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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #451 
http://www.thenation.com/blog/189129/racism-drove-backlash-against-gary-webb


Racism Drove the Backlash Against Gary Webb
Greg Grandin on November 7, 2014 - 2:15 PM ET


Washington Post

(AP/Haraz Ghanbari)

After the death a few weeks ago of the legendary editor of The Washington Post Ben Bradlee, most obituaries celebrated his willingness to go after Richard Nixon. Charles Pierce at Esquire writes that Bradlee “rode the Watergate story when nobody else wanted it. It’s hard now even to imagine how very far out on the limb Bradlee went on that story.” But Pierce is largely alone in also noting that the Post under Bradlee “ultimately took a dive on Iran-Contra.” Bradlee himself described what he called a “return to deference” on the part of the press corps that took place under Ronald Reagan, saying that his colleagues were responding to a perceived public fatigue with journalists “trying to make a Watergate out of everything.” “We did ease off,” he said.

The Post did more than “ease off.” After Bradlee’s retirement, it went on the offensive, especially in its discrediting of Gary Webb’s reporting, for supposedly overstating the case that the CIA knowingly helped flood Central Los Angeles with cocaine, as part of its illegal support of the anti-Sandinista Contras. And it hasn’t let up. In response to Kill the Messenger, the movie based on Webb’s life and work, the Post published yet another deceptive essay, by an assistant managing editor named Jeff Leen. FAIR details all the many ways Leen misleads. It’s striking after all we’ve been through since his 2004 suicide that Webb is still a flashpoint for many journalists and Webb’s contentions a matter of dispute.

In all of the discussion about Webb’s reporting that Kill the Messenger has prompted, a number of people have rightly cited Robert Parry’s earlier breaking of the Contra-cocaine story and Senator John Kerry’s Senate investigation into the matter.
http://www.commondreams.org/views/2014/10/10/sordid-contra-cocaine-saga
But there’s another precedent: the largely ignored and now mostly forgotten 1991 trial in a federal district court in Miami of deposed Panamanian president Manuel Noriega on drug trafficking, racketeering and money laundering charges. At that trial, the Colombian Carlos Lehder, sentenced to life without parole in 1988 for drug trafficking, testified that “U.S. government officials offered him a green light to smuggle drugs into the United States in exchange for use of a Bahamian island to ship weapons to the Nicaraguan contras” and that the Medellin cartel gave ten million dollars to the Contras and that the CIA knew about it.

Government lawyers managed to suppress Lehder’s testimony (even though he was their witness!) on the grounds that it was irrelevant. But The Washington Post, in the last year of Bradlee’s leadership, wrote in a strong editorial, “The charges of contra-trafficker ties prompt an impulse to say that they cannot be left hanging and must be investigated further. In fact, they were investigated further and in telling detail by a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee chaired by John Kerry.” The editorial then went on to basically pre-confirm Webb’s arguments, quoting the CIA’s Alan Fiers as admitting that “a lot of people” were involved in Contra drug trafficking. The Post then presented Kerry’s conclusion to his Senate report as its conclusion: “Individuals who provided support for the contras were involved in drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the contras themselves knowing received financial material assistance from drug traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter.”

Never again did The Post make mention of Lehder’s allegations, not once. Not even as background in any of its many many articles investigating Webb. That’s what “taking a dive” looks like.

Part of the reaction against Webb has to do with the nature of symbiotic relationship between mainstream journalists and the national security state, as Robert Parry, whose career also went “sideways” as a result of his refusal to give up on Iran/Contra, describes.

But there’s an excess to the ongoing backlash against Webb that needs to be explained. Donna Murch, an associate professor of history at Rutgers and author of a great book, Living for the City, on Oakland and the rise of the Black Panther Party, says that what is missing in the revived debate on Webb is the depth of racism directed at the black mobilization his reporting provoked.

Please support our journalism. Get a digital subscription for just $9.50!

