIA. Despite a grand jury subpoena and a mountain of evidence unearthed by a federal task force, Prado was promoted into the agency’s highest echelons and charged with implementing some of the country’s most sensitive post-9/11 counterterrorist operations, including the agency’s secret “targeted assassination unit.” All while staying in close touch with his cocaine-trafficking boss and, evidence suggests, taking part in additional killings for him.

After Prado retired in 2004 at the rank of SIS-2—the CIA equivalent of a two-star general—he moved to a senior position at Blackwater, the private military contractor, where he continued to run the same, now-outsourced “death squad.” Contrary to government assurances that it was never actually activated, Wright reveals explosive testimony from one of the Blackwater assassins that Prado’s unit was indeed carrying out assigned killings. As a former military intelligence officer told Wright in 2011, “Private contractors are whacking people like crazy over in Afghanistan for the CIA.”

In “How to Get Away with Murder in America,” Wright discloses never-before-seen federal investigation files and lays out a mind-boggling and ultimately damning indictment of Ricky Prado and the intelligence community that embraced and empowered him. It is the deeply disturbing story of a criminal case abandoned because of CIA intervention, political maneuvering, and possibly corruption. Its cast includes Mafia capos, former U.S. Senator Bob Graham, former U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, former CNN host Rick Sanchez, and Prado’s longtime boss at the CIA and then Blackwater, J. Cofer Black, who is now a “special adviser” to presidential candidate Mitt Romney. Wright also delivers a stunning portrait of Prado’s childhood friend Albert San Pedro, a.k.a. “the Maniac,” the drug lord whom he served for years as loyal bodyguard and enforcer, as well as their longtime nemesis Mike Fisten, the detective who began pursuing them more than two decades ago and still hopes to put them both in prison for murder.

There are many conspiracies in Wright’s story, all of them unsettling. Did the CIA knowingly hire a suspected murderer with strong ties to drug traffickers? Or was the agency a stooge, infiltrated by an underworld hood described by one investigator as “technically, a serial killer”?

“How to Get Away with Murder in America” is likely to have serious repercussions for the U.S. national security establishment. And it will shake to the core your conceptions of government and justice in America.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Evan Wright is the recipient of two National Magazine Awards and the author of the bestselling “Generation Kill,” “Hella Nation,” and “American Desperado,” which he co-wrote with Jon Roberts. His reporting has also been included in “The Best American Crime Writing.” He co-wrote the HBO series “Generation Kill,” based on his book.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #378 
The central figure in Gary Webb's book, DARK ALLIANCE HAS A NEW BOOK OUT:


Freeway Rick Ross The Untold Autobiography by Cathy Scott
Product Details

Paperback: 298 pages
Publisher: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform; 1st edition (June 11, 2014)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 1499651538
ISBN-13: 978-1499651539
Product Dimensions: 0.6 x 5.9 x 8.9 inches
Shipping Weight: 1.2 pounds
http://www.amazon.com/Freeway-Rick-Ross-Untold-Autobiography/dp/1499651538
http://www.rickrossthebook.com/


RICK ROSS website
http://www.freewayrick.com/


===========================
The Story of a Reformed Drug Kingpin - 'Freeway Rick Ross: The Untold Autobiography'
Posted: 19/06/2014 11:09

http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/ruth-jacobs/the-story-of-a-reformed-d_b_5509487.html



L.A.'s Notorious Drug Dealer, 'Freeway' Rick Ross, is Moving On
by Erin Aubry Kaplan
June 6, 2014 10:05 AM
http://www.kcet.org/updaily/socal_focus/commentary/cakewalk/freeway-rick-ross-moves-on.html


------------
From Drug Kingpin to Community Leader Freeway Rick Ross in RVA
Jul 4, 2014 By Miss Community Clovia        
http://kissrichmond.com/2726187/from-drug-kingpin-to-community-leader-freeway-rick-ross-in-rva/


Twitter Freeway Ricky Ross and let him know what you think:
https://twitter.com/FreewayRicky
https://www.facebook.com/FreewayRickyRoss
http://www.biography.com/people/ricky-ross-481828#recent-projects&
---------------------------------

-----------------------------

The Untold Story Behind Why I Am a Narco News Journalist
Posted by Bill Conroy - July 1, 2014 at 10:11 pm

"Authenticity Is Not the Easiest Path ... But It's The Only Path That Leads Forward" — Al Giordano

Narco News on July 9 will celebrate its fourteenth anniversary at a bash in the Big Apple. For me, it also will be a tenth anniversary fiesta. I started reporting and writing for Narco News in 2004.

Until now, though, I have never been able to tell fully the story of why I hooked up with Al Giordano and Narco News in the first place, because I was employed by a company that I felt would not appreciate the story being told in real time, as it really happened.........

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/07/untold-story-behind-why-i-am-narco-news-journalist


-------
--------
As Mike Levine once pointed out, a movie has been made about the government giving preferential treatment to one cartel in exchange for information about its rivals. The movie is called CLEAR AND PRESENT DANGER

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0109444/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clear_and_Present_Danger_%28film%29

"
Cortez brokers a deal with Cutter. Cortez will assassinate Escobedo and take over the cartel, then reduce drug shipments to the U.S. and allow American law enforcement to arrest some of his workers at regular intervals so as to make it appear as if the U.S. is winning the drug war. In exchange, Cutter will shut down all operations in Colombia and allow Cortez to capture and kill Clark's soldiers."



Life imitates art.


US Court Documents Claim Sinaloa “Cartel” Is Protected by US Government
Posted by Bill Conroy - July 31, 2011 at 5:07 pm

Deal Allegedly Gave Sinaloa Bosses Immunity in Exchange for Providing Info on Rival Drug Organizations
http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2011/07/us-court-documents-claim-sinaloa-cartel-protected-us-government



The mainstream media has now acknowledged this arrangement-- 3 years after Narconews Bill Conroy Broke the story,

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #379 
Interview with Retired ISI Chief Hamid Gul names drug lords in Afgahn Government

Ex-ISI Chief Says Purpose of New Afghan Intelligence Agency RAMA Is ‘to destabilize Pakistan’
by Jeremy R. Hammond |  August 12, 2009
(excerpt)
Turning the focus of our discussion to the Afghan drug problem, I noted that the U.S. mainstream corporate media routinely suggest that the Taliban is in control of the opium trade. However, according to the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Anti-Government Elements (or AGEs), which include but are not limited to the Taliban, account for a relatively small percentage of the profits from the drug trade. Two of the U.S.’s own intelligence agencies, the CIA and the DIA, estimate that the Taliban receives about $70 million a year from the drugs trade. That may seem at first glance like a significant amount of money, but it’s only about two percent of the total estimated profits from the drug trade, a figure placed at $3.4 billion by the UNODC last year.

Meanwhile, the U.S. has just announced its new strategy for combating the drug problem: placing drug traffickers with ties to insurgents —and only drug lords with ties to insurgents — on a list to be eliminated. The vast majority of drug lords, in other words, are explicitly excluded as targets under the new strategy. Or, to put it yet another way, the U.S. will be assisting to eliminate the competition for drug lords allied with occupying forces or the Afghan government and helping them to further corner the market.

I pointed out to the former ISI chief that Afghan opium finds its way into Europe via Pakistan, via Iran and Turkey, and via the former Soviet republics. According to the former British ambassador to Uzbekistan, Craig Murray, convoys under General Rashid Dostum — who was reappointed last month to his government position as Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Afghan National Army by President Hamid Karzai — would truck the drugs over the border. And President Karzai’s own brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai, has been accused of being a major drug lord. So I asked General Gul who was really responsible for the Afghan drug trade.

“Now, let me give you the history of the drug trade in Afghanistan,” his answer began. “Before the Taliban stepped into it, in 1994 — in fact, before they captured Kabul in September 1996 — the drugs, the opium production volume was 4,500 tons a year. Then gradually the Taliban came down hard upon the poppy growing. It was reduced to around 50 tons in the last year of the Taliban. That was the year 2001. Nearly 50 tons of opium produced. 50. Five-zero tons. Now last year the volume was at 6,200 tons. That means it has really gone one and a half times more than it used to be before the Taliban era.” He pointed out, correctly, that the U.S. had actually awarded the Taliban for its effective reduction of the drug trade. On top of $125 million the U.S. gave to the Taliban ostensibly as humanitarian aid, the State Department awarded the Taliban $43 million for its anti-drug efforts. “Of course, they made their mistakes,” General Gul continued. “But on the whole, they were doing fairly good. If they had been engaged in meaningful, fruitful, constructive talks, I think it would have been very good for Afghanistan.”

Returning to the drug trade, General Gul named the brother of President Karzai, Abdul Wali Karzai. “Abdul Wali Karzai is the biggest drug baron of Afghanistan,” he stated bluntly. He added that the drug lords are also involved in arms trafficking, which is “a flourishing trade” in Afghanistan. “But what is most disturbing from my point of view is that the military aircraft, American military aircraft are also being used. You said very rightly that the drug routes are northward through the Central Asia republics and through some of the Russian territory, and then into Europe and beyond. But some of it is going directly. That is by the military aircraft. I have so many times in my interviews said, ‘Please listen to this information, because I am an aware person.’ We have Afghans still in Pakistan, and they sometimes contact and pass on the stories to me. And some of them are very authentic. I can judge that. So they are saying that the American military aircraft are being used for this purpose. So, if that is true, it is very, very disturbing indeed.”


http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2009/08/12/ex-isi-chief-says-purpose-of-new-afghan-intelligence-agency-rama-is-%E2%80%98to-destabilize-pakistan%E2%80%99/view-all/


=============

The CIA’s Suitcases of Cash to Afghan Drug Lords
April 30, 2013
Foreign policy journal's Jeremy Hammond writes:
http://www.jeremyrhammond.com/2013/04/30/the-cias-suitcases-of-cash-to-afghan-drug-lords/

http://www.businessinsider.com/the-cia-pays-afghan-president-hamid-karzai-2013-4

=================


Abdul Rashid Dostum Returns to Afghan Government
January 26, 2010


http://www.jeremyrhammond.com/2010/01/26/abdul-rashid-dostum-returns-to-afghan-government/

---------------------------


US secrets for sale outside Bagram airbase
By Tom Coghlan and Tahir Luddin in Bagram

Thursday 13 April 2006
Files show warlords involvement in drug trade

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/us-secrets-for-sale-outside-bagram-airbase-473924.html

---------------------


A PICTURE IS WORTH A THOUSAND WORDS:
NATO PATROLLING OPIUM FIELDS

https://publicintelligence.net/us-afghan-patrolling-poppy-fields-2012/

https://publicintelligence.net/more-photos-of-usnato-troops-patrolling-opium-poppy-fields-in-afghanistan/

https://publicintelligence.net/even-more-photos-of-usnato-troops-patrolling-opium-poppy-fields-in-afghanistan/


---------------------------



Ahmed Wali Karzai’s Assassin Motivated by Drugs and Money, Not Terror
July 14, 2011

https://publicintelligence.net/ahmed-wali-karzais-assassin-motivated-by-drugs-and-money-not-terror/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #380 
(1986-2010) 100:1 sentencing disparity for blacks arrested on crack charges

To fully understand the implications of this movie (KILL THE MESSENGER)-- after basically flooding the streets with drugs, the feds then increased prison sentences for the mostly black crack users and sellers (80% of those arrested for crack) to a 100:1 ratio.

--meaning a black user with 5 grams (a small rock) got a 5 year sentence
--a white person possessing 500 grams (over a pound) would get a 5 year sentence.


An entire generation of black people were imprisoned by the new law---The prison system is packed with black drug users unjustly sentenced by this racist law. Communities were devasted --- People died and had their health damaged by the CONTRA Drugs


"The sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine has contributed to the imprisonment of African Americans at six times the rate of whites and to the United States' position as the world's leader in incarcerations."

---U.S. Senator Dick Durbin,

https://secure.huffingtonpost.com/tag/crack-cocaine-sentencing/

---------------------------

A rush to judgment

In 1986, lawmakers wrote new mandatory crack cocaine penalties in a few short days, using the advice of a perjurer.
March 23, 2014 12:00AM E

http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/3/23/a-rush-to-judgment.html


------------------------

Congress narrows disparity between sentences for crack vs. powder cocaine convictions

http://www.foxnews.com/us/2010/07/28/congress-moves-narrow-disparity-crack-powder-cocaine-sentences/

Crack-Powder Sentencing Disparity: Whites Get Probation, Blacks Get A Decade Behind Bars
https://secure.huffingtonpost.com/2010/08/02/crack-powder-sentencing-d_n_667317.html

http://jurist.org/paperchase/2011/06/ussc-unanimously-approves-retroactive-application-of-reduced-crack-sentencing-law.php


-------------read more here


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fair_Sentencing_Act

"The sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine has contributed to the imprisonment of African Americans at six times the rate of whites and to the United States' position as the world's leader in incarcerations."

---U.S. Senator Dick Durbin,

========================================
=============================


VIDEO--TOP LEVEL CIA OFFICIAL WAS A CARTEL HITMAN

Watch the 1 hr interview with author EVAN WRIGHT here:
(This is a great video)
CIA Thugs, Drugs and Terrorism with True Crime Author Evan Wright

How the number 3 man at the CIA was a cartel hitman




Published on Jul 24, 2012

The connection between the mafia, CIA, and the war on terror are discussed with Evan Wright, the author of Generation Kill and How To Get Away With Murder in America. Detailing shadow-soldier Ricky Prado's life's work, we learn how a suspected murderer and compulsive weightlifter rose to run the anti-terrorism unit of the CIA and bonded the government with the mafia. An incredible talk hosted by Walter Kirn for TheLipTV.

GUEST BIO:
Evan Wright has gone from working as a critic for Hustler magazine, to being one of the most celebrated immersive journalists in the country. His series of reports with the US military in Iraq for Rolling Stone was subsequently made into the landmark series, Generation Kill.

Additionally, he has written the true-crime books, "How to Get Away With Murder in America," "American Desperado," and "Hella Nation," in addition to penning the screenplay for the adaptation of "Cocaine Cowboys" to a scripted feature film.

ADD'L LINKS:
http://www.vanityfair.com/contributor...
http://us.penguingroup.com/nf/Author/...
http://byliner.com/evan-wright/storie...
http://www.hbo.com/generation-kill/in...

EPISODE BREAKDOWN:
00:01 Welcome to Byliner with Walter Kirn.
00:30 Introducing Evan Wright.
01:12 Ricky Prado and the background of a CIA-Mafia connection.
02:26 The early days of cocaine in Florida--the mafia and Cuba.
08:14 Cocaine begins flooding Miami and the country.
09:13 Ricky and Albert Sanpedro form a bond and 'fraternity' over violence and drug dealing.
13:17 Ricky Prado becomes a hitman.
17:29 A C.I.A. recruit turns to the drug trade.
26:51 Ricky Prado goes to work for the CIA.
28:47 The rise and fall of Ricky Prado in the CIA.
32:29 Ricky Prado looks to cooperate with the Federal Investigators as the CIA stonewalls them.
36:17 Prado rises to the senior ranks of the CIA--Targeted Assassinations.
39:46 Cofer Black and Ricky Prado move to Blackwater and get dirty work done.
44:00 Still out there, and working for shadowy private firms.
45:40 Why does the CIA exist? To break laws.
48:28 Response to the book--from Prado himself.

http://thelip.tv
http://byliner.com/
http://www.facebook.com/byliner
http://twitter.com/TheByliner/

http://walterkirn.blogspot.com/
http://www.facebook.com/walter.kirn
http://twitter.com/walterkirn/




----------
----------

http://palmbeachartspaper.com/index.php/1785-journalist-wright-tells-miami-hit-mans-story-on-byliner-site.html



Journalist Wright tells Miami hit man’s story on Byliner site

Written by Chauncey Mabe on 25 July 2012.

(photo)

Evan Wright.

Even though he uncovered the story, journalist Evan Wright never expected to write a full account of the drug cartel hit man from Miami who ― allegedly, as they say ― became a top CIA officer and a leading figure in the clandestine war against terror.

On the contrary, Wright thought this story, which resembles The Departed, but on a bigger, more important stage, would be picked up and developed by other journalists after the publication of his latest book, American Desperado.

An as-told-to autobiography of the infamous cocaine cowboy Jon Roberts, American Desperado includes a vivid anecdote about Enrique Prado, the hit man-turned-CIA honcho. In 1977, according to Roberts, Prado was the triggerman in the murder of Meyer Lansky’s stepson, Richard Schwartz, in Miami Beach.

“I sort of thought the Prado stuff would have been picked up by another reporter,” says Wright from his home in Los Angeles. “I’d worked on for three years. I didn’t want to do anything else with it.”

But American Desperado made less of a splash than Wright’s publisher expected – inexplicably, because it may be the best book of its kind since Nicholas Pileggi’s Wise Guys. No one picked up the thread of the potentially explosive Prado story.

Why has the story of a gangster-turned-top spy, protected from police investigations by the CIA, been ignored? “The answer is in the question,” Wright says. “When you say ‘CIA hit man,’ a lot of people think you are a raving conspiracy nut.”

So Wright, who is perhaps best known as the author of Generation Kill, developed the story himself. His investigation into the life and career of Enrique “Ricky” Prado appeared recently as How to Get Away with Murder in America, at Byliner Originals, the online site devoted to long-form journalism.

“We feel as journalists that this is the kind of story we live for,” says Mark Bryant, Byliner’s co-founder and editor-in-chief. “Evan is an exceptional journalist and an excellent writer, and he’s been burrowing into this story for a long time. His sources are sound. It’s an important story to tell.”

American Desperado (2011), by Jon Roberts and Evan Wright. When Roberts told Wright in 2008 that he had taken part in an “infamous” 1977 hit with a man who later become a top CIA officer, the journalist was skeptical. According to Roberts, Prado was an enforcer for Alberto San Pedro, a powerful, politically connected and violent Miami cocaine kingpin.

But as Wright fact-checked Roberts’ account of his life, he found virtually all the most outlandish stories were true. Shortly after hearing Roberts’ story about Prado, for example, Wright learned that a high-ranking CIA officer named Enrique Prado did exist. Entering the agency in 1982, Prado took part in the CIA’s work in Central America, served as station chief in South Korea, helped devise and coordinate counterterrorism efforts following 9-11, and ran a “targeted assassination unit” – first at the agency, then at Blackwater, where he served as vice president from 2004 to 2008.

Perhaps the single most unbelievable thing, assuming the CIA’s “Ricky Prado” is the same person Roberts knew, is the idea that Prado continued to work for San Pedro even after he joined the agency.

Early on, when he began to uncover documents about Prado’s criminal past, Wright decided the story was separate from the Roberts book. Chief among these: “ong-suppressed files from a 1991 federal RICO and murder investigation” by an organized crime task force.

“Jon ceases to be a factor” in the Prado story, Wright says of Roberts, who died last December of cancer, within days of the publication of American Desperado. “Jon was an entry point.”

One of the task force officers, former Miami Beach homicide detective Mike Fisten, told Wright that the CIA “fought us tooth and nail,” despite evidence linking Prado not only to the Schwartz murder but to several others as well.

“It’s a miscarriage of justice,” says Fisten, now a senior partner at a private investigations firm in Davie. “Ricky and Albert are guilty of murder and need to go to jail for it.”

For a portion of How to Get Away with Murder in America, Fisten looks something like a protagonist, fighting the good fight against the CIA, Prado, and sometimes his own superiors. Prado’s lawyer succeeded in tainting Fisten and his work, branding him “Detective Fiction,” and stunting his career, even though an internal affairs investigation exonerated the detective. “My reputation was shot,” Fisten told Wright. “I wound up in uniform. My partner killed himself.”

“Mike Fisten is an interesting character,” Wright says. “In some ways he drove the case, in some ways he didn’t. He became the centerpiece of the article for that reason. But it’s not the story of one cop going after this guy. He was part of a federal team.”

Generation Kill (2004), by Evan Wright. As the narrative gains momentum – How to Get Away with Murder in America is 107 pages of muscular journalism and breakneck prose – everything falls away except for Wright’s investigation into Prado’s dual career, “gangster and CIA officer.” Even as the pace quickens, the story grows thicker with information – fact and fact-checking, interviews and old-fashioned reporting.

Wright knew he had to dig especially deep to offset the inherent skepticism raised by the idea of a hit man who became a CIA officer. “That’s the reason the piece is so dense with information,” he says. “It’s sort of like an episode of ‘Dragnet.’ I just wanted to lay out the case as it presented itself to me, summarizing as little as possible. It is such fantastical material. It’s easily dismissed.”

As Wright probed for information about Prado, calling investigators, attempting to obtain comment from the CIA, something occurred that had never happened to him as a reporter before. Another task force investigator, still active in Florida law enforcement, warned Wright in an email that Prado “is bad news and dangerous. Be careful.”

In a subsequent telephone conversation, the source was even more direct. He had talked to a friend in the CIA, who advised him to tell Wright to leave Prado alone. “You are going to get whacked,” he told Wright.

“I really debated about putting the warning” into the piece, Wright says. “I hope I contextualized it. I really don’t believe in the reporter as hero, but I realized this is a different kind of story. I don’t get warnings like that ― one government official warning you about another.”

Despite Prado’s alleged bloody background, Wright was able to shrug off the warning and continue developing the story ― in part because of his general insecurities as a writer and reporter.

“I have so much anxiety about everything I write, getting facts wrong, or names, or boring people,” Wright says. “It just joined the ambient anxiety.”

Wright is pleased with the treatment Bryant gave the story, which is just about perfect for the Byliner model – narrative nonfiction that’s too long for a magazine article, too short for a book. Wright likes the inclusion of additional material ― a list of “Key Figures,” a list of acronyms, sourcing ― that a magazine would not have room for.

“You can do it like a book,” Wright says. “The reader gets a much more complete package. “

Bryant was happy to get the piece for Byliner, which has grown apace since its debut a year ago, showing one possible business model that might allow serious journalism to thrive into the digital age. Many Byliner publications – sold on Kindle, iTunes and elsewhere – have been best sellers. As of July 22, How to Get Away with Murder in America was No. 1 in the True Crime category at the Amazon Kindle Store.

“When Evan contacted me last fall with an early draft, I realized he was on to something extraordinary,” Bryant says. “That’s why we’re doing it – not just to tell great stories, but to have an impact. When it’s appropriate, it’s great to see someone kick the hornets’ nest.”

Wright calls Byliner “the wave of the future,” and says he’s happy with the experience of publishing with it for the first time. He’s grateful the Prado story did not get lost because of the in-between length of his manuscript.

“I wanted this piece done because none of this had been aired,” Wright says. “It should have been done properly in the justice system. I hope the situation is examined by the proper authorities.”

To download How to Get Away with Murder in America for $2.99, or to read a free except, visiti Byliner Originals at http://byliner.com/originals/how-to-get-away-with-murder-in-america.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #381 
2014 UNODC Drug report- Afgahn opium cultivation up 36% to record levels.


https://publicintelligence.net/unodc-world-drug-report-2014/

UNODC World Drug Report 2014
July 14, 2014        

UNODC-WorldDrugReport-2014
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

128 pages
June 2014
6.99 MB




Download your copy here
http://info.publicintelligence.net/UNODC-WorldDrugReport-2014.pdf

https://publicintelligence.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/afghan-opium-production.png

" The main increase was observed in Afghanistan, where the area of opium poppy cultivation increased 36 per cent, from 154,000 ha in 2012 to 209,000 ha in 2013. "





-The finished product--Heroin-- is being exported at record levels as opposed to raw opium in past years.



SOURCE:
The UNODC site:
https://www.unodc.org/wdr2014/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #382 
3 former DEA AGENTS AND ONE CIA PILOT SAY THE GOVERNMENT SMUGGLES DRUGS AND WERE INVOLVED IN THE CAMARENA MURDER RADIO INTERVIEW

5.30.2014
Steven Kelley Show guests

TOSH Plumlee (former CIA Contract Pilot),
Hector Berrellez (EX-DEA, LEAD INVESTIGATOR-CAMARENA MURDER),
Celerino Castillo III (EX-DEA, Lead agent El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras in the 1980's) and
Phil JORDAN (EX-DEA, DIRECTOR OF DEA EL PASO INTELLIGENCE CENTER)
Revolution Talk Radio





Published on May 30, 2014
duration 1 hour 44 minutes

The Steven D. Kelley Show has guests William (Tosh) Plumlee, Hector Berrellez, Celerino Castillo III and Phil Jordan - The Running of Guns and Drugs Part 2. In the first hour of the show the guests give a brief description of their involvement with government agencies and detail some of the operations which they were involved with. In the second half of the show Steven and the guests explain in greater depth the nature of their work with government agencies in the smuggling of drugs and weapons from foreign nations into North America and vice versa.
-Un-edited Archives at http://www.revolutionradioarchives.com


---------------------


Related:

5.22.2014

The Steven D Kelley Show guest William (Tosh) Plumlee 2014 05 22
Revolution Talk Radio



Published on May 23, 2014

The guest for the Steven D. Kelley show is William (Tosh) Plumlee on to talk about the his work with governmental agencies and many other engaging topics regarding the C.I.A., NSC and others. At the start of the first hour William discusses his former operational involvement with the Central Intelligence Agency which consisted of gun running to foreign nations and various organizations globally. Also in the first hour Steven asks William to give more information on the specifics involved with the movement of arms and drugs through various contracts. In the second hour of the show Steven and William talk about many other situations which involve people and places that center around the topic of international crime. Also the listeners join in to show their appreciation and ask questions to Willaim.

William (Tosh) Plumlee : http://jfkmurdersolved.com/toshfiles.htm

Steven D. Kelley : http://www.facebook.com/steven.d.kelley




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #383 
Published on Youtube.com July 5, 2014

George Bush's Contra Cocaine Connection
Webster Tarpley 1994 interview with Celerino Castillo III
*Great interview-i recommend skipping the first ten minutes of the video- It is a bunch of political talk.



______________-
Maxine Waters 4 part Testimony on drugs- House of Representatives

----------------------

Ricky Ross documentary 3 parts

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #384 
9/9/2014 New UPDATED Versions of Gary Webb's DARK ALLIANCE book and Nick Schou's Kill The Messenger book will be available from Amazon in preparation for the October 10, 2014 release of the KILL THE MESSENGER Movie.




Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Cocaine Explosion Paperback – September 16, 2014
by Gary Webb (Author), Maxine Waters (Foreword)

http://www.amazon.com/Dark-Alliance-Contras-Cocaine-Explosion/dp/1609806212/



Paperback
$17.21

Major Motion Picture based on Dark Alliance and starring Jeremy Renner, "Kill the Messenger," to be be released in Fall 2014

In August 1996, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb stunned the world with a series of articles in the San Jose Mercury News reporting the results of his year-long investigation into the roots of the crack cocaine epidemic in America, specifically in Los Angeles. The series, titled “Dark Alliance,” revealed that for the better part of a decade, a Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to Los Angeles street gangs and funneled millions in drug profits to the CIA-backed Nicaraguan Contras.

Gary Webb pushed his investigation even further in his book, Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion. Drawing from then newly declassified documents, undercover DEA audio and videotapes that had never been publicly released, federal court testimony, and interviews, Webb demonstrates how our government knowingly allowed massive amounts of drugs and money to change hands at the expense of our communities.