Over the last few years, Murch has been researching the crack crisis in Los Angeles of the 1980s and 1990s, whose origins can be traced to the attack on black radical organizing and the intensification of police militarization under the War on Drugs. She says to understand the reaction against Webb, one needs to recognize the centrality of Los Angeles to the War on Drugs—and, in turn, the centrality of the War on Drugs, with all its punitive racism and racist impunity at home and abroad, to the broader right-wing ascendency.

Murch further explains:

The effect of the Dark Alliance series on Black LA could only be described as magnetic. When the story was initially released in August 1996, it was met with relative silence by the mainstream newspapers. However a broad coalition of activists in Los Angeles immediately recognized the significance of Webb’s reporting and began protesting and calling for Maxine Waters and the rest of the Congressional Black Caucus to intervene and formally investigate his allegations.

To contextualize the backlash against Webb, one has to understand the importance of Los Angeles for the national War on Drugs. In the 1980s, the city contained the world’s largest urban prison population. It had been the target of the most brutal campaigns against crack use and distribution. And it had been the venue of some of the Reagan/Bush Era’s most provocative War-on-Drugs spectacles, including Daryl Gates co-piloting a tank armed with a fifteen-foot long battering ram to tear down the side of an alleged “crack house” in Pacoima (only to find a mother and her children eating ice cream). In 1988, the LAPD’s implementation of “Operation Hammer” utilized similar shock-and-awe displays of police power through mass sweeps of black and brown youth. In a single day, law enforcement jailed over 1400 people, the largest total since the Watts Rebellion in 1965. Very few of the arrests stuck, but the scale of internment was so great that the LAPD set up mobile booking units in the parking lot of the Los Angeles Coliseum.

The “Southland’s” War on Drugs extended from saturation policing to the creation of a parallel legal structure criminalizing poor urban populations of color. Law enforcement databases listed over half of young African American men in LA County as gang members, and it was not uncommon for convicted teenage offenders to receive over a century of hard time. By attacking precisely the types of youth that joined militant political organizations like the Southern California Black Panther Party two decades earlier, law enforcement’s overlapping wars on drugs and gangs struck at the heart of postwar black radicalism in the city.

In this context, Webb’s revelations raced through South LA in the late 1990s like wildfire and helped to revitalize dormant anti-statist activism. Radical Angelinos used the Mercury News story to mobilize residents against U.S. covert action abroad and the drug war at home, bringing together disparate left-wing community groups together, including historical Black Power organizers and Central American activists. The umbrella group, “Crack the CIA Coalition,” united former Panthers, Sandinista supporters, black Communist Party members, the west-coast branch of Kwame Toure’s (formerly Stokely Carmichael) All African People’s Revolutionary Party, and even a few sympathetic dissidents from the NAACP. They sponsored regular protests and rallies in front of the L.A. Times accusing the paper of colluding with the CIA. In one demonstration, protestors dressed in hats and mittens carried an artificial snow blower with signs reading, “L.A. Times Snow Blind to the Truth,” “Contra Cocaine Story: Twelve Year White Wash,” and “Avalanche of Disinformation.” In an amusing piece of agit prop theatre, two rotund snowmen, “Frosty ” and “Flakey” marched hand and hand holding a sign, “CIA and L.A. Times Working Together to Keep you Snowed.”

Ultimately in light of Webb’s revelations, the tragedy and perceived hypocrisy of the war on drugs became a boon to anti-carceral organizing in Los Angeles. In October 1996 a rally was held with over 2500 people, and when CIA Director John M. Deutch traveled to Watt’s Locke High School to address Webb’s allegations, he confronted an angry overflow crowd. Even the Times, which pilloried Webb, published a story by Peter Kornbluh encouraging Deutch to appease South L.A. “by acknowledging that the CIA did, in fact, knowingly and willingly work with drug dealers.” When the U.S. Civil Rights Commission subpoenaed former Black Panther Michael Zinzun in 1996 for a hearing on police violence in Los Angeles, he insisted on testifying about new evidence on CIA complicity in local crack distribution. Zinzun, who founded the Coalition Against Police Abuse in 1970s, was not alone. In the months after Dark Alliance’s release, the Crack the CIA Coalition worked tirelessly to publicize state complicity in the crack crisis.