Webb’s own stranger-than-fiction experience is also woven into the book. His excoriation by the media—not because of any wrongdoing on his part, but by an insidious process of innuendo and suggestion that in effect blamed Webb for the implications of the story—had been all but predicted. Webb was warned off doing a CIA expose by a former Associated Press journalist who lost his job when, years before, he had stumbled onto the germ of the “Dark Alliance” story. And though Internal investigations by both the CIA and the Justice Department eventually vindicated Webb, he had by then been pushed out of the Mercury News and gone to work for the California State Legislature Task Force on Government Oversight. He died in 2004.

Product Details

Paperback: 592 pages
Publisher: Seven Stories Press (September 16, 2014)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 1609806212
ISBN-13: 978-1609806217

=================================================




=============================




Kill the Messenger (Movie Tie-In Edition): How the CIA's Crack-Cocaine Controversy Destroyed Journalist Gary Webb Paperback – September 9, 2014
by Nick Schou (Author)

http://www.amazon.com/Kill-Messenger-Movie-Tie-In-Edition/dp/1568584717/

Soon to be a major motion picture starring Jeremy Renner

Kill the Messenger tells the story of the tragic death of Gary Webb, the controversial newspaper reporter who committed suicide in December 2004. Webb is the former San Jose Mercury News reporter whose 1996 "Dark Alliance" series on the so-called CIA-crack cocaine connection created a firestorm of controversy and led to his resignation from the paper amid escalating attacks on his work by the mainstream media. Author and investigative journalist Nick Schou published numerous articles on the controversy and was the only reporter to significantly advance Webb's stories.

Drawing on exhaustive research and highly personal interviews with Webb's family, colleagues, supporters and critics, this book argues convincingly that Webb's editors betrayed him, despite mounting evidence that his stories were correct. Kill the Messenger examines the "Dark Alliance" controversy, what it says about the current state of journalism in America, and how it led Webb to ultimately take his own life.

Webb's widow, Sue Bell Stokes, remains an ardent defender of her ex-husband. By combining her story with a probing examination of the one of the most important media scandals in recent memory, this book provides a gripping view of one of the greatest tragedies in the annals of investigative journalism

Paperback: 256 pages
Publisher: Nation Books; Revised Edition edition (September 9, 2014)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 1568584717
ISBN-13: 978-1568584713
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++







https://publicintelligence.net/unodc-afghan-drug-use/
UNODC Study: Impacts of Drug Use on Users and Their Families in Afghanistan
August 2, 2014        

UNODC-AfghanDrugUse
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

120 pages
April 2014
Afghanistan is the world’s largest producer and cultivator of opium poppies; it produces almost three quarters of the world’s illicit opium. While a significant amount of the opium produced in Afghanistan is trafficked out of the country, in 2009 it was estimated that almost 10 per cent of Afghans aged between 15 and 64 were drug users.


download a copy of the report here:

http://info.publicintelligence.net/UNODC-AfghanDrugUse.pdf

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #385 
Another Renner interview with Extra TV = This interview was uploaded by CASS!!!




Excellent 4 minutes hitflix Renner interview KTM




I think he almost slipped on the letter question [smile]



--------------

Jeremy Renner KTM interview Aug 25, 2014 15 .8 minutes




Rosemarie Dewitt 22 mins (Plays Gary Webb's wife Sue in KTM Movie)

Rosemarie Dewitt 9:53 mins






=============================



Charles Bowden has died, but his voice is louder than ever
Posted by Bill Conroy - September 2, 2014 at 9:48 pm

As one of the original authentic journalists, he trailblazed a path for others to follow

When I heard that he had passed, my eyes welled with tears. I’m of stoic Irish stock, so I don’t shed tears easily, but the news of Charles Bowden’s death (1945-2014) was not an easy thing to bear. He had been a mentor and a friend to me for a decade, and his leaving hurts.

He died peacefully, in his bed at his home in Las Cruces, N.M., after complaining of persistent flu-like symptoms that started in early August, according to his long-time companion and colleague Molly Molloy, a Latin American researcher, writer and librarian at New Mexico State University. A recent EKG also showed he had an irregular heartbeat, and he had an appointment scheduled with a cardiologist, she said.

But he never made that appointment. Molly found him at 5:15 p.m. after returning from work this past Saturday, Aug. 30, his life energy gone from his body.

“He was in bed and seemed sleeping, but I could not wake him.,” Molloy recounted in an email sent on Sunday informing Chuck’s friends and colleagues of his death. “I called 911 and did CPR until the police got here. There was nothing we could do.”

But in my mind and heart, Chuck can’t die, not in the eternal world of ideas. He accomplished what every writer dreams of, even if they are too humble, as he was in this sense, to admit it. His words, his reporting, his truth-telling, lives on, rippling through time on the pages of history. His name belongs among the ranks of the great American writers, certainly those yet to be christened in the 21st Century.

Bowden, 69 at the time of his death, was the author of dozens of books and essays, among them seminal works focused on the drug war, such as “Down by the River,” as well as more experimental projects like the graphic nonfiction “Dreamland: The Way out of Juarez.” To those who knew him, he was a genuine human being, who was loyal to those he trusted and open-hearted to those who demonstrated the same inclination.

For me, that meant he was there when I walked away from my mainstream editor’s job after 20 years when changes in management threatened my integrity. Chuck offered his services as a reference and previously wrote a letter of recommendation when I applied for a journalism fellowship. And he was a supporter of the Narco News project, and a regular reader who behind the scenes helped to inform a number of the stories published by the online newspaper about the drug war. He didn’t have to do that. He was extremely busy with his own projects, and there was no money in it for him. But that’s just the way Chuck was when he believed in something, or someone.

Chuck wielded a fierce weapon against the enemies of justice: The unflinching ability to tell the truth in unadorned, piercing prose. He used words like paint mixed on a master’s brush and no scene was beyond his reach. That talent, coupled with his keen reporting sense, made him a force to be reckoned with in the halls of power and a voice that commanded respect among his journalistic colleagues.

My first introduction to Chuck is marked with irony. I interviewed him by phone 10 years ago in reporting a story about the death of another journalism Bigfoot, Gary Webb (1953-2004). Chuck wrote a story for Esquire magazine in 1998 that supported the findings of Webb’s 1996 San Jose Mercury News exposé on the CIA/Nicaraguan Contra crack-cocaine connection. Chuck was one of the few journalists in Gary’s corner when he was assaulted by a media smear campaign in the wake of his investigative series — a feeding frenzy that ultimately led to Webb being blackballed by the mainstream media and arguably was a contributing factor in his decision to exit this world.

“In a daily newspaper sense, Gary was the best investigative reporter in the country," Bowden said during our phone interview at the time. "And he was unemployable.

"That tells me all I need to know about this business I’m in. You can get a paycheck every two weeks, as long as you don’t draw blood."

Gary Webb’s story will be told in the major motion picture, Killing the Messenger, played by Jeremy Renner, coming to theaters this October.

Chuck and I stayed in contact ever since that interview for the story on Webb via frequent email conversations centered on journalism and the drug war. Chuck would occasionally send me links to news articles, story leads or source contacts, saying I should “save them for my files.” I would return the favor when I could, but his reservoir was far deeper than mine. The best I can do now is to continue to follow the paths he pointed out to me.

Unfortunately, like Webb — a supporter of Narco News who also was a mentor to me — I never got the chance to meet Chuck in person, despite several attempts. Our schedules just didn’t line up when I was in his neck of the woods along the border. He was often on the move, chasing the story.

I will miss Chuck greatly. He’s not replaceable in my world, or the world at large. And I will always owe a great debt to him for what he taught me about journalism and life. In that sense, the best tribute I can make to Chuck is to let him speak one more time to you, to tell his truth.

Following are some excerpts from the many emails Chuck has sent me over the past 10 years. For those who know his work, you’ll recognize many of the themes, but his words are still to be cherished and lessons learned from them.

There are many things I can’t share now, because those stories are yet to be finished. Like I said, Chuck lives on in that sense and others.

But for now, take in what can be savored. Chuck would expect nothing less.

The Drug War

One last bit of worthless advice from me: Things in Mexico … make more sense if you realize no one can wear a white hat and survive.

***

Frankly I wish Mrs. Clinton and her fucking squeeze had inhaled. I suppose my anger comes from thirty thousand new corpses in Mexico but listening to this policy jargon bullshit is more than I can or will tolerate. Our policies are a death machine in Mexico, period.

***

Every time in a speech I explain that border security is a system for recruiting small town Americans and corrupting them by placing them in a hopeless situation where tidal waves of money wash over their lives, I am met with blank faces.

***

One of the realities of Mexico is that there a very few facts one can believe, except maybe one’s own death. Juarez now is well past seven hundred dead on the year [2008], and the pace is not slackening. 146 murdered in July, and a torrent of death so far this August….

***

You are right about shifting cards, etc., in the drug world. The Federation thing is an invention of DEA. We have a need for our enemies to be like us and so we create charts on the border….

In the case of Mexico, the structure is affinity groups constantly joining on deals and then shifting into other arrangements. … Actually, the structure DEA imagines was never that solid, but since the death of [“Juarez Cartel” leader] Amado Carrillo Fuentes, it has been a lot looser, just as the destruction of the Cali and Medellin cartels in Colombia led to sowing dragon's teeth as many smaller outfits were able then to emerge.

… At any given moment, things happen based on internal shifts that are not readily apparent. The House of Death I think is best seen as a window into a criminal culture where cops, lawyers and members of the Juarez Cartel come into view and then vanish, but at any given moment in the house it is not clear whose deal is going down and for what reason. … So I guess I'm saying here is what I learned from listening to DEA: The organization of life in the drug world is never as clean and tidy as DEA thinks, and the people in the drug world are never as dumb as DEA imagines. I think the largest failure of DEA is racism — they could not imagine any ignorant brown guy ever being as sharp as Amado Carrillo. And this weakness persists to this day. When I was hanging around EPIC [the El Paso Intelligence Center] and looking at their giant computer, I told [then-DEA supervisory agent] Phil Jordan, "You know, none of this can see a thirteen-year-old boy crossing a K-Mart parking lot with a gun."

***

I think I must smell the roses or something before I go toxic on my government. I was charmed to hear Secretary of State [Hillary] Clinton use the word insurgency today in discussing Mexico. This is like lighting a match in a powder room. I can hear the boys in the Pentagon planning their new playground for a war game.

***

Mexican history is corruption (see Paul J. Vanderwoods work, especially “Disorder and Progress”) and US history is intervention in Mexico. What matters now I think is we are at a boiling point in Mexico. NAFTA failed. Shipping surplus humans to the US has hit a wall. And drugs keep creating and owning more of the infrastructure of the economy and of the state. Last weekend, I watched La Ley de Herodes on YouTube. It’s there in thirteen parts with subtitles. It was a massive hit in Mexico in ’99, and I think captures the mindset that is still Mexico.

***

Bill, I am not sure. I have a hunch there is no machine at the moment but many competing machines. As for price, well, the drug flow to the US by all reports (see yet one more story in the LA Times this morning) has not been impeded, nor is production under control. In short, no real cartel function is apparent. But I agree it is a new day in Mexico. It was about three years ago that [Mexican photographer] Julian Cardona told me what had changed: There was no one to call and there always had been. And he did not mean the mayor. I think everyone should back off from explaining the violence and first look at a few missing facts. We don’t know who is dying. We don’t know how many are dying. And we will never know because it is clear that Mexican agencies putting out the numbers keep no records, zero. What we do know is that each day the federal government controls less of the country.

***

I am weary of people confusing the income flow of a drug organization with the idea that it is organized like a US corporation. It is a kind of set of affinity cells … and his point about the poor (meaning independents rushing in to make money) I think is in part behind the rise in US home invasions and the violence in Juarez (and also the forbidden subject: the massive increase in Mexican consumption of drugs). The independents lack the reputation and muscle to insure payment and so must make a show of force. Of course, home invasions will always be part of the business since you cannot go to court for recovery.

***

Thanks for the kind words about “Down by the River,” but we both know it describes a kind of Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm Mexico, one that now looks safe and sound compared to the present…. The very idea that the Mexican Army was a clean element thrust into the drug war was foolish, but I think now in a bid to centralize power and establish his dominance [Mexican President] Felipe Calderon has functionally decentralized power. The army becomes a set of regional gangs, the cartels continue to splinter (a fact that began with Carrillo's death in July 1997) and violence grows.

But I have a hunch there no longer is an army in the old sense. It was always run as a set of baronies, but now I think the barons are rising. And also the units under their command are doing more and more freelancing.

***

I think it is in “Siren's of Titan” [a Kurt Vonnegut novel] that much of human history results from a broken spaceship sending messages home and using the Earth as blank paper — think Great Wall of China, for example. ...Sometimes, late at night, I think I am trying to understand a charade. Ah, well, the sun is out. And the day promises to get warm.

Ciudad Juarez

The email-conversation excerpts in this section took place, for the most part, around 2007 and 2008, just as the killings in Juarez were ramping up, the Mexican military then sent in, and as the US mainstream media was suddenly discovering the city.

You have wonder about a cartel war that does not kill cartel people, or about a war between the army and the cartel in which neither cartel people or army people die. If you go over the dead this year in Juarez, they are almost all nobodies. Clearly this is a war for drugs. ...

***

I understand the problem and I share it, and I think it is this: What we are seeing in Juarez does not fit our old models (for one example, the model of cartels in “Down by the River”). It is something new and what makes us blind to it and what makes us terrified of it is simply that no one is really in control. Think Baghdad where all sides flounder in explaining the killing, including Al Qaeda with its vision of restoring an older world.

***

In the case of Juarez, one has to be struck by what the press says is a cartel war and yet one that does not touch federal and state police, one that kills hundreds in a few months and yet leaves the army unscathed while city cops die and flee.

***

One of the fantasies of Juarez is that the killings come and go. I don't think they do. Bodies in public come and go. The death houses … operate all the time. But I did go over the dead list up to about 180, and it was striking who most of these people were…. They were local folk, guys with corner and little stores. The government estimates sixty percent of this killing spree is narco related. I don't know, but there are a helluva lot of head-shot executions and the like.

But somehow I think something has changed, that the feel of the city under an Amado Carrillo is gone and that a new kind of order, one without a center, is emerging — a place where government pretends to govern at the same time it erodes. And what is emerging is ignored since it fails to sustain early notions of power and structure.

The gangs, the corners, all that, well hell, that is in New Orleans right now, and many other places. But something is changing in Juarez and thinking about the cartels is almost a barrier to seeing this change. And I don't see how or why this uptick in violence will end. It seems a condition of a drug market without a real center. You know a recent study estimated 20,000 retail outlets in Tijuana for drugs. Juarez I think has more.

I was looking at murders in poor barrios where all the people were Maquila workers, and there were guys selling coke all around. Heroin, according the Azteca [gang member] I had a long lunch with, is now twenty-five pesos a hit.

Here is what I decided in February: If you had an explanation for what I was seeing, then you were likely to blind yourself to events and facts that did not fit that explanation, because none of the explanations seemed to cover a lot of the territory. But the reality is of violence woven into the fabric of a city. It is a comfort to think someone is in control, however evil they might be. But I lack the confidence to believe that at the moment.

Look into the schoolteacher woman wacked the other day. She is easy to explain away given her family (a couple killed in the last year or two, in executions) but somehow that explanation does not solve the questions in my head. As I understand here, her husband was taken from the car and children survived with these new memories.

Well, I am tired. Keep the faith. The New York Times does not seem to, or the El Paso Times and on and on.

***

Just as it is essential for major media for drug lords, etc., to be controlling this violence, the notion that the violence can come from many groups and have no real on-and-off button is, well, not conceivable to them. But it is to me. And what no one seems to talk about is the domestic drug consumption in Mexico. It is now large and worth a lot, and it hardly concerns major players since whoever sells on the corner is buying their product anyway. And the Mexican Army has been terrorizing cops in Juarez — they were in court I think two weeks ago asking the judge to stop the army from torturing them. But in the end, I don't think the violence in Juarez can be understood unless it is seen as two-pronged — a battle for market share, and at least on the army's part, it is also a demo, a piece of theater for the US in order to get that billion and a half of Plan Mexico.

But I don't think any of it is about ending the drug business nor is it a threat to the cartels. As for cartels fighting for turf, I'm sure that happens, but it is difficult to go down the lists of dead in Juarez since January one and see much indication of such a battle. After all, when the Arellano Felix brother [from the Tijuana Cartel] was released this winter and crossed the bridge, he did not seem to be worried about a cartel war.

***

Does anyone go to Juarez? I doubt we will ever know the reason for the murders. We will get statements from people who claim they have secret materials they will not share and be expected to repeat agency claims.

***

I am stunned by how every time a body falls in Juarez all the authorities (including US academics) know who killed the person and why. There are so many ways to die in Juarez and so many groups willing to do the work.

***

Lately in Juarez, over the past several months, two things have become obvious: The Mexican Army is a killing machine as it fights for its share of the spoils, and the crimes increasingly have an economic color as the city breaks down into robbers of gas stations, cars, banks, everything, including Maquilas and their workers being robbed. Also, murder has moved into the light of day as the need for death houses declines in the general chaos.

The CIA

DEA, for example, has a need to demonize opponents. Also, they loathe the CIA because intelligence work means having useful relationships with criminals.

***

I do know that DEA agents have talked to me about the CIA penetration and control of their agency. …Basically, the drug industry is too connected to American foreign policy needs for it to be left to the cowboys of DEA. So they are often overruled. And all of the DEA agents seem to have stories of busts that were erased because of intervention by fellow DEA agents who were really CIA people.

***

I am roasting a chicken on a 9/11 afternoon. But keep it alive. We both know [Sinaloa drug-organization leader] Jesus Vicente Zambada Niebla is hitting a real nerve with his statements, and we both know he had a relationship with the CIA. And we both know they will win and he will lose. There have been few in our government who do not bend over when the sacred words “national security” are mentioned.

***

I remember when this case [the murder of DEA agent Kiki Camarena in 1985] began because it prompted [then-DEA supervisory agent] Phil Jordan to explain to me that DEA had been penetrated by the CIA and such agents watched people like him. For example, he told me of a DEA agent in … Texas who had a habit of disappearing cases and so was avoided by other agents. He said everyone knew the guy was really CIA.

***

Of course, I am the convinced reader since I neither think the CIA can be reformed nor that it has ever been functional. Tim Weiner’s “Legacy of Ashes” gives for me the opposite conclusion than the one he reaches. He thinks the agency must be reformed and saved from politics. I think the agency has always tailored intelligence for the executive branch and always will.

…But I also have a sense of the one ability of the CIA — cover-ups. I agree with the guy quoted, that they fuck up covert operations. That's why [investigative journalist] Gary Webb had his series [on the CIA’s connection to the drug trade]. But they did do a fine job on destroying Gary.

***

One factor I think never seems to make the press — the fear many former players have of the CIA. They will talk, but only up to a point, and often then they refuse to go public. I have had this experience ever since I did the piece on Gary Webb, and with some of them this game has been going on now for ten years. So you get frustrated. And frankly, if you are a freelancer such as myself, you eventually get starved off the story. Also, there is the fact your reputation is attacked. I will always remember the putdown by [the media] of [then-US Sen.] John Kerry and his committee. If you have ever been around those guys you see on cable news giving opinions, and I have, you realize they think they are part of the government, and sometimes I have felt in a dark way that they are. …Actually, my advice to Obama would be to simply close the CIA since I find their intelligence track record abysmal and vastly overrated. They have been politicized since genesis. Weiner's book “Legacy of Ashes” wants to reform the agency when it is clear from his own research that since the late forties the agency has always doctored intelligence to fit presidential agendas.

***

I have been chewing on the most recent installment of Narco News’ Mayan Jaguar series, and I like the idea of one of your informants that it all may be about nothing more than gathering intel for intel for intel, with no end game beyond perpetuating the bureaucracy — an idea worthy of Kurt Vonnegut. I think it helps to look at Fast and Furious with the same understanding.

The Media

I don't really know how to explain US media. I simply hold them in contempt….

***

I know that after Esquire ran the story [on Gary Webb], the editors there had qualms because they were getting dissed in the media bars of Gotham. They told me this. I failed to express the proper sympathy.

***

I have been appalled at the reaction of the US press to [NSA whistleblower] Edward Snowden. I expect my government to be staffed by traitors, but I held out some faint hope that some of the press would realize Snowden — and [US Army Private] Bradley Manning — were doing what the press failed to do. One of my hopes is they share a joint Nobel Peace Prize. It will be chance for the Scandinavians to cleanse themselves of having given one to Henry Kissinger.

***

The collusion between the press and the authorities is nothing new. What is stunning now is that it continues without the excuse of The Cold War…. I am always heartened by things like Yo Soy 132 [a Mexican social movement organized in 2012, in part, against the mainstream media] since the emperor never has clothes, and this needs to be pointed out.

But here, [in the US] I have less hope. Twice in the last year I have spoken at communication schools, the new name for journalism schools. The real frightening thing was not the students, but the ignorance of the faculty. At one school, the guy sitting next to me at lunch told me he taught social media. Turns out he was paid to teach journalism students how to use Facebook and Twitter. I told him when I was their age such feats were restricted to washroom walls, and no one taught us. He never spoke to me again during the two days I was there.

***

I am off to Patagonia, AZ, to scribble, look at birds and somehow shut down the noise. I glanced this morning at a piece Molly Molloy and I wrote and noticed almost every comment was from a troll and almost every comment had nothing to do with the piece we wrote or the argument we made — which was rather simple, that what we are seeing in Mexico is state terrorism. That’s what I mean by the noise.

On the other hand, I was walking the river here late yesterday and saw ibis, a green heron, two orchard orioles, great egrets and blue grosbeak, which puts me way ahead of the paid liars….

***

As for the New York Times and other major media, they use templates, and the template is cartels/drug lords, etc., and this mindset is not open to new information….

***

Don Henry Ford sent me your interview on, I think, Canadian Broadcasting. It was very nice, though I was struck by how the interviewer almost instantly misstated your numbers. I guess I noticed this because I have had it happen to me constantly over the years. I have also decided to kill the next interviewer who uses the word “narrative” in my presence. It seems to me a way to evade reality, as if the murders in Mexico were a narrative, a kind of tale with many choices open to the writer.

***

I am constantly instructed by people who cite the motives of cartels and do not speak to cartel members, but repeat what both governments say about cartels, two nations who have accomplished nothing in their war against cartels but are taken as wizards on the cartels. But I was happy to see Narco News cited by the mainstream press. Who knows, maybe they will eventually leave the office and report.

***

The advertorial world has been growing for years. What strikes me is how people in the business so often deny it. Neither Esquire nor GQ has had a cover story in twenty years that was not controlled by the celebrity featured. They will say this does not matter. I remember mentioning to [Editor] David Granger at Esquire,“If it does not matter, why not print that fact with the cover story?” He was not amused.

***

Of course the Internet has gutted the market for serious stuff by destroying the advertising base. This is simply a reality. And blogging is not the answer. …What I would like is some kind of group buy on the Internet, so that I could plunk down my bucks and have access to a lot of newspapers. …Anyway, take a walk and enjoy the sunshine.

Life

I am at heart an optimist. Aleksandr Soltzenitzen wrote books that outlasted the empire trying to kill him.

***

I don't know what to say beyond the obvious: This thing is broken. The migration is unstoppable and so is the reaction to it. The ground is beaten. And the drug industry hums along and bodies show up each morning. And no one seems to say hardly a word. In a week, I pray, I will flee here with my sleeping bag and clear my head in the desert.

***

I am sitting by a creek in Arizona and trying to imagine birds are the center of the universe.

***

I had lunch a month or so ago with a guy in Juarez who has probably executed two or three dozen, and I gotta tell you he was not an especially warm human being. I suppose this is where one rolls out the word psychopath, but I’m not clinically equipped. But he was barely human. He also ate about thirty dollars worth of carnitas.

***

As for discussions: Yes, for me, all good things sharpen questions rather than deliver pat answers.

***

You know life is odd. He asked me to get something nice for his wife, perfume, in Europe, because since he left the killing ground in Mexico he has never been able to buy her anything nice. So I brought back a hundred-euro bottle of Chanel from Venice. I don’t know what that means, but I liked him asking me for it for his wife.

***

I am in Patagonia, AZ, at the moment working on last years taxes — yes, I am a bit late, my apologies to the war machine. But the birds are everywhere and there is a soft rain on the land feeding the last green throbs of summer.

***

It is a charming piece and obviously having heard my blather on that radio station he knows I am grateful for it. Tell him he made my day, and he had heavy competition since I finally paid off my credit card.

***

Well, such is fame. But real life is the fact I've been sitting in a loaned house near the border since April 30th writing a book. I think in a week I'll finish the draft.

***

I am now, for my mental health, reading a two-volume collection of George Orwell's essays (Harcourt, 2008, compiled by George Packer) and it is a tonic. Like so many other writers, I find Orwell a touchstone because of his sometimes cranky but always endearing effort to clear out the brush and get to the reality of things.

***

Ah, well, back to my prep work. I’m kind of making up the recipe based off dining at tiny osterias on the back lanes in Venice. The city is actually noted for mediocre food but its saving grace are dishes prepared from fresh fish and shrimp, etc., taken directly from the lagoon. …I intend now to make a sauce with small shrimp; scallops; fresh, tiny tomatoes; a little white wine and a dash of clam juice, and toss with pasta.

***

When I was twenty-one and on the beach at Mazatlan, I had a similar experience. I was swept out to sea at night by the undertow and dragged along the bottom. It took me an hour to regain the shore, and I still remember coming onto the beach in the dark, falling to my knees and vomiting. No one in my party noticed I had been gone.

***

I've been living a kind of blur. The guy I wrote about in my last book had his son die suddenly in October and that ate up a chunk of my life and continues to consume some part of me. I knew the son, a healthy, strapping lad of twenty-four suddenly mowed down by meningitis. Then I had to hit the road, and then well, it simply continued. I have finally come to rest for a spell — well, got a funeral Saturday, but that is part of living a life.

***

There are fifteen bird feeders up here and lots of flowers. I am puzzled by people who dread the future and cannot smell the roses in their face.

***

It is eighty and very nice and all the flowers are blooming. This matters.

***

Now, as it happens, I just got an email from my cop about his dead son, so I go back to that terrain. And I agree with you. I don't think you can live a full and happy life until you realize it is a tragedy. And then have that glass of wine and smile at the baby in the woman's arms.

…. Charles Bowden, ¡Presente!

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/09/charles-bowden-has-died-his-voice-louder-ever

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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9.10.14 Hollywood’s Gary Webb Movie and the Message that Big Media Couldn’t Kill

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/thefield/5047/hollywood-s-gary-webb-movie-and-message-big-media-couldn-t-kill

Hollywood’s Gary Webb Movie and the Message that Big Media Couldn’t Kill
Posted by Al Giordano - September 10, 2014 at 4:59 pm

By Al Giordano



Gary Webb reached out to me in 2001 at a time when lesser lights were ready and willing to see me thrown under a bus.

I had been sued for libel by a billionaire narco-banker in the New York Supreme Court, threatened by a New York Times bureau chief that he’d ruin me over the same story, and told by Manhattan attorneys that I had to come up with a $50,000 down payment to defend Narco News and me when I didn’t have the $100 I would need for my next rent payment in Mexico. This online newspaper was less than a year old. Its top donor had gotten spooked by the lawsuit and, like some other colleagues, slipped into the shadows. My world was suddenly dark and the walls seemed to close in all around me.