The backlash in mainstream media to black protest against the CIA and support for Gary Webb was brutal. In a Washington Post article entitled “Finding the Truest Truth,” African-American columnist Donna Britt wrote, “What feels true to blacks has fueled numerous conspiracy theories. Some, such as the infamous Tuskegee Experiment in which syphilitic black men weren’t treated by doctors who knew their condition, are true. Others are not”—the implication being that Webb’s story was not. In a similar vein, another Post story by Michael Fletcher argued, “The history of black victimization of black people allows myths—and, at times, outright paranoia—to flourish.” He continued on, “Even if a major investigation is done it is unlikely to quell the certainty among many African Americans that the government played a role in bringing the crack epidemic to black communities.”

Although most of the mainstream media dismissed the protest prompted by Webb’s series as a wave of irrational black paranoia, the organizing it inspired played a critical role in changing African American political elites’ views of the War on Drugs. The importance of this shift is hard to overestimate because up until this point, the Congressional Black Caucus had largely supported the punitive turn, including Reagan’s 1986 Anti-Drug Abuse Act which enshrined the 100:1 crack to powder cocaine disparity in federal sentencing.

The movie Kill the Messenger, and the Nick Schou book on which it is based, focuses on the cowardly and instrumental decisions of the Mercury News editorial staff that led to Webb’s professional and ultimately personal demise. In the film, Webb is rendered as a macho suburban hero whose family is imperiled through his search for truth in the face of complicity and incompetence. However, when considering Gary Webb’s legacy, it’s important to remember that Webb himself framed his story not only as a profound ethics breach of the national security state, but as an expose of hypocritical drug war policies that had terrible repercussions for African American populations in California and beyond. And for this choice, which inspired mass black support and political mobilization, he paid dearly.

Donna Murch’s Crack in Los Angeles: Policing the Crisis and the War on Drugs is due out in 2017.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #452 
11.9.14 OFF TOPIC- The Insane Story Behind The Largest Drug Cash Seizure Of All Time – $226 Million

http://www.celebritynetworth.com/articles/entertainment-articles/story-behind-largest-drug-cash-seizure-time-stumbling-226-million-cash/

The Insane Story Behind The Largest Drug Cash Seizure Of All Time – $226 Million Found In A Bedroom
Random Celebrity Article By Brian Warner on November 9, 2014



========================
OFF TOPIC
http://www.celebritynetworth.com/articles/celebrity-cars/8-supercars-mysteriously-abandoned-warning-car-lovers-might-get-woozy-photos/

Eight Gorgeous Supercars That Were All Mysteriously Abandoned
Random Celebrity Article By Brian Warner on November 4, 2014

===================

off topic'''\\\


http://www.celebritynetworth.com/articles/entertainment-articles/20-richest-drug-dealers-time/

The 20 Richest Drug Dealers of All Time
Random Celebrity Article By Brian Warner on March 21, 2014

+note-- Rafael Caro Quintero was found to have two bank acounts with over 4 Billion dollars each. This article understates his wealth.

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #453 
11.15.14 DAILY KOS-Snowden and Webb: A Tale of Two Films by Dan Falcone

Sat Nov 15, 2014 at 08:43 AM PST
Snowden and Webb: A Tale of Two Films

by Dan Falcone for Dan Falcone

http://www.dailykos.com/story/2014/11/15/1345126/-Snowden-and-Webb-A-Tale-of-Two-Films



----------------------


11.14.14-TRUTHOUT-"Kill the Messenger" Kills a Chance to Comment on Real Reagan Atrocities

http://www.truth-out.org/speakout/item/27462-kill-the-messenger-kills-a-chance-to-comment-on-real-reagan-atrocities

"Kill the Messenger" Kills a Chance to Comment on Real Reagan Atrocities
Friday, 14 November 2014 13:27 By Dan Falcone, SpeakOut | Op-Ed