Gary’s email arrived quite by surprise. I knew about his Dark Alliance series, five years prior, documenting the CIA’s trafficking of cocaine to fund paramilitary squads in Central America. I also knew he had been pummeled by corporate media and had lost his job over it. “They’re trying to turn you into me,” he said, “but you can win because you don’t have a boss who can sell you out.” Gary mentioned that he was negotiating a movie deal for the Dark Alliance book – and a major motion picture titled Kill the Messenger is coming out, finally, next month, ten years after Gary’s death – and offered to donate to our defense once he inked the contract. He then penned a letter to our readers that brought an immediate $10,000 into that defense fund.

Gary gave me, on that day, something far more important than money.

Gary gave me hope. And hope kills fear.

The short version of this tale is that with Gary’s help we beat the narco-censors in court, humiliated the New York Times in its own front yard, and much to the chagrin of corporate media the case established press freedom for the Internet under US law. Gary and I and others then teamed up to found the School of Authentic Journalism, now in its eleventh year.

Kill the Messenger will hit the cinemas one month from today and tell the true story of Gary Webb’s saga that others tried so hard to make disappear. There is Oscar buzz over Jeremy Renner’s portrayal of Webb (Renner, 43, has twice been nominated by the Academy: best supporting actor for Our Town in 2010, and best actor for The Hurt Locker in 2008; and through the Avengers, Mission Impossible and Bourne franchises, Renner is one of the world’s biggest box office draws.) Kill the Messenger is based on the book by the same name by Nicholas Schou and on Webb’s own book, Dark Alliance. Michael Cuesta (Homeland, Dexter) is the director. Investigative journalist Peter Landesman is the screenwriter.

This is no boring documentary. It’s an action-packed full-scale Hollywood epic with a star-studded supporting cast: Michael Sheen, Paz Vega, Andy Garcia, Michael Kenneth Williams, Ray Liotta, Oliver Platt and Mary Elizabeth Winstead, among others, join Renner in the ensemble.

As the October 10 premier draws near, Narco News will tell more of these stories, and publish never-seen videos of Gary in his own words, but let’s talk about the movie and the story it retells because it’s a BFD (a big fucking deal) that is about to bring Gary the vindication he did not live to see, and that will deliver overdue justice to the big media bullies – yes, the movie mentions some of the worst offenders by name – who betrayed Gary, the First Amendment, and the tenets of basic human decency along with him.

* * *

When in the summer of 1996 the San Jose Mercury News published Gary’s investigative series on CIA cocaine trafficking, I had previous knowledge that it was all true but honestly thought that it was old news. Ten years prior, first-term US Senator John Kerry had held hearings and issued a 1,100-page report that had reached the same conclusion. The nation’s major news outlets gave the Kerry Committee Report scant attention, but the record had been established. It was an airtight case. The Central Intelligence Agency had broken US law by brokering planeloads of cocaine into the United States, and millions of dollars in those drug profits were used to fund the Contra army seeking the violent overthrow of the Nicaraguan government. The CIA did so to get around the US Congress, which had voted to ban US funds going to that terrorist organization. The Reagan administration, even as it ramped up the “Just Say No to Drugs” campaign at home, entered the cocaine business through private contractors coordinated by the CIA.

Webb came across the other end of that officially-sanctioned cocaine trail while reporting on a drug case in California, and followed the trail in reverse: from the crack-plagued neighborhoods of Los Angeles to the federal courtroom where lower level traffickers were prosecuted, to a Nicaraguan prison to interview the Contra army’s banker, to the real drug kingpins behind it all: decision makers in Washington DC. Webb documented what had happened to that cocaine when it entered California. Cocaine had previously been the hundred-dollars-a-gram drug of choice of yuppie bankers and lawyers. But when dealers figured out how to convert it to crack, teenagers, poor and working folks could afford it at five or ten bucks a pop. Then the problems compounded when they kept needing more of an addictive and prohibited substance.

The major narco-traffickers at the top of that food chain were given protection and immunity by US government agencies as reward for their participation in the scheme. Meanwhile prosecutors offered up small timers as scapegoats for the crack invasion in the inner cities of America. Pulling that thread, Webb’s reporting deepened the Kerry Committee conclusions with more evidence of CIA involvement. Yet the real marvel of his masterpiece of investigative journalism was that it exposed the street level end of the pipeline that harmed so many lives. It was authentic journalism: tough, gritty, scrupulously documented and sourced at a time when the news industry was running away from that practice.

Webb’s Dark Alliance series was also the first-of-a-kind in that the Mercury News posted it on the Internet, along with the supporting documents, interviews and the reporter's notes. Talk radio and alternative newsweeklies spread the word about the website, and suddenly the gatekeepers of the national media could not control the story in the same way they had the previous decade when ignoring the Kerry Committee Report. Everything that is great and powerful about Internet journalism today began with that series. For the first time, New Media had beaten Old Media.

And Old Media flew into a rage.

The gatekeepers of the national news media first tried to ignore and wish the story away. But the impact at the grassroots level grew and grew over the next three months to the point where if pretending the CIA-drugs nexus never happened wasn’t working, Plan B was to practice overkill to try and discredit it. What I didn’t realize at the time was the swift and effective reaction that would come from the African-American community on the West Coast, whose neighborhoods bore the brunt of the crack invasion. Or that such a powerful din would be created that would embarrass the national media for having not reported the story for the previous decade. Or that the three national “papers of record” – the New York Times, the Washington Post and especially the Los Angeles Times, having lost face in its own territory by Gary’s superior reporting in the smaller Mercury News – would instead of correcting their failures spend obscene manpower and resources looking for dirt on Gary Webb and seeking to discredit him and his story. A lone journalist’s investigative reports were sailing towards the Pulitzer Prize, so he had to be stopped by the big boys by any means necessary.

The big three American newspapers were, then as now, run by white folks, and imbued their response to the Dark Alliance series with an ugly racism that suggested that the story was only a big deal because black folks were somehow more susceptible to “conspiracy theories.” Yes, this was less than twenty years ago, but one need only look at this particularly nasty bit in the New York Times of October 21, 1996 to see just how extreme things got.

“Though Evidence Is Thin, Tale of C.I.A. and Drugs Has a Life of Its Own,” blazed the headline that day, in a long hatchet job signed by Timesman Tim Golden.

“While the (Dark Alliance) assertions might owe their widest dissemination to the World Wide Web,” wrote Golden, “they owe much of their power to the longstanding network of newspapers, radio stations and word of mouth that informs and connects blacks in the United States.”

“At Styles, a New York City hair salon catering to an African-American and Hispanic clientele,” gasped Golden on behalf of the NYT, “a printout of the series sits in the magazine rack, alongside copies of Ebony and Essence magazines.”

Imagine that! Black folks reading the news alongside Ebony and Essence! The smears against Webb – beyond the bigoted implication that doing reporting that African-Americans found important made him some kind of race traitor – included an attack on Gary’s (completely legitimate, and, indeed, clever) newsgathering tactic of feeding questions to a defense attorney who then asked them to a protected government witness during trial. In response, the witness – which federal prosecutors had prevented from giving interviews to the press – spilled the beans under oath about government participation in cocaine trafficking. Golden and the Times used that courtroom story – which is portrayed quite brilliantly in a script for Kill the Messenger – to imply that Webb was too close to a defense attorney that represented a defendant along the CIA cocaine trail. The smear is utter rubbish. That kind of creativity by a reporter deserves awards and promotions, not baseless innuendo hurled against him. There was nothing untoward about it at all. The big media attackers knew it, but they found little else to throw at Webb in their desperation to discredit him.

Alexander Cockburn would later write: “Few spectacles in journalism in the mid-1990s were more disgusting than the slagging of Gary Webb in the New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times. Squadrons of hacks, some of them with career-long ties to the CIA, sprayed thousands of words of vitriol over Webb and his paper.”

The attacks by the big three newspapers had a secondary effect on B-list journalists all over the country; those whose dream was to step their careers up the ladder to be able to work at one of those institutions. It sent a loud and clear message that they could curry favor with the Washington, New York and Los Angeles dailies by joining in the witch-hunt, and likewise risk their wrath if they dared to praise or defend Webb’s series.

The deepest cut perhaps was closest to home. The editor of Webb’s newspaper, Jerry Ceppos of the Mercury News, reacted to the October blitzkrieg by the bigger papers by publishing an editorial backpedaling from the Webb series. The Mercury News eventually removed the Dark Alliance series, and its supporting documentation, from its website, and Gary Webb was shipped off to a small town bureau which might as well have been in Siberia. The Pulitzer prize-winning investigative journalist was then relegated to reporting on the local police blotter and human-interest stories about pets and farm animals.

Gary soon after resigned from the newspaper and published the book Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras and the Crack Cocaine Explosion (1999, Seven Stories Press), which won some awards and kept the facts alive even after the Mercury News tried to sweep them back under the rug. The US government eventually issued its own report admitting that everything Gary reported was true.

Gary wanted so much to return to his work as an investigative reporter for a daily newspaper. His kids helped him address scores of envelopes and sent his resume to every major daily in the United States. Not a single US daily called him in for an interview. Gary paid the bills for a while by working as an investigator for the California state legislature, but that gig ran out, too.

When in December of 2004 his house was sold and he had nowhere to live at the age of 49 other than to move in with his mother, Gary wrote a suicide note and killed himself with a pistol. There are still many who don’t believe it, who prefer to think the same CIA assassinated him. But Gary had called friends in the days before his death telling them he had bought the gun and was going to do it. And then he was gone.

* * *

Had Gary not gone through that hell, I might very well have been next. He shared our victory in December of 2001 when the New York State Supreme Court dismissed the National Bank of Mexico’s lawsuit against us out of court and wrote case law establishing that Internet journalists now enjoy the same First Amendment protections as the New York Times.

When, then, my inbox filled with hundreds of emails from young journalists and journalism students asking if they could come work as unpaid interns for Narco News, expressing their dissatisfaction with what had happened to the news industry and what they were taught in its university mills, I contacted Gary with an idea: Let’s start a school for these young people. Gary signed on and came to Mexico in February 2003 to teach at the first School of Authentic Journalism. After Narco News won the lawsuit, some of our old funders returned and we were able to offer 25 scholarships that year.

Gary may be the most beloved professor to have ever taught at the school. The scholars nicknamed him “The Marlboro Man” for his rugged handsome cowboy look and his penchant for filtered cigarettes. When Gary spoke of his experiences, everyone gave their full attention. The Old Media may have declared him a pariah, but a new generation that no longer views the pinnacle of the profession as getting a job at a disgraced national daily saw Gary as a role model and leader.

The world can also plainly see what has happened to a daily newspaper industry that abandoned its muckraking roots as dailies have downsized and gone out of business. The New York Times and the others have lost their previous luster and now only attract B-list writers and editor-bureaucrats into their ranks. The same Internet that Gary Webb pioneered is now the preferred source for news everywhere on earth.

After Gary’s death, we got a copy of the CD-Rom of his series and with his family’s blessing we published Dark Alliance on Narco News, uncensored. It remains today among the most sought-after pages in our fourteen years of archives.

When word began to spread that Hollywood would take Gary’s story to the silver screen, a new panic began to ensue in the Old Media circles that had so maliciously destroyed his career.

Sensing the prick of the humungous needle from Hollywood about to stick him and the rest of the bullies who hounded Gary until his death, Mercury News editor Scott Herhold, who claims to have been Gary’s “first editor” at the paper, fired off a preemptive shot last year that sought to, in his own words, “salt the Renner version with skepticism.” Herhold labeled the late Gary Webb as “a man of passion, not of fairness. When facts didn’t fit his theory, he tended to shove them to the sidelines.” Herhold offers no facts himself to back up that claim, other than that Webb had written a memo about his shitty editing to their bosses and that Herhold is still butthurt about it: “If he could do that to me,” Herhold complained, “he could easily do that to his stories.” In other words, he offers a hypothetical extraction from an inter-office memo Webb wrote about Herhold to smear Webb’s published journalism.

We should never confuse “New Media” as that which is on the Internet and “Old Media” as that which is in print: These terms have to do with a mindset, not the medium upon which one types. Some of the stalest journalism now lurks the halls of the Internet and some of the sharpest New Media journalists have old school tendencies dating back to when American newspapers were relevant in all the ways they have ceased to be. Internet news aggregator James Romenesko – who years ago had become the house cheerleader for B-list American journalists (the kind that sees every story as an audition to get a job at the New York Times) at the website of the Poynter Institute – now has his own blog, and dutifully linked to Herhold’s column. (Romenesko may dress himself as “New Media” but when the New York Times asks him to censor a link to a story it does not like, he slavishly obeys; and, if he'd like to deny that he's that kind of obsequious industry suck-up, let's rumble anew.)

In the coming weeks we can expect more such panicked response to the Kill the Messenger movie from the same career apparatchiks that smeared Gary Webb to begin with, doubling down on their worn and rusted hatchets.

Like Wile E. Coyote, they’ll hoist the piano over their heads one last time, and predictably the piano will fall back down upon them. With the release of the movie, they’ll not only be reminding all journalists and readers of conscience of what industry tools they are, but will also be up against an entertainment media that has long been sensitized to McCarthyism in all its forms.

Kill the Messenger represents nothing less than Hollywood’s recognition that the new McCarthyism has more often than not come wrapped in a war on drugs. And those that attacked Gary Webb will be cast into the same dustbin of disgrace in which the blacklist proponents of the Red Scare are now buried.

Yet there is another possible response from the 1990s cowards who gambled that by smearing Gary they would promote – or at least protect – their own sinecures in the dying corporate news industry. It is that offered last year by former LA Times reporter Jesse Katz as Kill the Messenger was about to begin shooting. In a LA Weekly interview with Nick Schou, Katz recanted and apologized for his behavior as one of 17 Los Angeles Times reporters assigned by editors Shelby Coffey and Leo Wolinsky to try and discredit Webb’s Dark Alliance reports:

“As an LA Times reporter, we saw this series in the San Jose Mercury News and kind of wonder(ed) how legit it was and kind of put it under a microscope… And we did it in a way that most of us who were involved in it, I think, would look back on that and say it was overkill. We had this huge team of people at the LA Times and kind of piled on to one lone muckraker up in Northern California.”

What Katz has done is simply what journalism requires of each and every one of us who claim to be part of it: If you find you have made an error in your reporting, you issue a correction. Failure to do so is malpractice, plain and simple. That Katz is the only member of the media ranks who has expressed regret so far at his role in the knowingly false attacks on Webb speaks volumes about how far the rest of them have strayed from the practice of real journalism.

A paradox is that many of the generation of media pundits and editors who attacked Webb in the nineties got into journalism inspired by the Watergate era reporting of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein at the Washington Post, and the 1976 motion picture about them, All the Presidents Men, portrayed by Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman, from a time when the major daily newspapers could at least sometimes be watchdogs instead of lapdogs. Thirty-eight years later, the movie that will define the current sad chapter of the news industry tells the story of how the same Washington Post participated in the US government cover-up of its agency’s cocaine trafficking and went so far as to besmirch the reporter out in the field who did the job that the newspaper’s reputation was built upon, that of investigative journalism.

Where is the apology and correction from Walter Pincus, the Washington Post CIA beat reporter who curried favor with the agency by attacking Webb? Where are his beltway colleagues Robert Suro and Jackson Diehl who joined in the malicious bullying of a man who was twice the journalist any of them will ever be? Where is the Mea Culpa from the NY Timesmen Tim Golden and James Risen, who did the dirty work for that newspaper in the witch hunt? What about you Shelby Coffey? No longer at the LA Times, Coffey is now a PR flack for APCO and graces the boards of the Newseum and the Council on Foreign Relations. Such are the rewards for being a spineless toady for those in power. And you, Leo Wolinsky? Where is the correction you owe your readers? How about your LA Times colleague Doyle McManus? And you, Ralph Frammolino? Are you enjoying the public relations industry now that you’re washed up in journalism? Where are the corrections, bitches? No Hollywood star is ever going to portray any of you in a movie (unless it is as villain, as Jerry Ceppos is about to see when he is portrayed by Oliver Platt). When, if ever, do you wash the stain off your hands from the atrocity of journalism that is one and only thing any of you ever did in this business that will cause you to be remembered by future generations?

You have become, each and every one of you, nothing but a dirty and shamed footnote to the story of an immortal hero, Gary Webb.

You see, gentlemen: You made the same mistake that despots and their lackeys have made throughout human history. You thought that by killing the messenger you could kill the message.

Even in a worst-case scenario for the movie, Kill the Messenger, if it were a box office bust, it will still appear, again and again, on cable movie channels for generations to come, correcting the record and naming names on the real offenders. Your children and grandchildren will see it. There is also the possibility that the movie might stall at the box office but then be given new life by this year’s Oscar nominations, and soar back into public view. And with a cast, subject and script as exciting as this one, there is also the chance that it comes out roaring to public attendance and acclaim. Tell us, please, gentlemen: Is there any one of these scenarios in which you come out on top? No, Sirs, there is not! Not unless and until you do the right thing and issue the same kind of correction that Jesse Katz has offered.

Beyond the culprits at the three national dailies, there is long line of second-string mynah bird repeaters of their “conventional wisdom” against Webb and his reporting, of varying degrees of embarrassment to those writers. Should any of them pop their heads up in the coming weeks to repeat their libels, they can expect the archives of their own shoddy work to be rolled up and swatted back upon their puppy dog noses. They are from an era of corporate journalism when the motivating force was no longer truth or justice or any kind of idealism, when the motor of career journalism became fear and only fear. Some were poseurs of alternative media, from David Corn at The Nation to Glenn Garvin at Reason magazine (who moved on to join another US daily wallowing in decay, the Miami Herald), whose noses were stuck so far up power’s ass in the 1990s that they still can’t get the brown off. They considered the CIA-cocaine connection to be their story, and were envious that an unknown gumshoe reporter out in the hinterlands had stepped onto "their" turf to cause a greater impact than they ever had.

Gary Webb’s reports were that powerful that they made careerist journalists tremble and lash out and dutifully show that era’s media bosses that they had done their bidding. And then there were others who tried to be fairer to Webb but still feared the big media lords so much that they colored their defenses of the essential truth of the Dark Alliance series with sprinkled disclaimers that he had made errors or wasn’t a saint. You know, the false dichotomy of "telling both sides" of a story that does not have two sides that is formula for corporate media. Eighteen years later, the record reflects that Webb's reporting was spot on and that those unnecessary disclaimers revealed more about the fear by other writers of offending the powerful than they did about Webb’s good works.

There were courageous, real journalists who stood up tall to critique Webb’s attackers and set the record straight on the stunning accuracy of his work. Most of them paid a price in their careers but kept their souls intact. Making a list of each and every one of them would surely risk leaving some out in error. But I do wish to mention three that are, like Gary, no longer with us: The aforementioned Alex Cockburn, the late WBAI New York broadcaster Robert Knight, and one very dear colleague who died this only month, Chuck Bowden, who in 1998 when Gary had already been cast out by the news industry, wrote the definitive story, titled The Pariah, for Esquire magazine, setting the record straight.

They’ve moved on, perhaps to join Gary in a better newsroom in the great beyond.

Meanwhile, here on earth, new generations are up and coming that understand perfectly well that the present and future of journalism is not entered by landing a byline at the New York Times, the Washington Post or the Los Angeles Times, but in the trenches pioneered by Gary Webb.

What Readers Can Do

Now is the time - the October 10 release of Kill the Messenger creates new opportunity - for all good people to join forces to correct the terrible injustice that was done to the messenger.

We can start by reading the Dark Alliance series and its supporting documents, so that when Kill the Messenger generates discussion and questions more of us will be ready to answer them.

We can be supportive of Gary’s family who will have to relive these horrible events in the coming weeks but who have the inner fortitude and commitment to justice to be willing to do so. They’ve just opened a Facebook page in Gary Webb’s name. We can all join it at this link.

We can listen to Gary in his own words. Doing so is always a worthwhile experience. One can hear him on various videos and audio files posted around the Internet. Whether it was 5 a.m. in California as he did a phone interview with C-Span on the East Coast or his appearance on rough and tumble talk radio shows, Gary’s demeanor was always calm, confident and willing to let the facts speak for themselves. This was a journalist who trusted the readers to figure things out. There was no similarity at all between Gary and today’s shrieking carnival barkers on cable television.

Here are some excerpts of Gary speaking at the 2003 School of Authentic Journalism:

We have recently taken inventory of the Narco News and School of Authentic Journalism archives and found more video of Gary in his own words. In the coming weeks Narco News TV will release eight more videos that feature him, so that at his posthumous hour of global attention, Gary can still speak for himself.

Over the next month, we, the friends and colleagues of Gary Webb (1955-2004), will announce other steps to be taken to bring more attention to his message, including grassroots organizing and actions that can be taken at the most local level involving your local cinema and your local media organizations.

Gary Webb - the messenger - will not be with us to see this movie about him.

Gary’s message, however, is here to stay.



===================

Gary Webb's official Facebook page:
https://www.facebook.com/garywebbdarkalliance

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/al-giordano/2014/09/narco-news-needs-your-help-exciting-moment


Narco News Needs Your Help at this Exciting Moment
Posted by Al Giordano - September 16, 2014 at 1:49 pm

September 16, 2014

Please Distribute Widely

In Memoriam: Gary Webb (1955-2004)



Dear Colleague,

For more than fourteen years “the little online newspaper that could” has done great reporting and analysis that can’t be found anywhere else. We investigate and break important stories. We produce videos that “go viral.” And we’ve trained hundreds of talented people to do this work. If you’re receiving this message it’s because you already know that. So I’ll get right to the point.

Narco News is in a severe “cash crunch” right now. We do not have the minimal resources we need to get us through this next month and do the job we have to do. I’ll tell you exciting news about what is ahead in a moment but I know your time is valuable so here, up top, is the link to how you can make a donation to the Fund for Authentic Journalism right now online:

http://www.authenticjournalism.org

Or you can send a check to:

The Fund for Authentic Journalism

PO Box 1446

Easthampton, MA 01027

The first and biggest thing that is about to happen – and it’s a game changer for authentic journalism – is that on October 10 a Hollywood movie hits the cinemas about the late Narco News editor and School of Authentic Journalism professor Gary Webb. It’s called “Kill the Messenger.” Jeremy Renner portrays Gary and his 1996 reporting of the Dark Alliance story that documented cocaine trafficking by the CIA and touched off an international firestorm.

Last week, on Narco News, we retold that story and set up vital context for the movie’s release. If you missed that story, here is the link.

With your immediate help, we will be able to send our senior investigative reporter, Bill Conroy, to Northern California to interview the people who were closest to Gary and tell their story of his life and death.

The movie names names and takes aim at the three big daily newspapers that led the character assassination campaign against Gary for having reported that series: the LA Times, the Washington Post and the New York Times. They hounded a good man to his grave. Gary’s own newspaper, the San Jose Mercury News, cowardly censored his Dark Alliance series from the Internet. One of Gary’s final requests was that Narco News publish it and make it live again, and upon his death, with his family’s permission, we did so. It appears at this link:

http://www.narconews.com/darkalliance

In the coming weeks, Narco News TV will release eight short videos of Gary Webb in his own words, from the 2003 School of Authentic Journalism. If you help us today, we will be able to promote them with advertising on Facebook and other social media before and after the movie comes out. Gary deserves to be widely heard in his own voice. You can make that possible.

As you know, at Narco News we live close to the land and keep a very low overhead so we don’t have to ask you for money constantly. We’d much rather be doing the work of reporting.

If you and others like you all chip in what you can at this historic moment, you can also make it possible for me to go to New York City for the premier of the movie, and from the media capital of the world, make the maximum possible noise to bring attention to Gary’s real life message. For those of you who will be in the New York area on Thursday, October 9, and who give a donation this week, I invite you to join me – and other School of Authentic Journalism graduates - at the midnight premier of Kill the Messenger. Once you’ve donated, send me an email at narconews@gmail.com and prior to that date I’ll contact you with the details so we can meet up for a drink and a chat before the premier and do it together as a group.

Obviously, that can only happen if enough of you respond to this message. But if we’re one thing in this newsroom, we are optimists! You’ve never let us down before and every day we remind ourselves that, in turn, we can’t ever let you down either.

Even if you, like us at this moment, don’t have the resources to make a donation, there is another important way you can participate. In the coming weeks we will make available a leaflet to be distributed at the cinemas where “Kill the Messenger” will screen, informing moviegoers of where they can read Gary Webb’s Dark Alliance series online. It will be a national (and international) grassroots organizing campaign in memory of our fallen friend and colleague. It will likely also include creative actions at the gates of the big media companies that so viciously attacked Gary and his journalism, which the movie – like the facts themselves – vindicates. Stay tuned for more details on how you can be part of it.

During these weeks we’ll also continue our regular work: Bill Conroy’s investigative reports about the drug war, a new Narco News TV video that gives migrants the last laugh (Greg Berger was able to raise the minimal resources for that through a Kickstarter campaign last month), and you may have also noticed that I am reporting anew on US politics and specifically looking ahead to the 2016 presidential elections, as well as continuing the writing of the oral history of the No Nukes movement from 1973-1982.

Once we “stop the bleeding” on our current financial crisis, we’ll organize a Kickstarter campaign to fund the next School of Authentic Journalism. But first things first, we have this huge month ahead, and need your help and participation to seize the unique moment it will create.

Once again, you can make your contribution (which is tax-deductible) online via this link:

http://www.authenticjournalism.org

Or you can send a check:

The Fund for Authentic Journalism

PO Box 1446

Easthampton, MA 01027

Thank you, again and in advance, for your support and participation. These are exciting times. Let’s all live up to them!

From somewhere in a country called América,



Al Giordano

Publisher, Narco News

narconews@gmail.com

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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KILL THE MESSENGER Director Michael Cuesta Interview



http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201409171000

New Film Recounts Controversial Reporting on CIA, Crack Cocaine

Wed, Sep 17, 2014 -- 10:00 AM
Listen

Download audio (MP3)

Chuck Zlotnick/Focus Features
Reporter Gary Webb, played by Jeremy Renner (L) visits the jailed Ricky Ross, played by Michael Kenneth Williams in a scene from "Kill the Messenger."

The upcoming feature film "Kill the Messenger" tells the story of Gary Webb, a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter for the San Jose Mercury News. In 1996, Webb published a series of articles that later became part of the book "Dark Alliance," which investigated the alleged link between the CIA, the Contras in Nicaragua and the crack-cocaine epidemic in South Los Angeles. Film director Michael Cuesta joins us to discuss the film, the controversy over Webb's reporting which ended his career, and Gary Webb's 2004 suicide.

Host: Michael Krasny

Guests:

Michael Cuesta, director of "Kill the Messenger" and executive producer of Showtime's "Homeland"

More info:

About the film "Kill the Messenger" (official website)
http://www.focusfeatures.com/kill_the_messenger/overview
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kill_the_Messenger_%282014_film%29




Download the 23.8 MB MP3 file of the interview here:

http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/forum/2014/09/20140917bforum.mp3

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #389 
9/19/2014 MoJones Article--FOIA Lawsuit Reveals CIA Friendly Journalists Used to Crush Dark Alliance Story
CIA Admission: "a ground base of already productive relations with journalists" helped "prevent this story from becoming an unmitigated disaster."



READ HERE:

10 Fascinating Articles From the CIA's Secret Employee Magazine

—By Dave Gilson, Michael Mechanic, Alex Park, and AJ Vicens
| Fri Sep. 19, 2014

http://www.motherjones.com/mojo/2014/09/10-declassified-articles-cia-intelligence-journal


In 2007, Jeffrey Scudder, a veteran information technology specialist at the Central Intelligence Agency, came across the archives of the agency's in-house magazine, Studies in Intelligence. The catch: They were classified. So Scudder filed a Freedom of Information Act request. And then things got messy. "I submitted a FOIA and it basically destroyed my entire career," he told the Washington Post.