--------------------------


11.14.14 Kill the Messenger: Truth cloaked by shades of grey

http://www.guelphmercury.com/whatson-story/5028203-kill-the-messenger-truth-cloaked-by-shades-of-grey/



Nov 14, 2014
Kill the Messenger: Truth cloaked by shades of grey

Guelph Mercury
By Peter Howell

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #454 
11.15.14-AN OPEN LETTER TO JEFF LEEN AT THE WASHINGTON POST RE: GARY WEBB


An open Letter to Jeff Leen at THE WASHINGTON POST:


Jeff, I want to write you a quick note about your recent (10/17/14) attack on Gary Webb.

(Gary Webb was no journalism hero, despite what ‘Kill the Messenger’ says
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/gary-webb-was-no-journalism-hero-despite-what-kill-the-messenger-says/2014/10/17/026b7560-53c9-11e4-809b-8cc0a295c773_story.html )


I simply cannot understand what would motivate you to write such a thing other than envy pure and simple, given the large body of evidence now supporting Mr. Webb.
http://www.nytimes.com/1998/10/10/world/cia-reportedly-ignored-charges-of-contra-drug-dealing-in-80-s.html
http://www.nytimes.com/1998/07/17/world/cia-says-it-used-nicaraguan-rebels-accused-of-drug-tie.html
http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/CIA-Knew-of-Contra-Plan-to-Sell-Drugs-in-U-S-2980491.php

Given the sheer size and power of the Washington Post you have arrogantly assumed that the people would take this lying down, but this time you are wrong.
Gary Webb did get the last word on CONTRA COCAINE. Generations of people will be watching the movie KILL THE MESSENGER.

I will be there and I will remind them what the owner of your newspaper Katharine Graham once said at a 1988 speech at CIA Headquarters:
“We live in a dirty and dangerous world … There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn’t. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows.”

Its therefore no surprise that a culture of ignorance has grown at the Post to the point that it could Ignore the CIA’s front page admission of GUILT.

In 1998 Congresswoman Maxine Waters wrote:
Quite unexpectedly, on April 30, 1998, I obtained a secret 1982 Memorandum of Understanding between the CIA and the Department of Justice, that allowed drug trafficking by CIA assets, agents, and contractors to go unreported to federal law enforcement agencies. I also received correspondence between then Attorney General William French Smith and the head of the CIA, William Casey, that spelled out their intent to protect drug traffickers on the CIA payroll from being reported to federal law enforcement.
http://www.nytimes.com/1998/07/17/world/cia-says-it-used-nicaraguan-rebels-accused-of-drug-tie.html
Then on July 17, 1998 the New York Times ran this amazing front page CIA admission: “CIA Says It Used Nicaraguan Rebels Accused of Drug Tie.” “The Central Intelligence Agency continued to work with about two dozen Nicaraguan rebels and their supporters during the 1980s despite allegations that they were trafficking in drugs…. The agency’s decision to keep those paid agents, or to continue dealing with them in some less formal relationship, was made by top officials at headquarters in Langley, Va.”. (emphasis added)
………The CIA had always vehemently denied any connection to drug traffickers and the massive global drug trade, despite over ten years of documented reports. But in a shocking reversal, the CIA finally admitted that it was CIA policy to keep Contra drug traffickers on the CIA payroll. The Facts speak for themselves. Maxine Waters, Member of Congress, September 19, 1998

Mr. Leen, I would also remind you that Congresswoman Waters also found CIA EMPLOYEES DIRECTLY INVOLVED IN THE SMUGGLING:
“Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction of the Department of Justice at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIA officer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the Los Angeles Station, who was in charge of Contra related activities.According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South Central Los Angeles,around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Volume II contained an appendix, which was pulled by the Department of Justice, that reported a CIA officer in the LA Station was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles.”

(Excerpt from the Dark Alliance Book)
“When CIA Inspector General Fred P. Hitz testified before the House Intelligence Committee in March 1998, he admitted a secret government interagency agreement. `Let me be frank about what we are finding,’ Hitz said. `There are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity.’