As a profile of Scudder in the Post explains:

He was confronted by supervisors and accused of mishandling classified information while assembling his FOIA request. His house was raided by the FBI and his family's computers seized. Stripped of his job and his security clearance, Scudder said he agreed to retire last year after being told that if he refused, he risked losing much of his pension.

Now, in response to a lawsuit filed by Scudder, the CIA has declassified and released some of the hundreds of journal articles he's requested. Nearly 250 of them have been posted on the CIA's website. Published over four decades, they offer a fascinating peek at the history of US intelligence as well as the corporate culture of "the Company."

Here are 10 that grabbed our attention:




8. "Managing a Nightmare: CIA Public Affairs and the Drug Conspiracy Story ": This undated release, apparently from the late '90s, takes on the PR disaster spawned by San Jose Mercury-News reporter Gary Webb, who had accused the CIA of importing drugs into the United States in the '80s. Webb's claims were "alarming," and the agency was particularly stung by the allegation that it had worked to destroy the black community with illegal drugs. Fortunately, the Studies in Intelligence article explains, "a ground base of already productive relations with journalists" helped "prevent this story from becoming an unmitigated disaster." Hostile reporters attacked Webb's work and he eventually became a persona non grata in the newspaper world.

Ultimately, claims the article, part of the problem with the response to Webb's stories was a "societal shortcoming": "The CIA-drug story says a lot more about American society…that it does about either CIA or the media. We live in somewhat coarse and emotional times—when large numbers of Americans do not adhere to the same standards of logic, evidence, or even civil discourse as those practiced by members of the CIA community." In 1998, the agency partly vindicated Webb's reporting by admitting that it had had business relationships with major drug dealers. Jeremy Renner stars as the late Webb in a new movie, Kill the Messenger.

-----------------------


The original document are located here:
http://www.foia.cia.gov/collection/declassified-articles-studies-intelligence-cias-house-intelligence-journal

(EST PUB DATE) CIA PUBLIC AFFAIRS AND THE DRUG CONSPIRACY STORY
Document Number: 0001372115
Pages:6
Download PDF for 0001372115

http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/DOC_0001372115.pdf









===============================

“Kill the Messenger”: The dark side of journalism
Posted on Friday, September 19 at 6:36pm | By John Diaz

http://blog.sfgate.com/opinionshop/2014/09/19/kill-the-messenger-the-dark-side-of-journalism/

       

(Video clip of Director Michael Cuesta, talking with the Chronicle’s John Diaz about the Gary Webb story)

My Sunday column http://www.sfgate.com/opinion/diaz/article/Kill-the-Messenger-cautionary-tale-for-5768089.php

explores the controversy and the context of “Kill the Messenger,” the upcoming film about “Dark Alliance,” the 1996 series by San Jose Mercury News reporter Gary Webb that examined the links between the CIA-backed Nicaraguan Contras and the drug trade.

The movie itself is a superb piece of filmmaking, with Jeremy Renner putting in a powerful performance as Webb. It’s not easy to do an action thriller when the basic framework of the story, including the tragic ending, has been in the public venue for 18 years.

Not surprisingly, the real-life story is a bit more complicated than the good-vs.-evil, courage-vs.-timidity, ethics-vs.-amorality tale portrayed in the movie. Yes, the Los Angeles Times sent a large team of reporters to check out the explosive allegations. The suggestion is the Times was hellbent to discredit an enormous story it missed in its own backyard. But wouldn’t it have been an even greater instance of journalism malpractice if the Times had simply ignored the story without pursuing it? After all, even Webb’s most ardent defenders have acknowledged there were flaws in its story, from its presentation (a smoldering crack pipe against the CIA logo) to its breathless language in the first installment that implied — but did not state — that the CIA intentionally flooded South Central Los Angeles with crack cocaine in order to fund the Nicaraguan Contras.

The evidence is overwhelming (by the CIA’s own admission in a 1998 internal report) that the Contras used profits from U.S. drug sales to finance their fight against the Sandinista regime in the 1980s. Webb’s series presented the strongest evidence to that date that, at the very least, the U.S. government was looking the other way. But the content of the story did not quite add up to the hyperbole in the introduction. As we say in the news business: The story did not support the lead, as the paper’s executive editor, Jerry Ceppos, later had to acknowledge to readers. The movie presents Ceppos and his note to readers in an unflattering light, as a copout under legal and political pressure. But, again, would it be more admirable for him to ignore the obvious flaws in his newspaper’s huge endeavor? In my view, accountability is a virtue in journalism.

“All the President’s Men” it is not. Sadly, “Kill the Messenger” is a story with no true heroes.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #390 
Return of the messenger: How Jeremy Renner's new film Kill The Messenger will vindicate Sacramento investigative journalist Gary Webb
Nearly two decades after the reporter exposed a connection between the CIA and crack cocaine in America, Hollywood chimes in with a major movie

http://www.newsreview.com/sacramento/return-of-the-messenger-how/content?oid=15041198#

By Melinda Welsh


Read 1 reader submitted comment



This article was published on 09.25.14.

Journalist Gary Webb, who worked at SN&R in the four months before his death, gained both acclaim and notoriety for his 1996 San Jose Mercury News series “Dark Alliance.”
PHOTO BY LARRY DALTON
Advertisement         spacer        

This one has all the ingredients of a dreamed-up Hollywood blockbuster: Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist uncovers a big story involving drugs, the CIA and a guerrilla army. Despite threats and intimidation, he writes an explosive exposé and catches national attention. But the fates shift. Our reporter's story is torn apart by the country's leading media; he is betrayed by his own newspaper. Though the big story turns out to be true, the writer commits suicide and becomes a cautionary tale.

Hold on, though. The above is not fiction.

Kill the Messenger, an actual film coming soon to a theater near you, is the true story of Sacramento-based investigative reporter Gary Webb, who earned both acclaim and notoriety for his 1996 San Jose Mercury News series that revealed the CIA had turned a blind eye to the U.S.-backed Nicaraguan Contras trafficking crack cocaine in South Central Los Angeles and elsewhere in urban America in the 1980s. One of the first-ever newspaper investigations to be published on the Internet, Webb's story gained a massive readership and stirred up a firestorm of controversy and repudiation.

After being deemed a pariah by media giants like The New York Times, Los Angeles Times and The Washington Post, and being disowned by his own paper, Webb eventually came to work in August 2004 at SN&R. Four months later, he committed suicide at age 49. He left behind a grieving family—and some trenchant questions:

Why did the media giants attack him so aggressively, thereby protecting the government secrets he revealed? Why did he decide to end his own life? What, ultimately, is the legacy of Gary Webb?

Like others working at our newsweekly in the brief time he was here, I knew Webb as a colleague and was terribly saddened by his death. Those of us who attended his unhappy memorial service at the Doubletree Hotel in Sacramento a week after he died thought that day surely marked a conclusion to the tragic tale of Gary Webb.

But no.

Because here comes Kill the Messenger, a Hollywood film starring Jeremy Renner as Webb; Rosemarie DeWitt as Webb’s then wife, Sue Bell (now Stokes); Oliver Platt as Webb’s top editor, Jerry Ceppos; and a litany of other distinguished actors, including Michael K. Williams, Ray Liotta, Andy Garcia and Robert Patrick. Directed by Michael Cuesta (executive producer of the TV series Homeland), the film opens in a “soft launch” across the country and in Sacramento on October 10.

Members of Webb’s immediate family—including his son Eric, who lives near Sacramento State and plans a career in journalism—expect to feel a measure of solace upon the release of Kill the Messenger.

“The movie is going to vindicate my dad,” he said.

For Renner—who grew up in Modesto and is best known for his roles in The Bourne Legacy, Mission Impossible: Ghost Protocol, The Avengers and The Hurt Locker—the film was a chance to explore a part unlike any he’d played before. During a break in filming Mission Impossible 5, he spoke to SN&R about his choice to star in and co-produce Kill the Messenger.

“The story is important,” said Renner. “It resonated with me. It has a David and Goliath aspect.

“He was brave, he was flawed. … I fell in love with Gary Webb.”

‘The first big Internet-age journalism exposé'

There's a scene in Kill the Messenger that will make every investigative journalist in America break into an insider’s grin. It’s the one where—after a year of tough investigative slogging that had taken him from the halls of power in Washington, D.C., to a moldering jail in Central America to the mean streets of South Central Los Angeles—Renner as Webb begins to actually write the big story. In an absorbing film montage, Renner is at the keyboard as it all comes together—the facts, the settings, the sources. The truth. The Clash provides the soundtrack, with Joe Strummer howling: Know your rights / these are your rights … You have the right to free speech / as long as you’re not dumb enough to actually try it.

It took the real Gary Webb a long time to get to this point in his career.
Jeremy Renner, who starred in films such as The Bourne Legacy and Mission Impossible: Ghost Protocol, was the driving force in bringing Kill The Messenger to the big screen. He plays Gary Webb in the soon-to-be-released film.
PHOTO BY KYLE MONK

His father, a U.S. Marine, moved Webb around a lot in his youth, from California to Indiana to Kentucky to Ohio. He wound up marrying his high-school sweetheart, Sue Bell, with whom he had three children. Inspired by the reporting that uncovered Watergate and in need of income, he left college three units shy of a degree and went to work at The Kentucky Post, then The Plain Dealer in Cleveland, where he rose quickly through the ranks of grunt reporters. Dogged in his pursuit of stories, Webb landed a job at the Mercury News in 1988 and became part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 1989 for reporting on the Loma Prieta earthquake.

It was the summer of 1996 when the lone-wolf journalist handed his editors a draft of what would become the three-part, 20,000-word exposé “Dark Alliance.” The series was exhaustive and complex. But its nugget put human faces on how CIA operatives had been aware that the Contras (who had been recruited and trained by the CIA to topple the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua) had smuggled cocaine into the United States and, through drug dealers, fueled an inner-city crack-cocaine epidemic.

When “Dark Alliance” was published on August 18 of that year, it was as if a bomb had exploded at the Mercury News. That’s because it was one of the first stories to go globally viral online on the paper’s then state-of-the-art website. It was 1996; the series attracted an unprecedented 1.3 million hits per day. Webb and his editors were flooded with letters and emails. Requests for appearances piled in from national TV news shows.

“Gary’s story was the first Internet-age big journalism exposé,” said Nich Schou, who wrote the book Kill the Messenger, on which the movie is partially based, along with Webb’s own book version of the series, Dark Alliance. “If the series had happened a year earlier it, ’Dark Alliance’ just would have come and gone,” said Schou.

As word of the story spread, black communities across America—especially in South Central—grew outraged and demanded answers. At the time, crack cocaine was swallowing up neighborhoods whole, fueling an epidemic of addiction and crime. Rocked by the revelations, U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters, congresswoman for Los Angeles’ urban core to this day, used her bully pulpit to call for official investigations.

But after a six-week honeymoon period for Webb and his editors, the winds shifted. The attacks began.

On October 4, The Washington Post stunned the Mercury News by publishing five articles assaulting the veracity of Webb’s story, leading the package from page one. A few weeks later, The New York Times joined with similar intent.

The ultimate injury came when the L.A. Times unleashed a veritable army of 17 journalists (known internally as the “Get Gary Webb Team”) on the case, writing a three-part series demolishing “Dark Alliance.” The L.A. paper—which appeared to onlookers to have missed a giant story in its own backyard—was exhaustive in its deconstruction, claiming the series “was vague” and overreached. “Oliver Stone, check your voice mail,” summed Post media columnist Howard Kurtz.

Now, even some of Webb’s supporters admitted that his series could have benefited from more judicious editing. But why were the “big three” so intent on tearing down Webb’s work rather than attempting to further the story, as competing papers had done back in the day when Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein broke the Watergate scandal?

Some say it was the long arm of former President Ronald Reagan and his team’s ability to manipulate the gatekeepers of old media to its purposes. (Reagan had, after all, publicly compared the Contras to “our Founding Fathers” and supported the CIA-led attempt to topple the Sandinista government.)

Others say that editors at the “big three” were simply affronted to have a midsize paper like the Mercury News beat them on such a big story. An article in the Columbia Journalism Review claimed some L.A. Times reporters bragged in the office about denying Webb a Pulitzer.

One of their big criticisms was that the story didn’t include a comment from the CIA. When reporters at the big three asked the agency if Webb’s story was true, they were told no. The denial was printed in the mainstream media as if it were golden truth.

Other issues fueled controversy around Webb’s story. For example: It was falsely reported in some media outlets—and proclaimed by many activists in the black community—that Webb had proven the CIA was directly involved in drug trafficking that targeted blacks. He simply did not make this claim.

In some ways, Webb became the first reporter ever to benefit from, and then become the victim of, a story that went viral online.

After triumphing in the early success of the series, Webb’s editors at the Mercury News became unnerved and eventually backed down under the pressure. Jerry Ceppos, the paper’s executive editor, published an unprecedented column on May 11, 1997, that was widely considered an apology for the series, saying it “fell short” in editing and execution.

When contacted by SN&R, Ceppos, now dean of the Manship School of Mass Communication at Louisiana State University, said he was only barely aware of the film coming out and wasn’t familiar with the acting career of Oliver Platt, who plays him in the movie. “I’m the wrong person to ask about popular culture,” he said.

Asked if he would do anything differently today regarding Gary Webb’s series, Ceppos, whose apologia did partially defend the series, responded with an unambiguous “no.”
Jeremy Renner as Gary Webb in Kill The Messenger.

“It seems to me, 18 years later, that everything still holds up. … Everything is not black and white. If you portrayed it that way, then you need to set the record straight.

“I’m very proud that we were willing to do that.”

Some find irony in the fact that Ceppos, in the wake of the controversy, was given the 1997 Ethics in Journalism Award by the Society of Professional Journalists.

Webb, once heralded as a groundbreaking investigative reporter, was soon banished to the paper’s Cupertino bureau, a spot he considered “the newspaper’s version of Siberia.” In 1997, after additional run-ins with his editors, including their refusal to run his follow-up reporting on the “Dark Alliance” series, he quit the paper altogether.

But a year later, he was redeemed when CIA’s inspector general, Frederick Hitz, released his 1998 report admitting that the CIA had known all along that the Contras had been trafficking cocaine. Reporter Robert Parry, who covered the Iran-Contra scandal for the Associated Press, called the report “an extraordinary admission of institutional guilt by the CIA.” But the revelation fell on deaf ears. It went basically unnoticed by the newspapers that had attacked Webb’s series. A later internal investigation by the Justice Department echoed the CIA report.

But no apology was forthcoming to Webb, despite the fact that the central finding of his series had been proven correct after all.

‘I never really gave up hope'

Earlier this month, Webb's son Eric, 26, opened the door to his Sacramento rental home with a swift grab for the collar of his affable pit-bull mix, Thomas. Eric—lanky at 6 feet 4 inches, with his father's shaggy brown hair and easy expression—attended college at American River College and hopes to become a journalist someday. He was happy to sit down and discuss the upcoming film.

To Eric, the idea that a movie was being made about his dad was nothing new. He’d heard it all at least a dozen times before. Paramount Pictures had owned the rights to Dark Alliance for a while before Universal Studios took it on.

“I stopped expecting it,” said Eric.

Webb’s ex-wife, Stokes, now remarried and still living in Sacramento, had heard it all before, too.

“I’d get discouraged,” she said, “but I never really gave up hope.”
Back in 1997, SN&R brought the controversy about Gary Webb to readers with “Secrets and Lies,” a cover story about why the mainstream media attacked his Mercury News series. In 2004, four months before his suicide, Webb came to work at SN&R.

Things finally took off almost eight years ago, when screenwriter Peter Landesman called author Schou, now managing editor at the OC Weekly, about his not-yet-published book about Webb. Landesman was hot to write a screenplay about Webb’s story, said Schou.

It was years later when Landesman showed the screenplay to Renner, whose own production company, The Combine, decided to co-produce it. Focus Features, which is owned by Universal, now has worldwide rights to the movie Kill the Messenger.

“When Jeremy Renner got involved,” said Schou, “everything started rolling.”

It was the summer of 2013 when Stokes and Webb’s children—Eric, his older brother Ian and younger sister Christine—flew to Atlanta for three days on the film company’s dime to see a scene being shot.

“The first thing [Renner] did when he saw us was come up and give us hugs and introduce himself,” said Eric. “He called us ’bud’ and ’kiddo’ like my dad used to. … He even had the tucked-in shirt with no belt, like my dad used to wear. And I was like, ’Man, you nailed that.’”

The scene the family watched being filmed, according to Stokes, was the one where Webb’s Mercury News editors tell him “they were gonna back down from the story.”

“I was sitting there watching and thinking back to the morning before that meeting,” said Stokes. “Gary was getting nervous [that day]. He said, ’I guess I should wear a tie and jacket’ to this one. He was nervous but hopeful that they would let him move forward with the story.”

Of course, they did not.

After a pause, Stokes said: “It was hard watching that scene and remembering the emotions of that day.”

Just a few months ago, in June, Webb’s family flew to Santa Monica to see the film’s “final cut” at the Focus Features studio. All were thoroughly impressed with the film and the acting. “Jeremy Renner watched our home videos,” said Eric. “He studied. All these little words and gestures that my dad used to do—he did them. I felt like I was watching my dad.”

When asked how playing the role of Gary Webb compared to his usual action-adventure parts (such as in The Bourne Legacy), Renner said it was like “apples and oranges” to compare the two, but then admitted, “I can say this one was more emotionally challenging.”

Renner laughed when asked about the impressive cast he’d managed to round up for a comparatively low-budget movie and how he was “going to be washing a whole lot of people’s cars and doing their laundry.”

Stokes has no regrets about the film.

“Seeing a chapter of your life, with its highs and lows, depicted on the big screen is something you never think is going to happen to you,” she said. “It was all very emotional.

“But I loved the movie. And the kids were very happy with how it vindicated their father.”

Said Renner, “If [the family gets] closure or anything like that … that’s amazing.”

‘I've shot that gun so I know'

It was an otherwise routine Friday morning in December 2004 when Eric Webb was called out of class at Rio Americano High School. The then 16-year-old was put on the phone with his mother, who told him he needed to leave campus immediately and go straight to his grandmother's house.

“I told her, ’I’m not going anywhere until you tell me what happened,’” said Eric. So she told him about his dad.

“He killed himself,” she said.

Eric had the family BMW that day, so he floored it over to his father’s Carmichael home—the one his dad had been scheduled to clear out of that very day. Webb had just sold it with the alleged plan of saving money by moving into his mother’s home nearby.
Eric Webb, 26 and living in Sacramento, says he feels Kill the Messenger is a clear vindication of his father Gary Webb’s life and career. “The movie is going to vindicate him,” said Eric, seen here with his father’s old typewriter. “If people see the movie, they’re going to know he was right.”
PHOTO BY LISA BAETZ

“I needed a visual confirmation for myself,” said Eric. He pulled up to the house and saw a note in his dad’s handwriting on the door. It read, “Do not enter, please call the police.” Eric went inside and saw the blood, “but his body had already been taken,” he said.

For his children and Stokes, nothing was ever the same. And almost 10 years later, questions still reverberate around Gary Webb’s death.

It’s clear from all who knew him well that he suffered from severe depression. Some—like Stokes—believe in retrospect that Webb was also likely ill with undiagnosed bipolar disorder. Still, why did he do it? What makes a man feel despair enough to take his own life?

After leaving the Mercury News in ’97, Webb couldn’t get hired at a daily. After writing his book, he eventually found a position working for the California Legislature’s task force on government oversight. When he lost that job in February 2004, a depression he’d fought off for a long while settled in, said Stokes.

Though divorced in 2000, the couple remained friendly. On the day that would have been their 25th anniversary, he turned to her, utterly distraught, after hearing he’d lost the job.

“He was crying, ’I lost my job, what am I gonna do?’” she said. He knew the development would make it tough to stay in Sacramento near his children. She urged him to regroup and apply again at daily newspapers. Surely, she thought, the controversy over his series would have waned by now.

But when Webb applied, not even interviews were offered.

“Nobody would hire him,” she said. “He got more and more depressed. He was on antidepressants, but he stopped taking them in the spring,” said Stokes. “They weren’t making him feel any better.”

It was August when Webb finally got work as a reporter at SN&R. Though he hadn’t set out to work in the world of weekly journalism, with its lesser pay and more hit-and-miss prestige, he was a productive member of the staff until near the end. During his short time with SN&R, he wrote a few searing cover stories, including “The Killing Game,” about the U.S. Army using first-person shooter video games as a recruitment tool.

In fact, Eric edited a book in 2011 for Seven Stories Press, The Killing Game, that included 11 stories his father had written for various publications, including SN&R. “I was always happy to see his covers,” said Eric, attending high school at the time. “We got SN&R on our campus, and I would be like, “Hey, my dad’s on the front page. That’s awesome.’”

It was the morning of December 10 when SN&R’s editorial assistant Kel Munger entered editor Tom Walsh’s office with word that Gary’s son had just called saying, “Somebody needs to tell the boss that my dad killed himself.”

Within a few hours, SN&R was fielding press calls from all around the country, said Munger. A week later, it was she who had the thankless job of cleaning out Webb’s work cubicle so as to pass his belongings on to his ex-wife and kids. “There was bundled-up research material, a bunch of Detroit hockey paraphernalia, photos of his kids. … I remember he had a 2004 Investigative Reporter’s Handbook with Post-it notes throughout.”

“I was having a hard time keeping it together,” said Munger. “Like everyone else, I’d been looking forward to getting to know him.”

In the days following his death, the Sacramento County Coroner’s Office came out with a preliminary finding that was meant to cease the flood of calls to his office. The report “found no sign of forced entry or struggle” and stated the cause of death as “self-inflicted gunshot wounds to the head.”

But it was too late to stop the conspiracy theorists. The CIA wanted Webb dead, they hypothesized, so the agency must have put a “hit” out on him. To this day, the Internet is full of claims that Webb was murdered. The fact that Webb had fired two shots into his own head didn’t dampen the conjectures.

Said Eric, “The funny part is, never once has anybody from the conspiracy side ever contacted us and said, ’Do you think your dad was murdered?’”

The family knew what Webb had been through; they knew he had been fighting acute depression. They learned he’d purchased cremation services and put his bank account in his ex-wife’s name. They knew that the day before his suicide he had mailed letters, sent to his brother Kurt in San Jose, that contained personal messages to each family member.

Receiving the letters “was actually a big relief for us,” said Eric. “We knew it was him. They were typed by him and in his voice. It was so apparent. The things he knew, nobody else would know. … He even recommended books for me to read.”

According to Eric, the “two gunshots” issue is “very explainable,” because the revolver Webb had fired into his head, a .38 Special police addition his Marine father had owned, has double action that doesn’t require a shooter to re-cock to take a second shot. “I’ve shot that gun so I know,” said Eric, who said his father taught him to shoot on a camping trip. “Once you cock the trigger, it goes ’bang’ real easily. … You could just keep on squeezing and it would keep on shooting.”

In Kill the Messenger, Webb’s death goes unmentioned until after the final scene, when closing words roll onto the screen. Renner said he felt it would have been a disservice to the viewer to “weigh in too heavy” with details of the death. Including Webb’s demise would have “raised a lot of questions and taken away from his legacy,” he said.

‘Stand up and risk it all'

It was eight days after Webb's death when a few hundred of us gathered in Sacramento Doubletree Hotel's downstairs conference room for an afternoon memorial service. Photo collages of Webb were posted on tables as mourners filed into the room. There he was on his prized red, white and blue motorcycle. There he was camping with his children. There he was featured in an Esquire magazine article recounting his saga. Family members and friends, longtime colleagues and SN&R staffers packed into the room.

My own distress at Webb’s passing wasn’t fully realized until my eyes lit on his Pulitzer Prize propped on a table just inside the entryway. It was the first one I’d ever seen. I wondered how many more exceptional stories he could have produced if things had gone differently.

“He wanted to write for one of the big three,” said Webb’s brother Kurt. “Unfortunately, the big three turned [on him].”

Praise for the absent journalist—his smarts, guts and tenacity—flowed from friends, colleagues and VIPs at the event. A statement from now U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, then a senator, had been emailed to SN&R: “Because of [Webb]’s work, the CIA launched an Inspector General’s investigation that found dozens of troubling connections to drug-runners. That wouldn’t have happened if Gary Webb hadn’t been willing to stand up and risk it all.”

And Rep. Waters, who spent two years following up on Webb’s findings, wrote a statement calling him “one of the finest investigative journalists our country has ever seen.”

When Hollywood weighs in soon on the Webb saga, the storm that surrounded him in life will probably be recycled in the media and rebooted on the Internet, with old and new media journalists, scholars and conspiracy theorists weighing in from all sides.

But the film itself is an utter vindication of Webb’s work.

Renner was hesitant to say if those who watch Kill the Messenger will leave with any particular take-home lesson. “I want the audience to walk away and debate and argue about it all,” he said of his David and Goliath tale. And then, “I do believe [the film] might help create some awareness and accountability in government and newspapers.”

And what would the real live protagonist of Kill the Messenger have thought of it all? It’s at least certain he’d have been unrepentant. In the goodbye letter his ex-wife received on the day of his suicide, Gary Webb told her:

“Tell them I never regretted anything I wrote.”


Displaying 1 comments.

Posted 09/25/2014 9:55AM by Suewebb1
I really enjoyed the Return of the Messenger story by Melinda Welsh. Not only did she focus on the movie Kill the Messenger and the series Dark Alliance, but she dug deeper into Dark Alliance’s aftermath. Melissa even got a few quotes from Jerry Ceppos, the Mercury News editor at the time that the story broke that, “is barely aware of the film coming out…..” Really Jerry?? And “you are proud” that you were willing to take a dive on the story through a letter to the readers? Yes,it was the course of least resistance as was proven by the national media’s reaction. I like this quote from Gary in a 2003 interview when he was discussing Dark Alliance’s presence on the internet because it simplifies the outcome of the series. “We did this on purpose, to make it very hard to knock down,to make it very difficult for people to say that this didn’t happen,but they said it didn’t happen anyway.” Thoroughly enjoyed this story Melissa. Sue Stokes

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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Gary Webb: Vindicated
Family Members of the Intrepid Investigative Journalist — Soon To Be Immortalized By An Upcoming Hollywood Movie — Share Their Story With The World

http://narconews.com/Issue67/article4763.html

By Bill Conroy
Special to The Narco News Bulletin

September 24, 2014

Sometimes, they kill the messenger, and the message takes flight, only to return later, with its truth self-evident to a new generation. And then, the messenger is resurrected.


Framed copy of Gary Webb’s Pulitzer Prize in Journalism, which he shared with five other reporters at the San Jose Mercury News for their coverage of the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake. DR 2014 Webb family photo collection
Investigative journalist Gary Webb wrote a series of stories in 1996 for the San Jose Mercury News that documented the US-government-backed Contra insurgents’ drug pipeline into Los Angeles. More importantly, Webb’s reporting revealed that CIA assets were involved in the sale of millions of dollars worth of cocaine in South Central LA to raise funds for the Contras, who in the 1980s, during the presidency of Ronald Reagan, were seeking to overthrow the democratically elected Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The cocaine — transformed into cheap, addictive crack rocks at the street level — hit Los Angeles and spread like the plague. The proceeds from the drug running by the “CIA’s army” were then used to buy weapons for the Contras, fueling more misery and bloodshed in Nicaragua.

The series was pioneering in that the stories and all the documentation also were posted on the Internet, and quickly went viral without the help of the establishment media, creating a national sensation that threatened to buckle the CIA’s pretense. A media smear campaign against Webb, seeded by the CIA, followed on the heels of that threat, a campaign that attacked Webb personally while sidestepping the facts he had uncovered. The major agenda-setting media — including the New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times — were unrelenting in their assault, with the Los Angeles Times putting some 17 reporters on the assignment to destroy Webb, the messenger.

The Mercury News’ top editor, Jerry Ceppos, ultimately buckled, threw Webb to the wolves and penned a letter of apology to the readers for the Dark Alliance series. Webb was subsequently banished to a small Mercury News bureau in Cupertino, Calif., south of San Francisco — and some 125 miles from his home and family in Sacramento. He was forced to write stories normally assigned to cub reporters. His career was effectively destroyed, and he would never again get a job with a daily newspaper. He took his own life on Dec. 9, 2004.

“Gary saw the writing on the wall. It took him a long time to sign a resignation letter, and I don’t blame him,” recalls Sue Bell Stokes, Webb’s widow, ex-wife and enduring friend — since they began dating in high school. “Then he finally signed it, on December 10, and that was the day he was found dead, on December 10, seven years later.”

But in Webb’s case, his message did not die. And it has now returned, in the vessel of a major Hollywood movie set to hit theaters nationwide on Oct. 10, starring box-office sensation Jeremy Renner. And that means Webb’s legacy, and his Dark Alliance investigate series, are about to push back hard against the lies and petty self-interests that worked to destroy his life — though they could never vanquish his spirit. You see, you can’t kill the truth, because it survives even death.

“Gary was sure that people had forgotten about him, and a lot of people had,” Bell Stokes says. “... I suggested he start looking at other newspapers. And he said, “No one is ever going to hire me after Dark Alliance.’

“Yeah, his resume was incredible,” says Webb’s oldest son, Ian, now 30. “All these awards .”

“Christine helped him send out all the resumes and clips,” Bell Stokes adds, referring to Webb’s daughter, now 24.

“’I talked to people, no one’s calling me back,’” Bell Stokes recalls Gary telling her. “And he got just more and more depressed.

“And then he thought the movie would never be made. He said, ‘No one will ever do this movie.’ I said, ‘One day you’re going to be vindicated.’ I really believed that.

“And he said, ‘No, it’s never going to happen.’ He thought it was crazy that I thought he one day would be vindicated, but I always did, that one day it would happen. I knew what he wrote was good, and it was right, and I just thought this is going to come out.”


Gary Webb on the job. DR 2014 Webb family photo collection
Recently, Narco News sat down with members of Gary Webb’s family — Sue, Ian and Christine — in Sacramento to talk with them about the upcoming major motion picture based on Gary Webb’s life, “Kill the Messenger.” They also talked about Gary’s life, his journalism and his Dark Alliance series. We gathered in the backyard of Sue Bell Stokes’ home in a Sacramento suburb, on the patio, as the sun was still shining down on the Earth from bright blue skies above, and while a wildfire raged some 30 miles down the road, being fought by a force of several thousand firefighters.

But that fire was no danger to us at the time. The fire set off by Gary Webb and his Dark Alliance series, though, is a different matter for those who sought to contain it. With the release of the movie “Kill the Messenger,” the messenger is about to be resurrected from the ashes, along with his message, and that truth won’t be extinguished easily — even by an army of first-responder propagandists from the CIA and national media.

The Big Picture

The most important thing about the movie, for her, Sue Bell Stokes says, is that her children liked it.

“I was so worried about that,” she says.

In July, the producers with Focus Features, which is releasing the movie, flew the family down to Santa Monica, Calif., setting up a special screening for them at the movie center there.

“And we went into the screening room by ourselves, just the four of us , and I was so glad we were alone because it was so emotional,” Sue recalls. “I felt good because I could tell by them watching the movie that the kids all liked it and enjoyed it. I felt so much better after that.”

Ian says there “was just a good vibe” to it all.

“One of my dad’s favorite movies, besides The Good, the Bad and the Ugly was The Big Lebowski, and right on the outside of the screening room they had every characters’ life-size poster from “The Big Lebowski” just lined up,” Ian recalls. “Out of all the movies they could put in there.”

“On the same wall as the “Kill the Messenger” poster,” Christine chimes in.

Sue says the road to that screening room to watch the initial cut of Kill the Messenger was long, with a lot of setbacks along the way, though.

“There were a couple other times that there were movie options going on,” she says. “… I mean this has been going on for years. The movie was going to be made at one point by Universal. Then the recession hit and Universal went up for sale, and they backed away from it.

Christine adds: “They didn’t want to do any depressing movies, only happy movies.”

Sue stresses, though, that screenwriter Peter Landesman never gave up hope. “He said, ‘We’re going to make this movie someday,’ Sue adds. “Peter and I kept plugging away, and then all of a sudden Jeremy Renner got interested. I mean there were other actors that read the script.”

Ian says Tom Cruise was close, and Brad Pitt, “but it was just talk, too.”

Finally, once Renner signed on, everything began to click.

“The movie went into production about a year and half after he showed interest,” Sue says. “He stuck with it. Jeremy Renner wanted to make this movie so bad.”

Ian says as soon as Renner “attached to the movie, it was just day after day of stories. It was wildfire all of a sudden.”

The Webb family says they all have been impressed with the effort the movie’s producers have put into making it as realistic and believable as possible, from the script, to the actors and down to the smallest details.

“When we were in Atlanta watching a scene, they had do pick-up shot. So they redressed the set to look like the interior of our house,” Ian says. “In that scene, my character walks downstairs and asks what’s going on. Jeremy Renner turns to him and says, ‘Ian, why don’t you go back upstairs.’

“Jeremy even looked in my direction, and I actually thought he meant me, because we had just gone down stairs to watch this scene. That’s when it really hit me. It kind of comes in these waves of realism.”

The art department for the film went to great lengths to incorporate things from Gary’s life into the scenes, including reproducing a pair of Gary’s reading glasses; using posters from Ian’s bedroom at the time; recreating the jerseys worn by the kids’ hockey team, the Rebels; and even assuring that a motorcycle used in the film was the same color, make and model as the one owned by Gary.

“No one else would give a shit. They don’t know what color bike he had or what poster I had in my room, or what he had on his desk,” Ian says. “The music too, like the moment where there’s a Mott the Hoople song — it meant so much for me to hear that song.”

Also important to the family is the fact that the people involved in making the movie are invested in the project, and care about the events portrayed in the movie. It wasn’t just a money grab for them, the family says.

“When we were at the filming in Atlanta, they were talking about how the actors and actresses, and everyone involved in the movie, were doing it because they care about it, not just for the money,” Christine says. “Someone said we’re basically calling up actors and actresses on family vacation asking them if they want to come to hot, humid Atlanta for $8 to film a movie.”

“They’re not getting paid much,” Sue adds, “and Oliver Platt cancelled his vacation to do the part because he really wanted to play Jerry Ceppos so much.”

She says it was clear to her that Jeremy Renner also has put his heart into the project. “He spent so much time with us in Atlanta , had lunch with us, warmed up to us, gave us hugs, and he was so excited about it, and moved by it too,” she says.

Sue is particularly impressed with another aspect of Kill the Messenger: The fact that it gets the story right.

“We’re just so happy Gary’s going to be vindicated, and he is in the movie. The core of the movie is right. The truth is there.

“I think Gary would have liked it. I think he would have really liked the movie, and been so excited about it,” Sue adds.

“It just feels right,” Ian says. “It makes everybody who was bad look bad, and everyone who was good look good. It just serves everyone a little bit of justice.”

The Media Assault

Kill the Messenger may offer up some sweet vindication for Gary Webb, but the real story behind the movie is a tale of anguish for the family. The big media that teamed up and piled on in the smear campaign against Webb not only ruined the career of a great journalist, but also helped to tear apart a family’s future.


Gary Webb was an avid motorcycle rider, a pastime he also taught his children to enjoy as well. DR 2014 Webb family photo collection
“If they hadn’t written what they did, then Gary would have been able to continue on with his story like he was supposed to do,” Sue insists. “A lot more would have come out. Gary wouldn’t have had to quit the paper to write the book , and he would have continued on as a newspaper reporter.”

She says the newspapers attacking him went to great lengths to “criticize him, looking into his personal life.”

“It was was just stupid,” she adds

Sue recalls the day Gary went to San Jose to meet with the editors about Dark Alliance, after the media assault was in full swing. “He was so nervous that morning about going, because he didn’t know what was going to happen,” she recalls. “He knew it wasn’t going to be good, but he never expected them to write that letter .

“Gary was like, ‘I guess I better put on a jacket’ and everything, and he was dreading the meeting. He knew they probably would not let him write more stories, but he didn’t think that was going to happen. He called me and told me.”

The letter to the readers went through five or six drafts, back and forth between Gary and the Mercury News editors, Sue says.

“Gary was saying, ‘You can’t write this,’ and they had his name all in there and that he agreed with it. I said, ‘You can’t let them put that in the paper. It makes it sound like you agree there were problems with the story.’

“Then they were really upset with him because he would not go along with it. He never signed anything, but they just finally put the letter out there.”

Gary was “baffled about why the media attacked him,” Sue recalls. She adds that he assumed the pressure was too much for the Mercury News, and they finally cracked.

“I think there was more to it than ,” Sue says, however. “I think the LA Times was embarrassed, because was right in their backyard. Gary really, truly believed .

“… But honestly, back at that point , I thought someone had gotten to them , someone in the government, at the CIA.

“It was so odd to me that Jerry Ceppos was so protective of Gary and stood behind him and was really angry about what everyone was writing, and then all of a sudden it started changing. And I think maybe it came from above him : ‘Maybe you guys need to back away from this story.’”

Banished

As the smear campaign orchestrated by the big mainstream newspapers against Gary and Dark Alliance continued, Gary’s editors at the Mercury News began to stonewall his efforts to pursue the story, ultimately pressuring him to resign. For his family, it was a very difficult ordeal, one that his kids really didn’t understand at the time.

“Gary did the follow-up stories , and he wasn’t getting calls back ,” Sue says. “He sent those stories to the editors and he said, ‘I don’t know what they’re doing. There not not working on them.’

“Then Jerry Ceppos started denying Gary even had stories, saying they were just notes he sent,” Sue adds. “And Gary’s like, “Those were not notes; they were stories I sent them.’ It was just weird stuff.”

But Gary went to great lengths to keep the turmoil he was experiencing away from this children. “He did such a good job of not showing that anger to us about his work,” Ian recalls.

When Gary was relocated to the Mercury News bureau in Cupertino, a penalty for doing his job too well, Sue says he was very upset. Cupertino is located some two-and-a-half hours by car from the California state capitol of Sacramento, where Gary was based as an investigative reporter for the newspaper.

“I remember Gary’s mother was there the day he left, and he started crying,” Sue says. “The whole reality of what was happening was so overwhelming to him. ‘They’re making me go to Cupertino, leave my family and kids. What am I going to do?’

“Then he went to Cupertino and had to write stories, like the one about a horse dying of constipation. He was doing stories he did when he first started as a reporter, and he would not let them use his byline.”

Ian says, “It just sucked. It didn’t make any sense to us, at that age especially.

“At that time, too, I just didn’t realize the … pride of your work,” Ian adds. “Until you get a little older, and start doing something you like, you don’t get that. For all I knew, my dad would be good at anything. I just knew he loved to write.

“But when you’re looking at your dad, especially as a kid, he’s invincible. He can do anything. So yeah it’s been this realization ever since he passed away, and I’ve gotten a little older and started doing something I love, yeah, if someone told me I couldn’t do that ever again, it would kill me, it would ruin me. So I can understand now.”

One of the deepest blows for Gary, Sue says, is when the Mercury News took Dark Alliance off the Internet. She says Gary worked with the newspaper’s Mercury Center to assure his story and documentation were made available online, a novel approach at the time.

“Gary felt it was important to have his documentation out there so he went to them ,” Sue says. “‘This is really important,’ he said, ‘because there’s a large unbelievability factor here, so we can put all this stuff online.’ And he was very proud of that too.”

“I remember when they took it off the Internet,” she adds. “They just kept sticking it to him, over and over, and now they’ve taken the series off the Internet. He was really, really hurt by all of it, by the way they treated him.”

Sue adds that she appreciates greatly that Narco News has the Dark Alliance series on its website, and has “kept it alive for so many years. That’s great, because it’s nowhere else.”

Ian adds: “Yeah it’s perfect. I use that because a lot people don’t realize who my dad is, and they just go straight to that site .

“I remember my dad told me about the school , and he showed me a couple pictures when he returned ,” Ian says. “I knew he liked it, and it was something he was excited about doing.”

Unmasking The Dark Alliance

At the time Dark Alliance broke on the national scene, Ian says he was 12. But even at that age, he says he knew it was a big deal.

“We went down to South Central LA to a rally in a high school auditorium, the whole family,” Ian says. “I remember seeing how big of an impact it was having and how many people had shown up.”

Sue says he was doing a lot radio interviews in the house. “Things were more exciting then,” she adds, “and we had just moved into this house when he wrote Dark Alliance.

“The house needed remodeling, and we had just gone on vacation, and Gary was off working on the story and doing interviews. It was just a chaotic time.”

Ian says he doesn’t know how his dad made the time to do everything he did while chasing down huge investigative stories like Dark Alliance. He says Gary coached their hockey team, even taking the time to write a newsletter every week, called the Rebel Yell.

“And he passed it out to all the parents every week,” Ian says. “He’d have all the stats, all the passes. I just didn’t realize how detail oriented he was with those kind of things.”

Sue recalls the day when Gary finally connected the dots that led to the Dark Alliance series. He was ecstatic. Sue, however, admits to having a sense of dread.

“I came home one day and he said: ‘You’re not going to believe what I figured out today. You’re not going to believe it. I figured out where these drugs are going and being sold.’

“He said he had traced it to South Central Los Angeles. And he was so excited about that because he found that connection. I remember that day so clearly,” Sue says, “because it made me nervous. I just felt uncomfortable about it.

“But those are the kind of stories Gary did. If he thought it was a good story, he was going to write it. He didn’t think about the consequences of it, what might happen. He thought if you told the truth, it doesn’t matter. If you lay it out there, it really doesn’t matter. And then he learned the hard way.”

The Man

What the establishment media did in their assault on Gary Webb, in its effect, went far beyond killing an important story. They also ruined a good man. Gary wasn’t a heel in a suit, like so many of those who, out of jealousy or fear for career, chose to attack him.

He was a family man, a loving father who instilled working-class values in his children, and who above all else strived to be fair and to tell the truth. Gary Webb was one of us.


L to R: Gary’s daughter, Christine; his longtime companion and mother of his children, Sue Bell Stokes; and Ian, Gary’s oldest son. Gary’s other son, Eric, is now 26. DR 2014 Bill Conroy
“My dad had a don’t-take-crap-from-somebody kind of attitude,” Ian says. “He was really good at defending himself and making sure if he was arguing about something that he had all the facts to present his argument.”

Christine says her dad “always told us to stick up for ourselves, and he was extremely reasonable if I had any issues, and I was talking to him about it.

“He would look at it from both sides and have a reasonable response, and he would never baby us. ‘You need to be fair about everything,’ he said. And he always told us not to put up with crap from our friends, people we were dating, ourselves. Always expect the best.”

Sue stresses that he also was young at heart and “always liked to have fun” with his children.

“Yeah, he hated people who were too serious about stuff,” Ian recalls.

Ian says his father “loved being a kid and never wanted to grow out of that stage, and he made sure we had fun with him while doing some of those activities.”

“I don’t understand how he found so much time to have fun with us, when he was such a serious busy guy in this other life,” Ian adds.

And Gary did work hard. He was passionate about his work.

Sue says he would stay up late writing, a lot.

“When he got really into a story, that’s all he did. He would just stay up and write and write, and get just a couple hours of sleep,” she recalls. “He just threw himself into it and just wanted to get the story done. He was that kind of writer.”

“Yeah,” Ian adds, “looking over his shoulder while he was writing, forget about it. He was like, ‘You need something?’

“I understand that now. When I’m editing and someone’s trying to talk with me… I respect that now.”

Christine says her dad “had so much in his head. He knew everything about everything.”

He was a huge Jeopardy fan. Sue says he would watch the TV quiz show and answer all the questions, “and I said, ‘You need to go on the show. How do you know this?’”

Ian recalls that his girlfriend got upset at him once because he was telling her something about a car, about the mechanics.

“She said, ‘Where did you hear that?”

And I said, “My dad.” And she said, “He doesn’t know everything, OK.”

And I said, “Well, so far he’s been pretty right on about everything.”

Christine adds that one of the last times she saw her father, “he offered to read Green Eggs and Ham to me at the doctor’s office.”

“And I was like 13,” she adds. “I was like, ‘No dad, you’re not reading me Green Eggs and Ham. … He was a smartass, and he was a brat.”

Ian adds: “He trusted you. It was important to have that trust.”

“It was big to tell the truth,” Christine says. “Always tell the truth.”

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/09/25/managing-nightmare-cia-media-destruction-gary-webb/


Managing a Nightmare: How the CIA Watched Over the Destruction of Gary Webb
By Ryan Devereaux
@rdevro

Eighteen years after it was published, “Dark Alliance,” the San Jose Mercury News’s bombshell investigation into links between the cocaine trade, Nicaragua’s Contra rebels, and African American neighborhoods in California, remains one of the most explosive and controversial exposés in American journalism.

The 20,000-word series enraged black communities, prompted Congressional hearings, and became one of the first major national security stories in history to blow up online. It also sparked an aggressive backlash from the nation’s most powerful media outlets, which devoted considerable resources to discredit author Gary Webb’s reporting. Their efforts succeeded, costing Webb his career. On December 10, 2004, the journalist was found dead in his apartment, having ended his eight-year downfall with two .38-caliber bullets to the head.

These days, Webb is being cast in a more sympathetic light. He’s portrayed heroically in a major motion picture set to premiere nationwide next month. And documents newly released by the CIA provide fresh context to the “Dark Alliance” saga — information that paints an ugly portrait of the mainstream media at the time.

On September 18, the agency released a trove of documents spanning three decades of secret government operations. Culled from the agency’s in-house journal, Studies in Intelligence, the materials include a previously unreleased six-page article titled “Managing a Nightmare: CIA Public Affairs and the Drug Conspiracy Story.” Looking back on the weeks immediately following the publication of “Dark Alliance,” the document offers a unique window into the CIA’s internal reaction to what it called “a genuine public relations crisis” while revealing just how little the agency ultimately had to do to swiftly extinguish the public outcry. Thanks in part to what author Nicholas Dujmovic, a CIA Directorate of Intelligence staffer at the time of publication, describes as “a ground base of already productive relations with journalists,” the CIA’s Public Affairs officers watched with relief as the largest newspapers in the country rescued the agency from disaster, and, in the process, destroyed the reputation of an aggressive, award-winning reporter.

(Dujmovic’s name was redacted in the released version of the CIA document, but was included in a footnote in a 2010 article in the Journal of Intelligence. Dujmovic confirmed his authorship to The Intercept.)
Kill the Messenger Jeremy Renner

Actor Jeremy Renner stars as investigative journalist Gary Webb in the upcoming film “Kill the Messenger.”

Webb’s troubles began in August 1996, when his employer, the San Jose Mercury News, published a groundbreaking, three-part investigation he had worked on for more than a year. Carrying the full title “Dark Alliance: The Story Behind the Crack Explosion,” Webb’s series reported that in addition to waging a proxy war for the U.S. government against Nicaragua’s revolutionary Sandinista government in the 1980s, elements of the CIA-backed Contra rebels were also involved in trafficking cocaine to the U.S. in order to fund their counter-revolutionary campaign. The secret flow of drugs and money, Webb reported, had a direct link to the subsequent explosion of crack cocaine abuse that had devastated California’s most vulnerable African American neighborhoods.

Derided by some as conspiracy theory and heralded by others as investigative reporting at its finest, Webb’s series spread through extensive talk radio coverage and global availability via the internet, which at the time was still a novel way to promote national news.

Though “Dark Alliance” would eventually morph into a personal crisis for Webb, it was initially a PR disaster for the CIA. In “Managing a Nightmare,” Dujmovic minced no words in describing the potentially devastating effect of the series on the agency’s image:

The charges could hardly be worse. A widely read newspaper series leads many Americans to believe CIA is guilty of at least complicity, if not conspiracy, in the outbreak of crack cocaine in America’s cities. In more extreme versions of the story circulating on talk radio and the internet, the Agency was the instrument of a consistent strategy by the US Government to destroy the black community and keep black Americans from advancing. Denunciations of CIA–reminiscent of the 1970s–abound. Investigations are demanded and initiated. The Congress gets involved.

Dujmovic acknowledged that Webb “did not state outright that CIA ran the drug trade or even knew about it.” In fact, the agency’s central complaint, according to the document, was over the graphics that accompanied the series, which suggested a link between the CIA and the crack scare, and Webb’s description of the Contras as “the CIA’s army” (despite the fact that the Contras were quite literally an armed, militant group not-so-secretly supported by the U.S., at war with the government of Nicaragua).

Dujmovic complained that Webb’s series “appeared with no warning,” remarking that, for all his journalistic credentials, “he apparently could not come up with a widely available and well-known telephone number for CIA Public Affairs.” This was probably because Webb “was uninterested in anything the Agency might have to say that would diminish the impact of his series,” he wrote. (Webb later said that he did contact the CIA but that the agency would not return his calls; efforts to obtain CIA comment were not mentioned in the “Dark Alliance” series).

Dujmovic also pointed out that much of what was reported in “Dark Alliance” was not new. Indeed, in 1985, more than a decade before the series was published, Associated Press journalists Robert Parry and Brian Barger found that Contra groups had “engaged in cocaine trafficking, in part to help finance their war against Nicaragua.” In a move that foreshadowed Webb’s experience, the Reagan White House launched “a concerted behind-the-scenes campaign to besmirch the professionalism of Parry and Barger and to discredit all reporting on the contras and drugs,” according to a 1997 article by Peter Kornbluh for the Columbia Journalism Review. “Whether the campaign was the cause or not, coverage was minimal.”

Neverthess, a special senate subcommittee, chaired by then-senator John Kerry, investigated the AP’s findings and, in 1989, released a 1,166-page report on covert U.S. operations throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. It found “considerable evidence” that the Contras were linked to running drugs and guns — and that the U.S. government knew about it.
Nicaragua Contras 1983

1983, Anti-Sandinista Contra forces move down the San Juan River which separates Nicaragua from Costa Rica.

From the subcommittee report:

On the basis of this evidence, it is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter.

The chief of the CIA’s Central America Task Force was also quoted as saying, “With respect to (drug trafficking) by the Resistance Forces…it is not a couple of people. It is a lot of people.”

Despite such damning assessments, the subcommittee report received scant attention from the country’s major newspapers. Seven years later, Webb would be the one to pick up the story. His articles distinguished themselves from the AP’s reporting in part by connecting an issue that seemed distant to many U.S. readers — drug trafficking in Central America — to a deeply-felt domestic story, the impact of crack cocaine in California’s urban, African American communities.

“Dark Alliance” focused on the lives of three men involved in shipping cocaine to the U.S.: Ricky “Freeway” Ross, a legendary L.A. drug dealer; Oscar Danilo Blandón Reyes, considered by the U.S. government to be Nicaragua’s biggest cocaine dealer living in the United States; and Meneses Cantarero, a powerful Nicaraguan player who had allegedly recruited Blandón to sell drugs in support of the counter-revolution. The series examined the relationship between the men, their impact on the drug market in California and elsewhere, and the disproportionate sentencing of African Americans under crack cocaine laws.

And while its content was not all new, the series marked the beginning of something that was: an in-depth investigation published outside the traditional mainstream media outlets and successfully promoted on the internet. More than a decade before Wikileaks and Edward Snowden, Webb showcased the power and reach of online journalism. Key documents were hosted on the San Jose Mercury News website, with hyperlinks, wiretap recordings and follow-up stories. The series was widely discussed on African American talk radio stations; on some days attracting more than one million readers to the newspaper’s website. As Webb later remarked, “you don’t have be The New York Times or The Washington Post to bust a national story anymore.”

But newspapers like the Times and the Post seemed to spend far more time trying to poke holes in the series than in following up on the underreported scandal at its heart, the involvement of U.S.-backed proxy forces in international drug trafficking. The Los Angeles Times was especially aggressive. Scooped in its own backyard, the California paper assigned no fewer than 17 reporters to pick apart Webb’s reporting. While employees denied an outright effort to attack the Mercury News, one of the 17 referred to it as the “get Gary Webb team.” Another said at the time, “We’re going to take away that guy’s Pulitzer,” according to Kornbluh’s CJR piece. Within two months of the publication of “Dark Alliance,” the L.A. Times devoted more words to dismantling its competitor’s breakout hit than comprised the series itself.

The CIA watched these developments closely, collaborating where it could with outlets who wanted to challenge Webb’s reporting. Media inquiries had started almost immediately following the publication of “Dark Alliance,” and Dujmovic in “Managing a Nightmare” cites the CIA’s success in discouraging “one major news affiliate” from covering the story. He also boasts that the agency effectively departed from its own longstanding policies in order to discredit the series. “For example, in order to help a journalist working on a story that would undermine the Mercury News allegations, Public Affairs was able to deny any affiliation of a particular individual — which is a rare exception to the general policy that CIA does not comment on any individual’s alleged CIA ties.”

The document chronicles the shift in public opinion as it moved in favor of the CIA, a trend that began about a month and a half after the series was published. “That third week in September was a turning point in media coverage of this story,” Dujmovic wrote, citing “espected columnists, including prominent blacks,” along with the New York Daily News, the Baltimore Sun, The Weekly Standard and the Washington Post. The agency supplied the press, “as well as former Agency officials, who were themselves representing the Agency in interviews with the media,” with “these more balanced stories,” Dujmovic wrote. The Washington Post proved particularly useful. “Because of the Post‘s national reputation, its articles especially were picked up by other papers, helping to create what the Associated Press called a ‘firestorm of reaction’ against the San Jose Mercury News.” Over the month that followed, critical media coverage of the series (“balanced reporting”) far outnumbered supportive stories, a trend the CIA credited to the Post, The New York Times, “and especially the Los Angeles Times.” Webb’s editors began to distance themselves from their reporter.

By the end of October, two months after “Dark Alliance” was published, “the tone of the entire CIA-drug story had changed,” Dujmovic was pleased to report. “Most press coverage included, as a routine matter, the now-widespread criticism of the Mercury News allegations.”

“This success has to be in relative terms,” Dujmovic wrote, summing up the episode. “In the world of public relations, as in war, avoiding a rout in the face of hostile multitudes can be considered a success.”
dark_alliance_540

Artwork that accompanied the original Dark Alliance series published in the San Jose Mercury News.

There’s no question that “Dark Alliance” included flaws, which the CIA was able to exploit.

In his CJR piece, Kornbluh said the series was “problematically sourced” and criticized it for “repeatedly promised evidence that, on close reading, it did not deliver.” It failed to definitively connect the story’s key players to the CIA, he noted, and there were inconsistencies in Webb’s timeline of events.

But Kornbluh also uncovered problems with the retaliatory reports described as “balanced” by the CIA. In the case of the L.A. Times, he wrote, the paper “stumbled into some of the same problems of hyperbole, selectivity, and credibility that it was attempting to expose” while ignoring declassified evidence (also neglected by the New York Times and the Washington Post) that lent credibility to Webb’s thesis. “Clearly, there was room to advance the contra/drug/CIA story rather than simply denounce it,” Kornbluh wrote.

The Mercury News was partially responsible “for the sometimes distorted public furor the stories generated,” Kornbluh said, but also achieved “something that neither the Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post, nor The New York Times had been willing or able to do — revisit a significant story that had been inexplicably abandoned by the mainstream press, report a new dimension to it, and thus put it back on the national agenda where it belongs.”

In October, the story of Gary Webb will reach a national moviegoing audience, likely reviving old questions about his reporting and the outrage it ignited. Director Michael Cuesta’s film, Kill the Messenger, stars Jeremy Renner as the hard-charging investigative reporter and borrows its title from a 2006 biography written by award-winning investigative journalist Nick Schou, who worked as a consultant on the script.

Discussing the newly disclosed “Managing a Nightmare” document, Schou says it squares with what he found while doing his own reporting. Rather than some dastardly, covert plot to destroy (or, as some went so far as to suggest, murder) Webb, Schou posits that the journalist was ultimately undone by the petty jealousies of the modern media world. The CIA “didn’t really need to lift a finger to try to ruin Gary Webb’s credibility,” Schou told The Intercept. “They just sat there and watched these journalists go after Gary like a bunch of piranhas.”

“They must have been delighted over at Langley, the way this all unfolded,” Schou added.

At least one journalist who helped lead the campaign to discredit Webb, feels remorse for what he did. As Schou reported for L.A. Weekly, in a 2013 radio interview L.A. Times reporter Jesse Katz recalled the episode, saying, “As an L.A. Times reporter, we saw this series in the San Jose Mercury News and kind of wonder how legit it was and kind of put it under a microscope. And we did it in a way that most of us who were involved in it, I think, would look back on that and say it was overkill. We had this huge team of people at the L.A. Times and kind of piled on to one lone muckraker up in Northern California.”

Schou, too, readily concedes there were problems with Webb’s reporting, but maintains that the most important components of his investigation stood up to scrutiny, only to be buried under the attacks from the nation’s biggest papers.

“I think it’s fair to take a look at the story objectively and say that it could have been better edited, it could have been packaged better, it would have been less inflammatory. And sure, maybe Gary could have, like, actually put in the story somewhere ‘I called the CIA X-amount of times and they didn’t respond.’ That wasn’t in there,” he said. “But these are all kind of minor things compared to the bigger picture, which is that he documented for the first time in the history of U.S. media how CIA complicity with Central American drug traffickers had actually impacted the sale of drugs north of the border in a very detailed, accurate story. And that’s, I think, the take-away here.”

As for Webb’s tragic death, Schou is certain it was a direct consequence of the smear campaign against him.

“As much as it’s true that he suffered from a clinical depression for years and years — and even before ‘Dark Alliance’ to a certain extent — it’s impossible to view what happened to him without understanding the death of his career as a result of this story,” he explained. “It was really the central defining event of his career and of his life.”

“Once you take away a journalist’s credibility, that’s all they have,” Schou says. “He was never able to recover from that.”

Kill the Messenger, a thriller based on Webb’s story, will be released October 10.

In “Managing a Nightmare,” Dujmovic attributed the initial outcry over the “Dark Alliance” series to “societal shortcomings” that are not present in the spy agency.

“As a personal post-script, I would submit that ultimately the CIA-drug story says a lot more about American society on the eve of the millennium that it does about either the CIA or the media,” he wrote. “We live in somewhat coarse and emotional times–when large numbers of Americans do not adhere to the same standards of logic, evidence, or even civil discourse as those practiced by members of the CIA community.”

Webb obviously saw things differently. He reflected on his fall from grace in the 2002 book, Into the Buzzsaw. Prior to “Dark Alliance,” Webb said, “I was winning awards, getting raises, lecturing college classes, appearing on TV shows, and judging journalism contests.”

“And then I wrote some stories that made me realize how sadly misplaced my bliss had been. The reason I’d enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn’t been, as I’d assumed, because I was careful and diligent and good at my job,” Webb wrote. “The truth was that, in all those years, I hadn’t written anything important enough to suppress.”



Photo: Webb: Bob Berg/Getty Images; Kill the Messenger: Chuck Zlotnick/Focus Features; Contras: Bill Gentile/Corbis

Email the author: ryan.devereaux@theintercept.com

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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http://consortiumnews.com/2014/09/26/the-ciamsm-contra-cocaine-cover-up/

The CIA/MSM Contra-Cocaine Cover-up
September 26, 2014

Exclusive: With Hollywood set to release a movie about the Contra-cocaine scandal and the destruction of journalist Gary Webb, an internal CIA report has surfaced showing how the spy agency manipulated the mainstream media’s coverage to disparage Webb and contain the scandal, reports Robert Parry.

By Robert Parry

In 1996 – as major U.S. news outlets disparaged the Nicaraguan Contra-cocaine story and destroyed the career of investigative reporter Gary Webb for reviving it – the CIA marveled at the success of its public-relations team guiding the mainstream media’s hostility toward both the story and Webb, according to a newly released internal report.

Entitled “Managing a Nightmare: CIA Public Affairs and the Drug Conspiracy Story,” the six-page report describes the CIA’s damage control after Webb’s “Dark Alliance” series was published in the San Jose Mercury-News in August 1996. Webb had resurrected disclosures from the 1980s about the CIA-backed Contras collaborating with cocaine traffickers as the Reagan administration worked to conceal the crimes.
Journalist Gary Webb holding a copy of his Contra-cocaine article in the San Jose Mercury-News.

Journalist Gary Webb holding a copy of his Contra-cocaine article in the San Jose Mercury-News.

Although the CIA’s inspector general later corroborated the truth about the Contra-cocaine connection and the Reagan administration’s cover-up, the mainstream media’s counterattack in defense of the CIA in late summer and fall of 1996 proved so effective that the subsequent CIA confession made little dent in the conventional wisdom regarding either the Contra-cocaine scandal or Gary Webb.

In fall 1998, when the CIA inspector general’s extraordinary findings were released, the major U.S. news media largely ignored them, leaving Webb a “disgraced” journalist who – unable to find a decent-paying job in his profession – committed suicide in 2004, a dark tale that will be revisited in a new movie, “Kill the Messenger,” starring Jeremy Renner and scheduled to reach theaters on Oct. 10.

The “Managing a Nightmare” report offers something of the CIA’s back story for how the spy agency’s PR team exploited relationships with mainstream journalists who then essentially did the CIA’s work for it, mounting a devastating counterattack against Webb that marginalized him and painted the Contra-cocaine trafficking story as some baseless conspiracy theory.

Crucial to that success, the report credits “a ground base of already productive relations with journalists and an effective response by the Director of Central Intelligence’s Public Affairs Staff helped prevent this story from becoming an unmitigated disaster.

“This success has to be viewed in relative terms. In the world of public relations, as in war, avoiding a rout in the face of hostile multitudes can be considered a success. … By anyone’s definition, the emergence of this story posed a genuine public relations crisis for the Agency.”

According to the CIA report, the public affairs staff convinced some journalists who followed up Webb’s exposé by calling the CIA that “this series represented no real news, in that similar charges were made in the 1980s and were investigated by the Congress and were found to be without substance. Reporters were encouraged to read the ‘Dark Alliance’ series closely and with a critical eye to what allegations could actually be backed with evidence. Early in the life of this story, one major news affiliate, after speaking with a CIA media spokesman, decided not to run the story.”

Of course, the CIA’s assertion that the Contra-cocaine charges had been disproved in the 1980s was false. In fact, after Brian Barger and I wrote the first article about the Contra-cocaine scandal for the Associated Press in December 1985, a Senate investigation headed by Sen. John Kerry confirmed that many of the Contra forces were linked to cocaine traffickers and that the Reagan administration had even contracted with drug-connected airlines to fly supplies to the Contras who were fighting Nicaragua’s leftist Sandinista government.

However, in the late 1980s, the Reagan administration and the CIA had considerable success steering the New York Times, the Washington Post and other major news outlets away from the politically devastating reality that President Ronald Reagan’s beloved Contras were tied up with cocaine traffickers. Kerry’s groundbreaking report – when issued in 1989 – was largely ignored or mocked by the mainstream media.

That earlier media response left the CIA’s PR office free to cite the established “group think” – rather than the truth — when beating back Webb’s resurfacing of the scandal in 1996.

A ‘Firestorm’ of Attacks

The initial attacks on Webb’s series came from the right-wing media, such as the Washington Times and the Weekly Standard, but the CIA’s report identified the key turning point as coming when the Washington Post pummeled Webb in two influential articles.

The CIA’s PR experts quickly exploited that opening. The CIA’s internal report said: “Public Affairs made sure that reporters and news directors calling for information – as well as former Agency officials, who were themselves representing the Agency in interviews with the media – received copies of these more balanced stories. Because of the Post’s national reputation, its articles especially were picked up by other papers, helping to create what the Associated Press called a ‘firestorm of reaction’ against the San Jose Mercury-News.”

The CIA’s report then noted the happy news that Webb’s editors at the Mercury-News began scurrying for cover, “conceding the paper might have done some things differently.” The retreat soon became a rout with some mainstream journalists essentially begging the CIA for forgiveness for ever doubting its innocence.

“One reporter of a major regional newspaper told Public Affairs that, because it had reprinted the Mercury-News stories in their entirety, his paper now had ‘egg on its face,’ in light of what other newspapers were saying,” the CIA’s report noted, as its PR team kept track of the successful counterattack.

“By the end of September , the number of observed stories in the print media that indicated skepticism of the Mercury-News series surpassed that of the negative coverage, which had already peaked,” the report said. “The observed number of skeptical treatments of the alleged CIA connection grew until it more than tripled the coverage that gave credibility to that connection. The growth in balanced reporting was largely due to the criticisms of the San Jose Mercury-News by The Washington Post, The New York Times, and especially The Los Angeles Times.”

The overall tone of the CIA’s internal assessment is one of almost amazement at how its PR team could, with a deft touch, help convince mainstream U.S. journalists to trash a fellow reporter on a story that put the CIA in a negative light.

“What CIA media spokesmen can do, as this case demonstrates, is to work with journalists who are already disposed toward writing a balanced story,” the report said. “What gives this limited influence a ‘multiplier effect’ is something that surprised me about the media: that the journalistic profession has the will and the ability to hold its own members to certain standards.”

The report then praises the neoconservative American Journalism Review for largely sealing Webb’s fate with a harsh critique entitled “The Web That Gary Spun,” with AJR’s editor adding that the Mercury-News “deserved all the heat leveled at it for ‘Dark Alliance.’”

The report also cites with some pleasure the judgment of the Washington Post’s media critic Howard Kurtz who reacted to Webb’s observation that the war was a business to some Contra leaders with the snide comment: “Oliver Stone, check your voice mail.”

Neither Kurtz nor the CIA writer apparently was aware of the disclosure — among Iran-Contra documents — of a March 17, 1986 message about the Contra leadership from White House aide Oliver North’s emissary to the Contras, Robert Owen, who complained to North: “Few of the so-called leaders of the movement . . . really care about the boys in the field. … THIS WAR HAS BECOME A BUSINESS TO MANY OF THEM.”

Misguided Group Think

Yet, faced with this mainstream “group think” – as misguided as it was – Webb’s Mercury-News editors surrendered to the pressure, apologizing for the series, shutting down the newspaper’s continuing investigation into the Contra-cocaine scandal and forcing Webb to resign in disgrace.

But Webb’s painful experience provided an important gift to American history, at least for those who aren’t enamored of superficial “conventional wisdom.” CIA Inspector General Frederick Hitz ultimately produced a fairly honest and comprehensive report that not only confirmed many of the longstanding allegations about Contra-cocaine trafficking but revealed that the CIA and the Reagan administration knew much more about the criminal activity than any of us outsiders did.

Hitz completed his investigation in mid-1998 and the second volume of his two-volume investigation was published on Oct. 8, 1998. In the report, Hitz identified more than 50 Contras and Contra-related entities implicated in the drug trade. He also detailed how the Reagan administration had protected these drug operations and frustrated federal investigations throughout the 1980s.

According to Volume Two, the CIA knew the criminal nature of its Contra clients from the start of the war against Nicaragua’s leftist Sandinista government. The earliest Contra force, called the Nicaraguan Revolutionary Democratic Alliance (ADREN) or the 15th of September Legion, had chosen “to stoop to criminal activities in order to feed and clothe their cadre,” according to a June 1981 draft of a CIA field report.

According to a September 1981 cable to CIA headquarters, two ADREN members made the first delivery of drugs to Miami in July 1981. ADREN’s leaders included Enrique Bermúdez and other early Contras who would later direct the major Contra army, the CIA-organized FDN. Throughout the war, Bermúdez remained the top Contra military commander.

The CIA corroborated the allegations about ADREN’s cocaine trafficking, but insisted that Bermúdez had opposed the drug shipments to the United States that went ahead nonetheless. The truth about Bermúdez’s supposed objections to drug trafficking, however, was less clear.

According to Hitz’s Volume One, Bermúdez enlisted Norwin Meneses, a large-scale Nicaraguan cocaine smuggler and a key figure in Webb’s series, to raise money and buy supplies for the Contras. Volume One had quoted a Meneses associate, another Nicaraguan trafficker named Danilo Blandón, who told Hitz’s investigators that he and Meneses flew to Honduras to meet with Bermúdez in 1982. At the time, Meneses’s criminal activities were well-known in the Nicaraguan exile community. But Bermúdez told these cocaine smugglers that “the ends justify the means” in raising money for the Contras.

After the Bermúdez meeting, Contra soldiers helped Meneses and Blandón get past Honduran police who briefly arrested them on drug-trafficking suspicions. After their release, Blandón and Meneses traveled on to Bolivia to complete a cocaine transaction.

There were other indications of Bermúdez’s drug-smuggling tolerance. In February 1988, another Nicaraguan exile linked to the drug trade accused Bermúdez of participation in narcotics trafficking, according to Hitz’s report. After the Contra war ended, Bermúdez returned to Managua, Nicaragua, where he was shot to death on Feb. 16, 1991. The murder has never been solved.

Shrinking Fig Leaf

By the time that Hitz’s Volume Two was published in fall 1998, the CIA’s defense against Webb’s series had shrunk to a fig leaf: that the CIA did not conspire with the Contras to raise money through cocaine trafficking. But Hitz made clear that the Contra war took precedence over law enforcement and that the CIA withheld evidence of Contra crimes from the Justice Department, Congress and even the CIA’s own analytical division.

Besides tracing the evidence of Contra-drug trafficking through the decade-long Contra war, the inspector general interviewed senior CIA officers who acknowledged that they were aware of the Contra-drug problem but didn’t want its exposure to undermine the struggle to overthrow Nicaragua’s Sandinista government.

According to Hitz, the CIA had “one overriding priority: to oust the Sandinista government. . . . were determined that the various difficulties they encountered not be allowed to prevent effective implementation of the Contra program.” One CIA field officer explained, “The focus was to get the job done, get the support and win the war.”

Hitz also recounted complaints from CIA analysts that CIA operations officers handling the Contras hid evidence of Contra-drug trafficking even from the CIA’s analysts.

Because of the withheld evidence, the CIA analysts incorrectly concluded in the mid-1980s that “only a handful of Contras might have been involved in drug trafficking.” That false assessment was passed on to Congress and to major news organizations — serving as an important basis for denouncing Gary Webb and his “Dark Alliance” series in 1996.

Although Hitz’s report was an extraordinary admission of institutional guilt by the CIA, it went almost unnoticed by major U.S. news outlets. By fall 1998, the U.S. mainstream media was obsessed with President Bill Clinton’s Monica Lewinsky sex scandal. So, few readers of major U.S. newspapers saw much about the CIA’s inspector general admitting that America’s premier spy agency had collaborated with and protected cocaine traffickers.

On Oct. 10, 1998, two days after Hitz’s Volume Two was posted on the CIA’s Web site, the New York Times published a brief article that continued to deride Webb but acknowledged the Contra-drug problem may have been worse than earlier understood. Several weeks later, the Washington Post weighed in with a similarly superficial article. The Los Angeles Times, which had assigned a huge team of 17 reporters to tear down Webb’s work, never published a story on the release of Hitz’s Volume Two.

In 2000, the Republican-controlled House Intelligence Committee grudgingly acknowledged that the stories about Reagan’s CIA protecting Contra drug traffickers were true. The committee released a report citing classified testimony from CIA Inspector General Britt Snider (Hitz’s successor) admitting that the spy agency had turned a blind eye to evidence of Contra-drug smuggling and generally treated drug smuggling through Central America as a low priority.

“In the end the objective of unseating the Sandinistas appears to have taken precedence over dealing properly with potentially serious allegations against those with whom the agency was working,” Snider said, adding that the CIA did not treat the drug allegations in “a consistent, reasoned or justifiable manner.”

The House committee still downplayed the significance of the Contra-cocaine scandal, but the panel acknowledged, deep inside its report, that in some cases, “CIA employees did nothing to verify or disprove drug trafficking information, even when they had the opportunity to do so. In some of these, receipt of a drug allegation appeared to provoke no specific response, and business went on as usual.”

Like the release of Hitz’s report in 1998, the admissions by Snider and the House committee drew virtually no media attention in 2000 — except for a few articles on the Internet, including one at Consortiumnews.com.

Killing the Messenger

Because of this abuse of power by the Big Three newspapers — choosing to conceal their own journalistic negligence on the Contra-cocaine scandal and to protect the Reagan administration’s image — Webb’s reputation was never rehabilitated.

After his original “Dark Alliance” series was published in 1996, Webb had been inundated with attractive book offers from major publishing houses, but once the vilification began, the interest evaporated. Webb’s agent contacted an independent publishing house, Seven Stories Press, which had a reputation for publishing books that had been censored, and it took on the project.

After Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion was published in 1998, I joined Webb in a few speaking appearances on the West Coast, including one packed book talk at the Midnight Special bookstore in Santa Monica, California. For a time, Webb was treated as a celebrity on the American Left, but that gradually faded.

In our interactions during these joint appearances, I found Webb to be a regular guy who seemed to be holding up fairly well under the terrible pressure. He had landed an investigative job with a California state legislative committee. He also felt some measure of vindication when CIA Inspector General Hitz’s reports came out.

However, Webb never could overcome the pain caused by his betrayal at the hands of his journalistic colleagues, his peers. In the years that followed, Webb was unable to find decent-paying work in his profession — the conventional wisdom remained that he had somehow been exposed as a journalistic fraud. His state job ended; his marriage fell apart; he struggled to pay bills; and he was faced with a forced move out of a just-sold house near Sacramento, California, and in with his mother.

On Dec. 9, 2004, the 49-year-old Webb typed out suicide notes to his ex-wife and his three children; laid out a certificate for his cremation; and taped a note on the door telling movers — who were coming the next morning — to instead call 911. Webb then took out his father’s pistol and shot himself in the head. The first shot was not lethal, so he fired once more.

Even with Webb’s death, the big newspapers that had played key roles in his destruction couldn’t bring themselves to show Webb any mercy. After Webb’s body was found, I received a call from a reporter for the Los Angeles Times who knew that I was one of Webb’s few journalistic colleagues who had defended him and his work.

I told the reporter that American history owed a great debt to Gary Webb because he had forced out important facts about Reagan-era crimes. But I added that the Los Angeles Times would be hard-pressed to write an honest obituary because the newspaper had not published a single word on the contents of Hitz’s final report, which had largely vindicated Webb.

To my disappointment but not my surprise, I was correct. The Los Angeles Times ran a mean-spirited obituary that made no mention of either my defense of Webb or the CIA’s admissions in 1998. The obituary – more fitting for a deceased mob boss than a fellow journalist – was republished in other newspapers, including the Washington Post.

In effect, Webb’s suicide enabled senior editors at the Big Three newspapers to breathe a little easier — one of the few people who understood the ugly story of the Reagan administration’s cover-up of the Contra-cocaine scandal and the U.S. media’s complicity was now silenced.

No Accountability

To this day, none of the journalists or media critics who participated in the destruction of Gary Webb has paid a price for their actions. None has faced the sort of humiliation that Webb had to endure. None had to experience that special pain of standing up for what is best in the profession of journalism — taking on a difficult story that seeks to hold powerful people accountable for serious crimes — and then being vilified by your own colleagues, the people that you expected to understand and appreciate what you had done.

In May 2013, one of the Los Angeles Times reporters who had joined in the orchestrated destruction of Webb’s career acknowledged that the newspaper’s assault was a “tawdry exercise” amounting to “overkill,” which later contributed to Webb’s suicide. This limited apology by former Los Angeles Times reporter Jesse Katz was made during a radio interview and came as filming was about to start on “Kill the Messenger,” based on a book by the same name by Nick Schou.

On KPCC-FM 89.3′s AirTalk With Larry Mantle, Katz was pressed by callers to address his role in the destruction of Webb. Katz offered what could be viewed as a limited apology.

“As an L.A. Times reporter, we saw this series in the San Jose Mercury News and kind of wonder how legit it was and kind of put it under a microscope,” Katz said. “And we did it in a way that most of us who were involved in it, I think, would look back on that and say it was overkill. We had this huge team of people at the L.A. Times and kind of piled on to one lone muckraker up in Northern California.”

Katz added, “We really didn’t do anything to advance his work or illuminate much to the story, and it was a really kind of a tawdry exercise. … And it ruined that reporter’s career.”

Now, with the imminent release of a major Hollywood movie about Webb’s ordeal, the next question is whether the major newspapers will finally admit their longstanding complicity in the Contra-cocaine cover-up or whether they will simply join the CIA’s press office in another counterattack.




Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #394 
9.22.14 Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) Chairman & CEO,Senator Chris Dodd greets Jeremy Renner at Washington DC KTM screening
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chris_Dodd
http://www.zimbio.com/pictures/yGIAC8ONAXH/Kill+the+Messenger+Screening/bH3WI-BdPKy

In This Photo: Jeremy Renner, Chris Dodd
Actor Jeremy Renner (L) greets Chairman & CEO, MPAA, Senator Chris Dodd at Capitol File's 'Kill the Messenger' Screening at MPAA on September 23, 2014 in Washington, DC.
(2014-09-22 16:00:00 - Source: Paul Morigi/Getty Images North America)

http://www4.pictures.zimbio.com/gi/Capitol+File+Kill+Messenger+Screening+Jeremy+bH3WI-BdPKyl.jpg


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http://www.zimbio.com/pictures/yGIAC8ONAXH/Kill+the+Messenger+Screening/rp8nBmYby7M/Michael+Cuesta

In This Photo: Jeremy Renner, Michael Cuesta
Director Michael Cuesta (L) and actor Jeremy Renner attend Capitol File's 'Kill the Messenger' Screening at MPAA on September 23, 2014 in Washington, DC.
(2014-09-22 16:00:00 - Source: Paul Morigi/Getty Images North America)


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http://www.zimbio.com/pictures/yGIAC8ONAXH/Kill+the+Messenger+Screening/frpnb59dPTb/Chris+Matthews


In This Photo: Jeremy Renner, Chris Matthews
Actor Jeremy Renner (L) and MSNBC Hardball's Chris Matthews participate in a panel discussion at Capitol File's 'Kill the Messenger' Screening at MPAA on September 23, 2014 in Washington, DC.


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http://www.zimbio.com/pictures/yGIAC8ONAXH/Kill+the+Messenger+Screening/ndKsJcABuwM/Elizabeth+Thorp

In This Photo: Jeremy Renner, Michael Cuesta, Elizabeth Thorp, Suzy Jacobs
(L to R) Capitol File Publisher Suzy Jacobs, Director Michael Cuesta, Capitol File Editor-in-Chief Elizabeth Thorp and Actor Jeremy Renner attend Capitol File's 'Kill the Messenger' Screening at MPAA on September 23, 2014 in Washington, DC.
(2014-09-22 16:00:00 - Source: Paul Morigi/Getty Images North America)

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http://www.zimbio.com/pictures/yGIAC8ONAXH/Kill+the+Messenger+Screening/YvClNa4DxzN/Chris+Dodd
In This Photo: Chris Dodd, Mark Mazzetti
New York Times reporter Mark Mazzetti (L) and Chairman & CEO, MPAA Senator Chris Dodd attend Capitol File's 'Kill the Messenger' Screening with special guest Jeremy Renner at MPAA on September 23, 2014 in Washington, DC.
(2014-09-22 16:00:00 - Source: Paul Morigi/Getty Images North America)

--------------------



Reviews


by
colettaberx
» 10 hours ago (Sat Sep 27 2014 00:22:15) Flag ▼ | Reply |
IMDb member since July 2013
Have been reading reviews! There are a lot of them so I'm still reading !


Reviews from Variety & Cinemablend are glowing!
The Guardian review is good, stating that the story has holes but Renner's performance is great!

It’s nonetheless a flinty, brainy, continually engrossing work that straddles the lines between biopic, political thriller and journalistic cautionary tale, driven by Jeremy Renner’s most complete performance since “The Hurt Locker.”



http://variety.com/2014/film/reviews/film-review-kill-the-messenger-1201314058/

Jeremy Renner is electrifying as Webb. He shrugs off the sardonic charms he's made famous as Hawkeye, and wallows in barely repressed outrage for much of Kill The Messenger's runtime. Much like he was in The Hurt Locker, Renner is playing a cowboy variant, someone who fights for society, while being an outsider. Though a family man and a seeker of truth, Webb is not an out-and-out good guy. But Kill The Messenger dares us to not be distracted by his faults, while not daring to hide them. What you think of the man--the film suggests--is secondary to what you make of his story.

This marks Renner's first producing effort, and it seems he's made a shrewd move picking a script that plays well to his entrancing intensity. He also brought together an incredible cast that's full of strong performers. Rosemarie DeWitt gives some welcomed depth to his onscreen wife, a role that could have come off as purely stereotypical nag in the hands of a lesser actress. Lucas Hedges, who recently impressed in The Zero Theorem, steals a scene as Gary's heartbroken eldest son. Paz Vega adds danger and sex appeal as a flirtatious informant. Michael Sheen brings a hangdog longing to the role of a wary politician. Ray Liotta pops up for a small but riveting turn where he's barely lit, yet mesmerizing. Really, every part of this sprawling cast is worthy of praise, nailing the drama's steely tone and resolve.



http://www.cinemablend.com/m/reviews/Kill-Messenger-66330.html

In the court of public opinion, everyone deserves a chance to defend themselves and have their side of the story told. For the late Gary Webb, Michael Cuesta's Kill the Messenger represents that opportunity. While many will argue that Webb's monumental reporting was reckless and lacked professionalism, Jeremy Renner's towering performance convinces modern day audiences of just the opposite. Renner, whose latest work begs for awards season recognition, does an exceptional job in the lead role and single-handedly carries Cuesta's film from start to finish.



http://moviecriticdave.blogspot.com/2014/09/kill-messenger.html?m=1




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Kill The Messenger: the Gary Webb story has holes but Renner's performance still sticks

by Jordan Hoffman Friday 26 September 2014 18.28 BST

He has a sturdy build, a clear moral compass, wears cool sunglasses and rides a vintage motorcycle. Everything about Jeremy Renner’s portrayal of journalist Gary Webb in Kill the Messenger readies a conditioned moviegoer to expect him to kick ass in the name of justice. But this is a movie for grownups, so The Avengers’ Hawkeye puts down the bow and arrow and picks up his pen – or more specifically his mid-90s desktop mouse – and uses his brain instead of his brawn.



http://www.theguardian.com/film/2014/sep/26/kill-the-messenger-gary-webb-review


=============


From Gary Webb's hometown paper...

Friday, September 26, 2014
Movie Trailer: Investigative Journalist Gary Webb From "Kill The Messenger" Was Plain Dealer Reporter
Posted By Sam Allard on Fri, Sep 26, 2014 at 8:33 AM
click to enlarge Webb.jpg

Gary Webb, the investigative journalist best known for his massive "Dark Alliance" series, which ran in three parts in the San Jose Mercury News in 1996, was a former statehouse correspondent for the Plain Dealer.
http://www.clevescene.com/scene-and-heard/archives/2014/09/26/movie-trailer-investigative-journalist-gary-webb-from-kill-the-messenger-was-plain-dealer-reporter?mode=print

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #395 
Jacqueline Onassis Kennedy, Pamela Harriman called Senator Kerry to Squash the BCCI Investigation

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http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/choice2004/interviews/winer.html
see also:
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/special/winer.html

There was a phone call from Jackie Kennedy to the senator's (John Kerry) office, correct? Do you remember that incident?

I remember John talking to us after it happened. He felt badly. He thought the world of Jackie Kennedy, thought she was a wonderful human being. He admired her. He had affection and respect for her, and all those all those things. To have her say, "Why are you doing this to my friend Clark Clifford?" was painful. You know, he shook his head. It wasn't a location he particularly wanted to be in.

But he didn't tell us to stop. He said, "You do what you have to do." The hearings continued, and the investigations continued until we'd found out as much as we possibly could. That's what happened.

--Jonathan Winer was U.S. Deputy Ass't Sec'y of State for International Narcotics Matters 1994-1999. He previously worked as counsel to Sen John Kerry (D-MA) advising on foreign policy issues 1983 to 1997
------------------------------------

this story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 6/20/2003.
http://www.boston.com/globe/nation/packages/kerry/062003.shtml

Kerry's investigation, launched in 1988, helped to close the bank three years later, but not without upsetting some in Washington's Democratic establishment. Prominent BCCI friends included former Defense Secretary Clark Clifford, former President Jimmy Carter, and his budget director, Bert Lance. When news broke that Clifford's Washington bank was a shell for BCCI -- and how the silver-haired Democrat had handsomely profited in the scheme -- some of Kerry's Senate colleagues grew icy.

"What are you doing to my friend Clark Clifford?" more than one Democratic senator asked Kerry. Kerry's aides recall how Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis and Pamela Harriman, a prominent party fund-raiser, called on the senator, urging him to not to pursue Clifford.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,188
Reply with quote  #396 


Hung Out to Dry
September 29, 2014
http://consortiumnews.com/2014/09/29/hung-out-to-dry/
From the Archive: With Hollywood poised to release “Kill the Messenger,” a movie showing how the mainstream U.S. media destroyed journalist Gary Webb for reviving the Contra-cocaine scandal in the mid-1990s, we are reposting Georg Hodel’s 1997 account of how Webb was betrayed by his own editors.

By Georg Hodel (Originally published in summer 1997)

The “Dark Alliance” Contra-crack series, which I co-reported with Gary Webb, has died with less a bang or a whimper than a gloat from the mainstream press.

“The San Jose Mercury News has apparently had enough of reporter Gary Webb and his efforts to prove that the CIA was involved in the sale of crack cocaine,” announced Washington Post media critic Howard Kurtz, who has written some of the harshest attacks on Webb. “Editors at the California newspaper have yanked Webb off the story and told him they will not publish his follow-up articles. They have also moved to transfer Webb from the state capital bureau in Sacramento to a less prestigious suburban office in Cupertino.”

Contra-Cocaine Poster by Robbie Conal (robbieconal.com)
Contra-Cocaine Poster by Robbie Conal (robbieconal.com)



Webb got the news on June 5, 1997, from executive editor Jerry Ceppos, who had publicly turned against the series several weeks earlier with a personal column declaring that the stories “fell short of my standards” and failed to handle the “gray areas” with sufficient care.

In killing additional stories that Webb had submitted, Ceppos said Mercury News editors had reservations about the credibility of a principal Webb source, apparently a reference to convicted cocaine trafficker Carlos Cabezas, who has claimed that a CIA agent oversaw the transfer of drug profits to the Contras. Ceppos also complained that Webb had gotten too close to the story.

Ceppos then ordered Webb to the paper’s San Jose headquarters the next day to learn about his future with the newspaper. On June 6, 1997, as that final decision was coming down, I called Ceppos to protest. I wanted him to understand the human as well as journalistic costs of what he was doing, not just to Webb but to other journalists associated with the story in Nicaragua where I have worked for more than a decade.

I thought he should know that his decision to distance himself from the “Dark Alliance” series — combined with earlier attacks from major American newspapers — had increased the dangers to me and others who have been pursuing this story in the field.

Just as Webb has been under personal attack in the United States, I have faced efforts from former Contras to tear down my reputation in Nicaragua. Ex-Contras also have harassed Nicaraguan reporters who have tried to follow up the Contra-cocaine evidence.

In one paid advertisement, Oscar Danilo Blandon, a drug trafficker who has admitted donating some cocaine profits to the Contras in the early 1980s, called me a “pseudo-journalist” and accused me of having some unspecified links to an “international communist organization.” Blandon also accused Nicaraguan reporters from El Nuevo Diario of “trying to manipulate” members of the U.S. Congress looking into the Contra-cocaine charges.

Former Contra chief Adolfo Calero declared in an article in La Tribuna what he thought should be done to these politically suspect Nicaraguan and foreign reporters. He used metaphorical language that refers to leftist Nicaraguan journalists as “deer” and fellow-traveling foreign reporters as “antelopes.” “The deer are going to be finished off,” Calero wrote on Feb. 2, 1997. “In this case, the antelopes as well.” As a Swiss journalist, I would be an “antelope.”

Less subtly, there have been threatening phone calls to my office. In late May 1997, a male voice shouted obscenities at me over the phone and threatened to “screw” my wife who is a Nicaraguan lawyer representing Enrique Miranda, one of the Nicaraguan cocaine traffickers who has spoken with congressional investigators.

Earlier I had sent Ceppos a letter which complained that his May 11 “column provoked … a series of very unfortunate reactions that seriously affect my working environment and exposes unintentionally everybody here who has been involved in this investigation.” In the phone conversation on June 6, 1997, Ceppos first denied having received the letter, but then admitted that he had it. Still, he refused my request that the letter be published.

A Clear Message

My appeal also did not stop Ceppos from informing Webb later that day that the investigative reporter would be transferred to a suburban office 150 miles from his home where he and his wife are raising three young children. That would mean that Webb would have to relocate from Sacramento or not see his family during the work week. The message was clear and Webb did not miss its significance: he saw the transfer as a clear message that the Mercury News wanted him to quit.

The retributions against Webb were a sad end to the “Dark Alliance” series which has been enveloped in controversy since it was published in August 1996. The series linked Contra-cocaine shipments in the early 1980s to a Los Angeles drug pipeline that first mass-marketed “crack” cocaine to inner-city neighborhoods.

The series drew especially strong reactions from the African-American community which has been devastated by the crack epidemic. In fall 1996, however, The Washington Post and other major newspapers began attacking the series for alleged overstatements. The papers also mocked African-Americans for supposedly being susceptible to baseless “conspiracy theories.”

The furor obscured the fact that “Dark Alliance” built upon more than a decade of evidence amassed by journalists, congressional investigators and agents of the Drug Enforcement Administration who found numerous connections between the Contras and drug traffickers. Some of that evidence was compiled in a Senate report issued in 1989 by a subcommittee headed by Sen. John Kerry. Other pieces came out during the Iran-Contra scandal and still more during the drug-trafficking trial of Panamanian Gen. Manuel Noriega in 1991.

But the Contras were always defended by the Reagan-Bush administrations which saw the guerrillas as a necessary geopolitical counterweight to the leftist Sandinista government that ruled Nicaragua in the 1980s. With a few exceptions, the mainstream media joined the White House in protecting the Contras — and the CIA — on the drug-trafficking evidence.

Contra Cocaine

Still, from time to time, even The Washington Post has acknowledged legitimate concerns about Contra drug trafficking. In fall 1996, for instance, after initiating the attacks on “Dark Alliance,” the Post ran a front-page article describing how Medellin cartel trafficker George Morales “contributed at least two airplanes and $90,000 to” one of the Contra groups operating in Costa Rica. The story quoted Contra leaders Octaviano Cesar and Adolfo “Popo” Chamorro as admitting receipt of the contributions, although they insisted that they had cleared the transactions with their contact at the CIA.

The Post did not mention the name of that contact, an omission that angered Chamorro. He told me that the CIA man was Alan Fiers, who served as chief of the CIA’s Central American Task Force in the mid-1980s. Fiers has denied any illicit involvement with drug traffickers, although he testified to the congressional Iran-Contra investigators that he knew that among the Costa Rican-based Contras, drug trafficking involved “not a couple of people. It was a lot of people.”

While admitting some truth to the Contra-cocaine allegations, the Post story stopped short of any self-criticism about the newspaper’s failure to expose the Contra-drug problem in the 1980s as the cocaine was entering the United States. In the Oct. 31, 1996, story, the Post only noted that “a broad congressional inquiry from 1986 to 1988 … found that CIA and other officials may have chosen to overlook evidence that some contra groups were engaged in the drug trade or were cooperating with traffickers.”

The Post then added obliquely: “But that probe caused little stir when its report was released.” With that indirect phrasing, the Post seemed to be shunting off blame for the “little stir” onto the congressional report. The newspaper did not explain why it buried the Senate report’s explosive findings on page A20. . Instead, in fall 1996, the Post and other big papers focused almost exclusively on alleged flaws in “Dark Alliance.”

When that drumbeat of criticism began, Ceppos initially defended the series. He wrote a supportive letter to the Post (which the newspaper refused to publish). But the weight of the attacks from major newspapers and leading journalism reviews eventually softened up the Mercury News. Inside the paper, young staffers feared that the controversy could hurt their chances of getting hired by bigger newspapers. Senior editors fretted about their careers in the Knight-Ridder chain, which owns the Mercury News.

New Leads

In the meantime, Webb and I continued following Contra-drug leads in Nicaragua and the United States. The new information eventually became the basis for Webb’s submission of four new stories to Ceppos. Webb has described these stories as completed drafts although Ceppos called them just “notes.”

Though I have not seen Webb’s drafts, I know they include two stories relating to witnesses in Nicaragua who were part of the cocaine networks of Norwin Meneses, a longtime Nicaraguan drug trafficker who was based in San Francisco and who collaborated closely with senior Contra leaders.

Meneses’s operation surfaced with the so-called Frogman case in 1983 when the FBI and Customs captured two divers in wet suits hauling $100 million worth of cocaine ashore at San Francisco Bay. The federal prosecutor ordered $36,020 captured in that case be given to the Contras who claimed it was their money.

For the new “Dark Alliance” stories, we interviewed Carlos Cabezas who was convicted of conspiracy in the Frogman case. Cabezas insisted that a CIA agent — a Venezuelan named Ivan Gomez — oversaw the cocaine operation to make sure the profits went to the Contras, not into the pockets of the traffickers.

Last year, Cabezas outlined his claims in a British ITV documentary. “They told me who he was and the reason that he was there,” Cabezas said. “It was to make sure that the money was given to the right people and nobody was taking advantage of the situation and nobody was taking profit that they were not supposed to. And that was it. He was making sure that the money goes to the Contra revolution.”

The ITV documentary, which aired on Dec. 12, 1996, quoted former CIA Latin American division chief Duane Clarridge as denying any knowledge of either Cabezas or Gomez. Clarridge directed the Contra war in the early 1980s and was later indicted on perjury charges in connection with the Iran-Contra scandal. He was pardoned by President George H.W. Bush in 1992.

The additional “Dark Alliance” stories also would have examined the claims of other Contra-connected drug witnesses in Nicaragua as well as the career problems confronted by DEA agents when they uncovered evidence of Contra drug trafficking. But prospects that the full Contra-cocaine story will ever be told in the United States have dimmed with the shutting down of “Dark Alliance.”

I am also afraid that Ceppos’s decision to punish Webb will strengthen the campaign of intimidation inside Nicaragua. But beyond the personal costs to Webb and me, Ceppos’s actions sent a chilling message to all journalists who someday might dare investigate wrongdoing by the CIA and its operatives.

What’s especially troubling about this new “Dark Alliance” tale is that the investigative spotlight was turned off not by the government, but by the U.S. national news media.

Editor’s Note: In 1998, a CIA Inspector General’s report admitted that the Contras were deeply implicated in the cocaine trade and that CIA officials were both aware of that fact and obstructed official investigations of the crimes. But the major U.S. news media downplayed or ignored those findings. Thus, Webb and other journalists who had pursued this grim chapter of U.S. history found their careers ruined.

Because of threats and harassment in Nicaragua, Georg Hodel moved back to his native Switzerland where he died in June 2010. Unable to find decent-paying work in his profession, Webb committed suicide in December 2004. The movie, “Kill the Messenger,” is set for release on Oct. 10.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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http://www.thenortherner.com/news/2014/10/01/kill-the-messenger-captures-story-of-former-northerner-editors-rich-life-and-tragic-death/


‘Kill the Messenger’ captures story of former Northerner editor’s rich life and tragic death

Photo Provided by Focus Features

The movie poster for 'Kill the Messenger' starring Jeremy Renner.

Nancy Curtis, Editor-In-Chief
October 1, 2014
Filed under Featured Story, News

On December 10, 2004 acclaimed and eventually disgraced journalist Gary Webb was found dead from two gunshots to the head. The death would be ruled a suicide. After a struggle with depression and what should have been a career making story in 1996, that ended up destroying his career, Webb was no longer actively working in journalism by the time of his death.

But long before the “Dark Alliance” series that revealed a connection between the CIA and cocaine distribution, Webb was a young journalist with big dreams. He served as Arts & Entertainment Editor at The Northerner, here at NKU, and spent the beginning of his professional career at the Kentucky Post. Webb’s life ended sadly, but friends, family, teachers and colleagues always remembered the man and journalist they all knew.

Cheerleaders toting fake guns and wearing camo march out onto the field at halftime during a football game. Gary Webb, a high school student who’s never really written before, has something to say about it. Webb writes a column expressing his opinions on the cheer routine successfully angering a large portion of the student body.

Gary Webb at The Northerner

From that moment on Gary Webb would be a journalist that ruffled feathers and made his mark.

In 1974, Webb’s father received a job in Cincinnati. Instead of staying behind to continue attending Indiana University/Purdue University (IUPI), Webb and his brother transferred to Northern Kentucky University.

At NKU Webb would be given his first chance to truly venture into journalism at The Northerner.

“I remember Gary just walked in one day and wanted to be a music critic,” Tim Funk, The Northerner’s movie critic at the time, said. “He was ready to go. He had a very commanding presence and came in like a hurricane or a tornado.”

Webb, and Funk as well, were products of the Woodward and Bernstein age. Just as Webb had peaked his interest in journalism during high school, the entire Watergate scandal had occurred and the film starring Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman would be released just before he began college. Suddenly the idea of being a reporter had become a romantic and cool notion, according to Funk.

Webb and Funk would become close, often working beside one another in their entertainment critic roles. Webb, just as he was in life, would write with strong opinions.

“We were the cool ones,” Funk joked.

Rich Boehne, a former Northerner staffer, wouldn’t work closely with Webb, but was well aware of who he was.

“He had one of those bigger than life personalities,” Boehne said.

Webb would write countless music reviews and be named Arts and Entertainment Editor, but something beyond the music would catch Webb’s attention. Times were turbulent at The Northerner, Funk said. The paper essentially had a censor, who would read everything they intended to print to approve it. Often though editors, especially Webb and Funk, would print things unseen by the censor.

“We were very rebellious,” Funk, now a reporter for the Charlotte Observer, said.

The rebellion would continue with the more controversy that occurred on campus. Funk recalls a time when the university raised parking fees and that was a moment that changed the two entertainment critics. From there they would be true reporters.

“I think Gary was always an investigative reporter at heart,” Funk said. “Gary was born to be a journalist.”

Webb and The Northerner team were unafraid to call then NKU president Frank Steely out on issues within the university.

“Their attitude was that if The Washington Post had gotten a president then they wanted to get a president too. That led to some real trouble between them and Frank Steely,” Michael Turney, a former NKU professor, said.

During that turbulence, a small fire would occur during a party at The Northerner. No major damage happened, the building wasn’t even closed down. Shortly after, however the university police would padlock the doors and essentially kick the staff out of the building.

“The administration tried to say it was for safety reasons, but we knew it was bunch of bologna,” Funk said. “They were trying to get us to recant.”
Gary Webb (back row center) along with The Northerner team in 1974.

Photo Provided by Jo Ann Fincken
Gary Webb (back row center) along with The Northerner team in 1974.

A reporter from the Louisville Courier Journal happened to be on campus reporting on the protests about parking and the turbulence. He then heard about the Northerner getting locked out and the next day they were on the front cover of the Louisville Courier Journal the next day. Those events would solidify Webb, and Funk’s, love of investigative journalism.

“We were really into it all, we were like ‘forget music and movies lets do the real newsy stuff’,” Funk said.

Even in those early days Webb was irreverent in his writing and Funk noticed.

“He was always working, he was just a real prolific writer, he walked around with purpose all of the time,” Funk said. “His writing had such energy just like he did personally.”

While Funk got to know Webb at the newspaper, Turney got to know Webb as a student.

“Gary was very bright. He caught on very quickly, he was also very opinionated. He really loved doing things his way,” Turney said.

Just as he was in his music reviews and critiques, Webb was always willing to speak up in a class.

“ would get him in more than a little bit of trouble,” Turney said. “But Gary was smart enough to explain himself and not just go on a tangent.”

While Webb was a stand-out as a student and as a writer at The Northerner he would leave NKU in 1978 just shy of graduating. Even though he left, his then girlfriend and eventual wife Sue Bell-Stokes could always see how much Webb enjoyed his time at NKU.

“He really enjoyed working at the newspaper,” Bell-Stokes said.

Turney would lose contact with Webb only hearing about him through other students, while Funk would remain in contact for numerous years after Webb left NKU. The two would however lose touch as the years went by, but Funk has always remembered his friend.
“He was a great guy,” Funk said. “My life is richer from knowing him. He made The Northerner a better, more vital paper.”

“Gary just wanted to start being a news reporter,” Funk said.

Gary Webb at The Kentucky Post

Webb was ready to be in the field for real. So, in 1978, just shy of earning his bachelor’s degree, Webb stepped into the offices at the Kentucky Post. He was young and experiencing what was quite possibly the only case of slight nervousness any of his friends would ever see from him.

All he had in his hands was large folder of clips of his work, most of which were music reviews. Compared to other reporters it didn’t look as though Webb was qualified, but it seemed Vance Trimble, the Kentucky Post editor at the time, saw a bright young man. Trimble took a gamble, placing Webb on a few week trial period.

That gamble would pay off. The saga of Webb’s professional years would begin inside the humble walls of the Kentucky Post.

“He automatically struck me as a personable, friendly, just smart guy,” Tom Loftus, a former Kentucky Post staffer and friend of Webb’s, said.

Loftus, now the bureau chief of the Louisville Courier Journal, along with Bill Straub would become incredibly close with Webb during his tenure at the post.

“As a person he was a lot of fun, we used to go to movies and just hang out and I feel like a lot of people don’t remember that aspect of him,” Straub said. “He was incredibly confident and brash, but he was always a good guy to hang around.”

While they were close friends they were also strong colleagues. Straub especially would work with Webb on numerous stories and in their work together he got to witness firsthand how Webb worked as a journalist.

“He was very aggressive. He was like a bulldog on your ankle once he started on something he wouldn’t quit,” Straub said.
Headshot of Gary Webb from 1980 at the Kentucky Post.

Photo Provided by Sue Bell-Stokes
Headshot of Gary Webb from 1980 at the Kentucky Post.

Loftus saw that same relentless journalist in his days working with Webb.

“ Very smart and very aggressive in his pursuit of news and he was very good at it,” Loftus said. “He had the unique ability to find the news fast and understand it completely.”

Both Straub and Loftus would marvel at Webb’s ability to comb through pages and pages of records and be able to understand and interpret every bit he read.

“He was the kind of person that was never satisfied of an answer unless he knew how that answer came to be,” Dennis Repenning, a neighbor and friend of Webb’s, said.

Repenning got to know Webb and his wife at the time Sue Bell-Stokes in Covington where they both lived. According to Repenning, the 20-block radius of homes had a “rather extraordinary gathering of people.” There were lawyers, writers, reporters and judges and they would all gather together to discuss everything.

Outside of his work his wife, who knew him best, didn’t just see the hardworker, she saw a lot more.

“He was a really intelligent guy. He was a great father… He was funny, he had a good sense of humor,” Bell-Stokes said. “He was an interesting guy.”

Boehne, who worked at the Enquirer and would join the Post a year after Webb left, remembers the stories he’d here of the fellow local journalist.

“He was a wonderfully typical reporter complaining about how the editors were holding him back,” Boehne, now the Board Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer at E.W. Scripps, said. “And now I know some of those editors and they work for us at Scripps and I get to hear the other side and how much of a difficult reporter he could be.”

From Com-Air plane crashes to coroner races, Webb’s work at the Kentucky Post would pave the way to Webb earning a job at The Cleveland Plain Dealer. At the Plain Dealer, Webb would do what Loftus considered his finest work.

“A strong point to make about Gary is that he never had a fancy fellowship or internship,” Loftus said. “He started at the Post which was pretty low on the ladder and he climbed that ladder because he was so good at getting the story.”

Straub and Loftus would remain in contact with Webb after he left the Post, going on multiple family vacations where they fondly remember Webb’s love of body surfing and the experiencing the best vacations of their lives. Bell-Stokes remembers those trips and the good friends they made while he was at the Post. However, once Webb and his family moved to California they would mostly remain in contact via email.

Loftus would ask Webb for his journalistic advice from time to time and catch up, he’d even make one trip to Sacramento to see him. Beyond email, Straub would once encounter Webb during a book tour, passing through D.C.

“He was a great journalist and a great guy at the same time,” Straub said.
With his humble Kentucky Post beginnings and his stellar work at The Cleveland Plain Dealer behind him, Webb would begin working at the San Jose Mercury, where his career would be forever changed.

‘The Dark Alliance’ Controversy

In July, 1995, while working at the San Jose Mercury, Webb received a voicemail from a woman named Coral Baca. She simply said she had a story for him, he could have ignored it because of the lack of information she provided.

However, it wasn’t in Webb’s nature to ignore, he made a call to Baca, met with her to discuss her drug dealer boyfriend and so began the year long journey to write the story that would both make his career and inevitably break it.

“He would find stuff that other reporters would have a hard time finding,” Bell-Stokes said. “He was very tenacious at his work. When he found a story he was passionate and really threw himself into it.”

Gary would comb through hundreds of records and meet with dozens of sources before releasing the ‘Dark Alliance’ series. The three-part story investigated the roots of the crack cocaine epidemic in the U.S. It would show how the crack market spread from Central America to the western world, revealing that the CIA aided the Nicaraguan Contras in introducing the drug to the West.

“I feel like that story fueled his passion he believed there was wrong-doing he needed to shine a light on it,” Funk said. “If I were someone who was doing something wrong I wouldn’t want Gary on my tail.”

On August 18, 1996 part one was released both in print and online. The online aspect would be attributed to a large part of why the story blew up the way it did; it would be one of the first stories to be released in the digital form.

“It didn’t surprise me that Gary would produce something like that, it was the kind of splash he wanted to make,” Loftus said.

Boehne wasn’t surprised either.

“It wasn’t a surprise, if someone was going to break a story like that it was Gary Webb,” Boehne said.

Boehne also recalls the dreams they had in college about breaking big scandals like Woodward and Bernstein did with Watergate.

“In the wake of Watergate, we all thought we were going to break that big secret the president had or something like that and as it turns out that’s actually what Gary did,” Boehne said.

The story was met with acclaim and then criticism came quickly. Major publications like The Los Angeles Times and The New York Times would accuse Webb of having multiple inaccuracies and sources that lacked credibility.

“ That comes with a sense of pride and satisfaction, but also a little bit of head shaking because of all the circumstances and the questions about the validity of some of the story,” Turney said.

Webb’s story would eventually receive so much heat that his own publication would stop backing him. He was relocated to a smaller bureau, essentially starting from the bottom again. Then Jerry Ceppos, Webb’s executive editor at The San Jose Mercury, would announce he was writing a mea culpa that would admit to faults in Webb’s story. In December, 1997 Webb would leave the Mercury.

“I was very proud of him, he was doing what I know he wanted to do,” Straub said. “Some people get into journalism just because they like to write but Gary wanted to leave a mark and do something good”

Though the criticism was heavy, Webb would always stand behind his own story.

“The most important thing with that story was his courage. He very easily could have decided to bail at any time, but he never did,” Repenning said.

In 1998 the CIA would release a 400-page report that would prove a number of Webb’s findings to be true. However, the report would be largely ignored due to media being consumed with the President Clinton, Monica Lewinsky scandal.
Webb would never work regularly in journalism again.

Webb’s Story Becomes a Bestseller

After Webb’s death in 2004, Nick Shou would pen the novel “Kill the Messenger” chronicling Webb’s life and the story that would end his career. In the book, released in 2006, Shou would use first hand accounts from Webb’s family, former colleagues, critics and supporters.

Shou knew Webb and before even beginning he went to Bell-Stokes asking for her permission to write her former husbands story. She trusted in Shou, knowing that he knew the “Dark Alliance” story, and she knew how fond of Shou Gary was.

“I knew Gary would be honored to have Nick write it,” Bell-Stokes said.

The book would also include first-hand accounts from Webb himself taken from his book “Dark Alliance” which included the three-part series as well as Webb’s account of the process that occurred while he worked on the series of stories.

Bell-Stokes found talking about the events difficult, especially so soon after Webb’s death, but knew it was important to tell the story.

“It was very emotional reading the book, but it also brought some smiles from when we were younger,” Bell-Stokes said.
The book “Kill the Messenger” along with Webb’s book “Dark Alliance” would be the inspiration for the upcoming film.

‘Kill the Messenger’ Goes to Hollywood

In 2013 it was announced that a film documenting Webb’s “Dark Alliance” journey would be released starring Jeremy Renner (The Avengers, The Hurt Locker). The movie titled ‘Kill the Messenger,’ sharing the title of Shou’s 2006 book, will be released this month.

“I wasn’t necessarily into news or journalism, but it’s one of the reasons I wanted to take on the role because journalism itself is interesting to me,” Renner, who plays Webb, said.
Jeremy Renner at a press event for 'Kill the Messenger'.

Kevin Schultz
Jeremy Renner at a press event for ‘Kill the Messenger’.

It’s been a long journey to making the film. Sue Bell-Stokes, Webb’s ex, first met with the screenwriter in 2008. Bell-Stokes would be a consultant throughout the process of the film.

“I really like Michael Cuesta , he knows the story really well,” Bell-Stokes said.

Renner, who is also a producer on the film, felt the story was important. He couldn’t believe that the events occurred only 70 miles from where he grew up.

“I investigated more and more and it just became too important,” Renner said. “It’s not a movie that I wanted to do anymore, it’s a movie that I had to do.”

Michael Cuesta, the director of the movie, felt it was a film he had to do as well and, unlike Renner, he remembered seeing Webb on talk shows when the story broke.

“I really resonated with the idea of believing in something so deeply, which he did, he had this amazing belief in truth and justice,” Cuesta said. “And to have that turn on you, to have your own belief turn on you, I’d never seen a story like that.”

Renner not only liked the story, but also the man.

“I liked Gary because he was flawed and he owned his flaws,” Renner said. “To me that’s what makes him a hero.”

For Renner, the family dynamic of the film was very important and playing a man who was real added something to his performance.

“There are limitations to playing a real life guy, but it makes it more important to get it right,” Renner said. “To make it right for Gary, his family and everyone.”

Michael K. Williams (The Wire), who plays drug dealer Ricky Ross, felt the same.
Michael K. Williams at a press event for 'Kill the Messenger'.

Kevin Schultz
Michael K. Williams at a press event for ‘Kill the Messenger’.

“When I first read the script and then spoke with him I wanted to portray him right,” Williams said. “I didn’t want to portray him as one noted, I mean this is a man who wanted to be a tennis player.”

Williams was granted the opportunity to meet the man he portrays, Renner however will never have that chance. But if he did he’d love to talk to the man Gary Webb, not necessarily the journalist.

“What made him laugh, you know, the simplest little things that had nothing to do with his job or anything. Just very personal things, that’s what I’d ask him,” Renner said.

Though he didn’t get to know every little thing and Cuesta sees Renner and Webb as two very different men, Renner did find himself having commonalities with Webb.

“Yeah I guess, we’re very different but the parallels are the tenacity and perseverance and passion for what we do,” Renner said. “One is very selfless and ones very selfish. Unfortunately, I’m on the selfish side. He’s an amazing human, really smart and I have a lot to learn from him.”

Being based on a true story, Cuesta was posed with the challenge of both telling the story accurately and keeping the story entertaining.

“You know the basics of what Gary was like, he was a dogget, Doberman, pushy reporter and he kind of had a cockiness to him,” Cuesta said.

With the basics in place Cuesta did take some liberties with the story with the permission of Bell-Stokes.

“Things were changed, but heart the of the movie was correct,” Bell-Stokes said.

Bell-Stokes has now seen the film multiple times. The first time it was a viewing of the rough cut and she was left feeling numb. By her second viewing they had put the finishing touches on the film and this time she viewed it with her and Webb’s children. Bell-Stokes said they all loved it, there were tears, but we they were all moved by it. The third time was at a friends and family screening which made Bell-Stokes feel happy being surrounded by all those people.

“I felt a strange sense of relief because the kids were happy with it,” Bell-Stokes said. “We all felt content and at peace. I got a sense of closure in seeing it again.”

Cuesta sees the thriller tropes in the story and knows that as viewers watch Webb get deeper into the story they’ll see it become bigger than him and possibly become an unwinnable war.

“Our protagonist does not win in the end, he takes the brunt of everything,” Cuesta said.

Even though Webb didn’t win in the end, Renner sees Webb as a hero that was unafraid to go down roads to tell an important story.
“He was a warrior with his mind,” Renner said. The film will be released on Oct. 10 nationwide.

NKU Goes Hollywood

In 2013, when the film adaptation of Nick Schou’s “Kill the Messenger” was announced, Dennis Repenning, current chair of NKU’s Board of Regents, and Regent Richard Boehne caught wind of the adaptation. Both were personal friends of Webb, and he and Repenning were neighbors.

Their work, and the work of Katie Herschede, executive assistant to President Mearns, and The Owens Group, a local public relations firm, have led to a special screening on Oct. 2 at the AMC Theater at Newport on the Levee.

“They’ve given us two prints of the movie,” Herschede said, “So we’re going to have two theaters that are going simultaneously, so we’ll have the big opportunity for a large group of students to come and see the film.”

According to Herschede, after hearing about the movie, Repenning and Boehne began to write to Focus Features, the film’s production company, in order to explain the connection to NKU and the Northern Kentucky region, to ask permission for the special screening. According to Repenning, out the 11 board members, three knew Webb which is what truly “got the ball rolling” on the screening.

Herschede said that the university didn’t hear anything for several months, while the film was in production. However, Focus Features did end up sending a copy of the letter to The Owens Group.

NKU was contacted by Jessica Johnston, an NKU graduate who works for The Owens Group, saying that they were very interested in setting up the special screening.

“According to them , it’s very unusual that anyone gets to do any kind of special screening like this,” Herschede said.

Michael Cuesta, the director of the film, will be attending screening, and will be holding a discussion afterwards. Sue Bell-Stokes, Webb’s ex-wife who helped as a consultant on the film, will also be attending, according to Herschede.

Attendance to the screening is by invitation only.




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La Penca- 30 Years Later

http://www.ticotimes.net/LaPenca30Years/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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10.4.14 - Two New Clips from KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE - Gary Webb/Jeremy Renner

http://www.flicksandbits.com/2014/10/03/2-new-clips-from-kill-the-messenger-starring-jeremy-renner-as-gary-webb/77068/


From Focus Features comes these two clips from the true-life dramatic thriller ‘Kill the Messenger,’ which is led by Jeremy Renner (Marvel’s The Avengers, The Hurt locker, The Bourne Legacy). Opening in the US on October 10th in limited theaters, the movie will then expand on October 17th and again on October 24th. Josh Close, Rosemarie DeWitt, Andy Garcia, Lucas Hedges, Tim Blake Nelson, Robert Patrick, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Michael Sheen, Paz Vega, Michael K. Williams and Mary Elizabeth Winstead co-star in the Michael Cuesta-directed film.

Two-time Academy Award nominee Jeremy Renner stars as Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb. Webb stumbles onto a story which leads to the shady origins of the men who started the crack epidemic in the US… and further alleges that the CIA was aware of major dealers who were smuggling cocaine into the US, and using the profits to arm rebels fighting in Nicaragua. Despite warnings from drug kingpins and CIA operatives to stop his investigation, Webb keeps digging to uncover a conspiracy with explosive implications. His journey takes him from the prisons of California to the villages of Nicaragua to the highest corridors of power in Washington, D.C. – and draws the kind of attention that threatens not just his career, but his family and his life. The film opens on November 28th in the UK.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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maynard

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Reply with quote  #399 
10.4.14 Cleaveland Plain Dealer-Gary Webb and 'Kill the Messenger':Reporter played by Jeremy Renner

Gary Webb and 'Kill the Messenger': Reporter played by Jeremy Renner honed journalism skills in Cleveland and Columbus
kill-the-messenger-grafitti.JPG
Jeremy Renner plays investigative reporter Gary Webb in "Kill the Messenger." The thriller opens nationwide Friday, Oct. 10. (Focus Features)
Clint O'Connor, The Plain Dealer By Clint O'Connor, The Plain Dealer
Email the author | Follow on Twitter
on October 03, 2014 at 8:00 AM, updated October 03, 2014 at 8:07 AM

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When Gary Webb wrote a major expose about the CIA and cocaine trafficking in 1996, he might have expected the toppling of government officials and massive follow-up investigations, not to mention a possible Pulitzer, book offers and movie deals.

Instead, the reporter for the San Jose Mercury News, who had honed his investigative skills at The Plain Dealer in the 1980s, ran into a firestorm. Not from the drug dealers, money launderers and gunrunners he had written about, but from America's major newspapers, which went into attack mode regarding his findings.

"He was never really the same after that," said Sue Stokes, Webb's former wife. "He lost his spark."

Within a year of the series, Webb had quit the Mercury News and never again worked for a daily newspaper. After divorcing, he fell into money troubles and depression. In December 2004, he killed himself. He was 49.

Jeremy Renner plays Webb in the new thriller "Kill the Messenger," which hits Cleveland theaters on Friday, Oct. 10. Directed by Michael Cuesta and written by Peter Landesman, the film also stars Rosemarie DeWitt, Ray Liotta, Michael Sheen and Andy Garcia.


It charts Webb's 12 months of digging to uncover ties between the CIA and the arming of the Nicaraguan Contras in the 1980s thanks to money from tons of cocaine flooding the U.S. The three-part series, published in August of 1996, connected the dots of the powder trail and suggested that it helped spur the crack-cocaine explosion in poor black urban areas, especially South Central Los Angeles.

"The tragic irony in all of this is that Webb was brought down by his bliss," said Cuesta, an Emmy-award winning director of such shows as "Homeland" and "Six Feet Under." "To believe in something so deeply, to be so passionate, and then to have that same thing turn on you is devastating."

The series was one of the first major newspaper projects to be posted online simultaneously, and it included links to Webb's documentation and taped interviews, then a rarity. Thanks to the Internet, the story spread across the country and fueled public outrage, particularly in the black community. Newsweek called the series "powerful," saying "this is the first time the Internet has electrified African Americans."

Webb became omnipresent on talk radio and network and cable news shows. The national press had largely abandoned the story of drug-smuggling related to the Contras in the wake of the Iran-Contra scandal and the 1987 congressional hearings that made Lt. Col. Oliver North a household name. NBC and a few other news organizations advanced certain aspects of the series, but beginning in early October of 1996, Webb became the focus of a 1-2-3 punch.

First the Washington Post, then the New York Times and Los Angeles Times, published lengthy page-one stories deriding Webb's reporting and conclusions. It was the beginning of his professional undoing.

"Each one of the papers did it for a different reason," said Landesman, a former investigative reporter who wrote for the New York Times Magazine and The New Yorker before turning to screenwriting.

"The L.A. Times had an envious, jealous reaction of being scooped in their own territory. They created a team of 15 journalists to specifically go after Gary and the story," he said.

Some called it the "Get Gary Webb Team."

"The Washington Post had a very strong quid pro quo relationship with the CIA, and the Post was not going to be outdone by an out of town reporter who didn't have any Washington relationships," he said. "The New York Times' approach was more professional arrogance."

Landesman's script is based on two books: Nick Schou's "Kill the Messenger," published in 2006, and Webb's own "Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras and the Crack Cocaine Explosion," from 1998.

The film does not focus on Webb's suicide, instead streamlining events from 1995-1997. Under the weight of the mounting national criticism, the Mercury News ran an unprecedented apology in May of 1997 backing away from parts of Webb's series. The stories had overreached in some areas and had not nailed down a direct connection between the CIA and crack cocaine dealings. Critics on both sides of the Webb ordeal agree that the stories would have benefited from sharper editing.

One aspect that hounded Webb for years was not of his making. The large, featured graphic illustrating the series was a shadowy figure lighting a crack pipe over the official seal of the CIA.

Marine Brat with Swagger

Gary Stephen Webb was born in Corona, California, on Aug 31, 1955. His dad was a Marine Corps sergeant and the family bounced from California to Hawaii, Florida and North Carolina, eventually landing in suburban Indianapolis.

"Gary was 18 and I was 16 when we first met and started dating in Indianapolis," said Sue Stokes. She and Gary were married from 1979 to 2000 and had three children. Sue remarried two years ago and now lives in El Dorado Hills, California, outside of Sacramento. After they met, Gary's family moved again, to Cincinnati, and he attended Northern Kentucky University before dropping out to take a reporting job at the Kentucky Post.
Gary WebbView full sizeGary Webb's staff photo when he worked at The Plain Dealer in the 1980s.Plain Dealer File Photo

"We wrote a lot of letters," said Sue of their long-distance romance. "And we sent cassette tapes back and forth because phone calls were too expensive and our parents would yell at us."

Gary was smart, very detailed in his work and loved to debate, said Sue. He also looked cool driving around in an MG sports car (later shifting to Triumph TR6s). Webb rose quickly at the Post, winning acclaim for co-writing a series about mobbed up coal operations. In 1983, he was hired at the Plain Dealer and he and Sue, who was pregnant with their first child, bought a house on West 138th Street.

Webb was hired at the urging of another star Plain Dealer reporter, Walt Bogdanich, who had met Webb in Kentucky when he was doing legwork for a story.

"We immediately hit it off. He was full of life and had a great sense of humor," said Bogdanich, now an acclaimed New York Times investigative reporter and editor who has won three Pulitzer Prizes.

"Gary was a great researcher. In the pre-Internet era, he was able to find records and materials hidden away in very unusual places. He was big on documents," said Bogdanich. "He had a low threshold of indignation, which is a critically important element of any investigative reporter."

Webb joined the Plain Dealer as part of a hiring wave that included Christopher Evans and Steve Luttner.

"Gary had zero tolerance for sycophants and fools," said Evans, now an editorial writer and columnist for the Northeast Ohio Media Group. "The hardcore investigative reporters, the Gary Webbs, the Walt Bogdaniches, once they got your scent, God help you."

Luttner sat in front of Webb amid the Plain Dealer's rows and rows of industrial desks in the cramped, smoke-filled newsroom. "If he got hold of a story he was consumed by it. And I mean that in a positive way," said Luttner, now with Lesic & Camper Communications in Cleveland.

In 1985, Mary Anne Sharkey, The Plain Dealer's bureau chief in Columbus, enticed Webb to move to the capital where he could keep closer tabs on state officials. "He told me working in Columbus was like being a kid in a candy shop," said Sharkey.

Webb exposed corruption in Ohio's Supreme Court, the state medical board and state mental health system, among other institutions. He and Sharkey also published a high-impact series on bizarre serial killer Dr. Michael Swango.

"I would come to work sometimes and Gary had been there all night," said Sharkey, who now runs a public affairs consulting firm. "And he would be reading documents. His office would be stacked and stacked with files."

When Landesman started writing the script about eight years ago, he contacted Sharkey several times to fill in the shadings of Webb's life.

"Gary had a feisty personality," said Sharkey. "People might think because he was a newspaperman he leaned liberal, but he didn't really. He had a weapon. He once shot a guy in the ass who was trying to steal his car. He kept a bottle of whiskey in his desk drawer."

Sounds like a movie-ready character.

"He was a good looking guy," said Sharkey. "He had a swagger. He really attracted women. They called him the Marlboro Man."

Love of the Chase

Renner definitely has the requisite swagger, but he plays Webb as more of an astonished researcher than stud reporter. He can barely believe the levels of deceit he keeps uncovering.

"Kill the Messenger" rattled around in various stages of development for years and finally came together when Renner signed on to star, and co-produce, in February of 2013. The actor, who plays Hawkeye in the Marvel movies and has two Oscar nominations for "The Hurt Locker" and "The Town," delivers another terrific performance. He conveys Webb's doubts and struggles, his affection for his family, and his truth-seeking devotion.

He loved the chase and the writing. During one hellacious typing session, Renner captures Webb's fury, pounding away at his keyboard to the fight-the-power sounds of The Clash's "Know Your Rights."

After Webb left the Plain Dealer in 1988, he was part of a Mercury News reporting team that won a Pulitzer Prize for coverage of the Loma Prieta earthquake that devastated Northern California in 1989. Webb was again based at a state capital bureau, this time in Sacramento.

He didn't even answer the phone call that changed his life. It appeared in the form of a pink While You Were Out message slip left on his desk in July of 1995. When he returned the call, he discovered the tipster was Coral Baca, girlfriend of a drug trafficker named Rafael Cornejo who was awaiting trial. One of the government's witnesses, she said, was a man "who used to work with the CIA selling drugs. Tons of it."

"In 17 years of investigative reporting," Webb later wrote, "I had ended up doubting the credibility of every person who ever called me with a tip about the CIA."

This was different. The next year was filled with traveling; interviews; shady sources; stacks of notebooks, tapes, court records, police reports; and the bizarre horizontal haziness of Freedom of Information Act requests, which yielded reams of papers often dominated by neat rows of blacked-out sentences.

When the Mercury News brass backed away from the story, Webb said, "It's nauseating. I had never been more disgusted with my profession in my life."

His editors doubled the blow by demoting Webb to a suburban bureau. "This is just harassment," he said. "This isn't the first time that a reporter went after the CIA and lost his job over it."


He quit the paper in 1997, worked for a time as an investigator for the California Legislature, did some freelance writing and was briefly on staff at an alternative weekly in Sacramento. A report released in 1998 by the CIA Inspector General revealed that the CIA did have ties to drug smugglers supporting the Contras, and that between 1982 and 1995 the agency got a free pass from the Department of Justice because it had not been required "to report on allegations of drug trafficking with respect to non-employees of the agency."

It did not do much to vindicate Webb, as the more scathing aspects of the CIA's report were released at the height of the Bill Clinton-Monica Lewinsky scandal. Missing the hunt of investigative journalism, Webb sent out more than 50 resumes at one point but had no takers. Then his marriage unraveled.

"Gary had affairs. That's what ended our marriage," said Sue, who is portrayed in the film by Rosemarie DeWitt. "I didn't know about the affairs at the time. He was having an affair in 1999 and that's what started this whole downward spiral through the divorce. And it was during therapy when things came out about other affairs. That was one of the reasons he had wanted to move to California."

Conspiracy Theories

A detail-oriented man, Webb stage-managed a detail-oriented death.

He wrote and mailed letters to his ex-wife, his three children, his brother and his mother. He updated his will. He set out his Social Security card, cremation certificate and a suicide note. On the turntable was a favorite album, Ian Hunter's "Welcome to the Club: Live." Running out of money, he was preparing to live with his mother, and movers were arriving the next day with a truck. He stuck a note on the front door: "Please do not enter. Call 911."

Almost immediately, there were rumors that Webb had been murdered. The Sacramento County coroner's report revealed two gunshot wounds from a .38-caliber revolver. Conspiracy theorists said Webb had been killed by shady operatives, grim speculation that found currency in online headlines such as "The Murder of Gary Webb" and "Did the CIA Kill Gary Webb?"

There were two gunshot wounds because the first one was off target and went through his cheek. So he fired again.

"It's gruesome, but he never hit his brain," said Sue. "According to the coroner's office, the second bullet hit the carotid artery and he just bled out."

Sue, who consulted on the script and provided old home videos to the producers, has now seen the film three times at preview screenings set up for her and Webb's family and friends. "The first time, I was just too close to it. I could barely blink through the whole thing. But it's impressive."

Is it accurate?

"It is Hollywood and it's not a documentary. But I felt it was a really good portrayal of what happened to him."

She plans to attend the New York premiere on Thursday.

"It has given us some closure as a family," she said. "And hopefully, somehow, somewhere, Gary knows this is happening, and maybe it gives him some peace."

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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10.3.14 LA Times --Jeremy Renner reflects on an unexpected Hollywood trajectory --By Josh Rottenberg

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/movies/la-et-mn-jeremy-renner-hollywood-kill-the-messenger-20141005-story.html



Jeremy Renner reflects on an unexpected Hollywood trajectory
Jeremy Renner
Actor Jeremy Renner in the Beverly Hilton in Beverly Hills. (Anne Cusack / Los Angeles Times)
By Josh Rottenberg contact the reporter
MoviesEntertainmentJeremy RennerTelevision IndustryHomesNews MediaBarack Obama
From living by candlelight to flipping homes, it's been an interesting rise for Oscar nominee Jeremy Renner
Via #LATimes: Jeremy Renner, newsman? Upcoming role in 'Kill the Messenger' is building buzz
#JeremyRenner: 'I'm very aware of all of my flaws and strengths as a human being and very content with them'

In 1992, Jeremy Renner came to Los Angeles as an aspiring actor with three specific goals in mind. (1) He wanted to be in a movie. (2) He wanted to have a significant enough role that he wouldn't have to explain that he was, say, that guy wearing the red shirt in the party scene. (3) He wanted to appear in a film big enough that it would play in his hometown of Modesto.

Renner figured it would probably take him a decade or so to meet those goals. As it happened, he achieved them on his first job — as an underachieving teen in the 1995 high-school comedy "National Lampoon's Senior Trip."

Modesto native Jeremy Renner dabbled in a diverse area of studies, including criminology, computer science and psychology, before the acting bug finally bit him. He studied the art at San Francisco's American Conservatory Theatre before moving to Los Angeles.

After working the acting circuit through commercials and supporting roles in TV and film, Renner made a name for himself when he portrayed a deeply complex, dark serial killer in the drama "Dahmer." Critics noticed. Plus, Renner earned an Independent Spirit Award nod.
'S.W.A.T.' | 2003
Caption 'S.W.A.T.' | 2003
Merrick Morton / Columbia Pictures
In his first commercially successful film, Renner played a former S.W.A.T. member turned mercenary, alongside A-list actors like Samuel L. Jackson and Colin Farrell. Renner's role catapulted him to fame among a mainstream audience.
'Neo Ned' | 2005
Caption 'Neo Ned' | 2005
Sharon Cavanagh / Kismet Entertainment Group
Renner landed a leading role in the romantic drama "Neo Ned." He played an institutionalized white supremacist in love with an African American woman, played by Gabrielle Union, pictured. His portrayal earned him the Palm Beach International Film Festival's best actor award.
'North County' | 2005
Caption 'North County' | 2005
Richard Foreman
In the drama "North County," a fictionalized story of the first successful sexual harassment case in America, Renner played a supporting role alongside actors Woody Harrelson, pictured, and Charlize Theron. Renner took on several supporting roles on the big screen shortly after this one.

But if he thought success would unfold in a predictable fashion from there, life had other plans. Four years later, Renner was living by candlelight in his apartment because he couldn't afford to pay his electric bill. And 10 long years and two dozen mostly minor film and TV appearances after that — well past the point when many reasonable people would have abandoned the acting dream — his career suddenly took off with his Oscar-nominated turn as a single-minded Army explosives expert in the 2009 Iraq war drama "The Hurt Locker."

"It was like you're playing baseball your whole life and then you suddenly get on a team and go to the World Series," Renner reflected one afternoon this summer, perched on a stool at a bar in his sprawling home in Hollywood, a house once owned by director Preston Sturges. (Renner, who has a side business buying, renovating and reselling houses, has worked to restore the property to its former glory.) "All of a sudden I was 'the new guy in town' after being here 20 years. I was like, 'That's fine by me, I'll be the new guy.'"



At 43, Renner is no longer the new guy, but he continues to carve out one of the most improbable acting careers in a city full of them. A leading man with the rugged looks and slightly off-kilter sensibility of a character actor, he finds himself in the enviable situation of balancing roles in a number of the industry's biggest franchises — the "Avengers," "Mission: Impossible" and "Bourne" series — with smaller dramas like 2010's "The Town," for which he earned his second Oscar nod, 2013's "American Hustle" and "Kill the Messenger," which opens Oct. 10.
Suddenly I'm action-hero guy. I didn't see myself that way. - Jeremy Renner, actor

In "Kill the Messenger," Renner plays newspaper reporter Gary Webb, who published a series of investigative stories in the San Jose Mercury News in 1996 alleging that throughout the crack epidemic of the 1980s, drug-trafficking profits were used by the CIA to support the Nicaraguan Contras. Webb's "Dark Alliance" series sparked a public firestorm, and a number of other news organizations including the Los Angeles Times, the New York Times and the Washington Post dispatched their own reporters to pick apart his work. Buffeted by controversy, dismissed by many as a conspiracy theorist, Webb saw his career founder. He eventually resigned from the San Jose Mercury News, and in 2004 he took his own life.

Over the years, Webb's work has been reappraised and largely vindicated. In 2006, the L.A. Times published an op-ed by journalist Nick Schou, whose book about Webb, also titled "Kill the Messenger," was the eventual basis for the new movie. Schou wrote that while there were "major flaws of hyperbole" in "Dark Alliance," they ultimately "had more to do with poor editing than bad reporting." Then-L.A. Times Managing Editor Leo Wolinsky (who is portrayed in the film by Dan Futterman) told Schou , "In some ways, Gary got too much blame. He did exactly what you expect from a great investigative reporter."



Despite hailing from close to where Webb's story unfolded, Renner was unfamiliar with the history before the script came along. (The closest he ever came to the story, he said, was when he auditioned for a "This Is Your Brain on Drugs" public-service ad early in his career.) What interested him was less the political aspect of Webb's saga than the personal one.

"Pointing the finger at the CIA or Ronald Reagan or whatever — that's a very complicated net to cast," Renner said. "What I liked about the story is you could personalize it to one human being that really got screwed over. I love all that cinema of the 1970s, and that's what this felt like to me. It resonated with movies like 'All the President's Men' and 'The Parallax View.'"

Director Michael Cuesta, who among other credits earned an Emmy nod for directing the pilot episode of "Homeland," says that, more than comic-book movies or action blockbusters, "Kill the Messenger" — the first film Renner has produced under his production banner, the Combine — represents the type of film closest to the actor's true spirit. Indeed, early reviews have praised Renner's performance as one of the strongest of his career.

"I'm not discounting any of his work, because he's a movie star, and that's what movie stars need to do to finance these kinds of films," Cuesta said. "But we haven't seen him play a mature guy with a family and a passion for his calling in life, and he is perfect for that. His face communicates so much in the quiet moments, you don't have to have any dialogue."

"Kill the Messenger" costar Rosemarie DeWitt, who plays Webb's wife, Susan, admires the way Renner has managed to navigate between the commercial and artistic poles of Hollywood. "The fact that he can straddle those worlds so effortlessly — as an actor, it's wildly inspiring," she said.

It hasn't always been easy. Renner, who is shooting the fifth installment in the "Mission: Impossible" series and will reprise his role as the bow-and-arrow-wielding superhero Hawkeye next year in "The Avengers: Age of Ultron," admits he felt overwhelmed when, after years of just getting by, he suddenly found himself inundated with a string of high-profile, high-pressure offers, including inheriting the "Bourne" franchise from Matt Damon.

"I was doing 'Mission: Impossible,' then 'Hansel & Gretel,' then 'Avengers,' and then 'Bourne' reared its head," he said. "That was when I started freaking out. I had to think, 'Can I do this physically? Am I going to have free-will time, or am I just going to be working for the man?' I had a lot of fears about it. Suddenly I'm action-hero guy. I didn't see myself that way."

In conversation, Renner, whose parents managed a bowling alley in Modesto and divorced when he was 10, comes across as no-nonsense and unapologetically rough around the edges. (A singer-songwriter and guitarist on the side, he's interested in possibly playing outlaw country singer Waylon Jennings in a biopic.) "I'm very aware of all of my flaws and strengths as a human being and very content with them," he said. "I'll be the same with Barack Obama as I am in any scenario."

In fact, Renner met President Obama at a private event in Beverly Hills in 2012, and his lack of a filter was on full display. "I probably said some very offensive things," Renner said. "I said something about how he should strap on an 'Avengers' costume: 'You know, you could get some votes, dude. Sling a bow and arrow around you and people will start liking you.' That's OK, he laughed."

While Webb's life came unraveled in the wake of what seemed to be his biggest triumph, Renner — who recently got married for the first time to model Sonni Pacheco, with whom he has a 1-year-old daughter — is trying to keep all the balls of his success in the air as gracefully as he can. And now he has a new goal.

"The plan was always that I would retire when I'm 45," he said. "Now mind you: My definition of retirement doesn't mean I'm not working anymore. It just means I will have acquired enough work and value in my life to where I don't have to worry or shape a career or invest in anything."

If Renner has learned anything about Hollywood at this point, though, it's that sometimes you need to tweak your goals a bit — and the retirement idea is no exception. "Maybe when I'm 50," he said with a wry grin.

Follow me on Twitter:@joshrottenberg
Copyright © 2014, Los Angeles Times

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

 LA DEA; Murder of Kiki Camarena http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278  

"Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the DOJ at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the LA Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central L.A., around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Vol II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the DOJ, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles." Maxine Waters Oct, 1998
https://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/h981013-coke.htm   

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