“The lawmakers fidgeted uneasily. `Did any of these allegations involved trafficking in the United States?’ asked Congressman Norman Dicks of Washington. `Yes,’ Hitz answered. Dicks flushed.”

“And what, Hitz was asked, had been the CIA’s legal responsibility when it learned of this? That issue, Hitz replied haltingly, had `a rather odd history…the period of 1982 to 1995 was one in which there was no official requirement to report on allegations of drug trafficking with respect to non-employees of the agency, and they were defined to include agents, assets, non-staff employees.’ There had been a secret agreement to that effect `hammered out between the CIA and U.S. Attorney General William French Smith in 1982,’ he testified.”

Hitz concluded his testimony by stating “This is the grist for more work, if anyone wants to do it.”

Mr Leen, I will also leave you with a copy of the agreement which exempted intelligence agencies from reporting drugs:

http://www.scribd.com/doc/117070568/US-Congresswoman-Maxine-Waters-Investigation-of-CIA-Contras-involvement-in-drug-sales-1996-2000

Exhibit 1 U.S. Attorney General William French Smith replies to a still classified letter from DCI William Casey requesting exemption from reporting drug crimes by CIA agents, assets and contractors.
Source: cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/contra-story/01.gif

Exhibit 2: DCI William Casey happily agrees with William French Smith and signs the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) exempting his agency from reporting drug crimes. This agreement covered both the Latin American conflicts and Afghanistan war. It remained in effect until August, 1995 when it was quietly rescinded by Janet Reno after Gary Webb began making inquiries for his series. The 1995 revision of the DoJ-CIA MOU specifically includes narcotics violations among the lists of potential offenses by non-employees that must be reported to DOJ.
Source: cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/contra-story/13.gif

Exhibit 3: On February 8, 1985, Deputy Chief of DoJ’s Office of Intelligence Policy andReview (OIPR) from 1979 to 1991, A. R. Cinquegrana signed off on this letter approving the MOU. Mark M. Richard, Deputy Assistant Attorney General with responsibility for General Litigation and International Law Enforcement in 1982, states that he was unableto explain why narcotics violations were not on the list of reportable crimes except thatthe MOU had “other deficiencies, not just drugs.”
Source: cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/cocaine/contra-story/14.gif

AND Finally, Mr. Leen, if that is not enough, I would remind you of what Senator Kerry found after interviewing dozens of witnesses:
https://web.archive.org/web/20070104000306/http://www.thememoryhole.com/kerry/
http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/nsaebb2.htm
http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB113/index.htm

“There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras.”—Senator John Kerry, The Washington Post (1996)

“It is clear that there is a network of drug trafficking through the Contras…We can produce specific law-enforcement officials who will tell you that they have been called off drug-trafficking investigations because the CIA is involved or because it would threaten national security.”
–Senator John Kerry at a closed door Senate Committee hearing

“Because of Webb’s work the CIA launched an Inspector General investigation that named dozens of troubling connections to drug runners. That wouldn’t have happened if Gary Webb hadn’t been willing to stand up and risk it all.”
Senator John Kerry (LA Weekly, May 30, 2013)

“The Contras moved drugs not by the pound, not by the bags, but by the tons, by the cargo planeloads.”
–Jack Blum, investigator for the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee, testimony under oath on Feb. 11, 1987

“We were complicit as a country, in narcotics traffic at the same time as we’re spending countless dollars in this country as we try to get rid of this problem. It’s mind-boggling.
I don’t know if we got the worst intelligence system in the world, i don’t know if we have the best and they knew it all, and just overlooked it.
But no matter how you look at it, something’s wrong. Something is really wrong out there.”
– Senator John Kerry, Iran Contra Hearings, 1987


"If you ask: In the process of fighting a war against the Sandinistas, did people connected with the US government open channels which allowed drug traffickers to move drugs to the United States, did they know the drug traffickers were doing it, and did they protect them from law enforcement? The answer to all those questions is yes.""We don't need to investigate . We already know. The evidence is there."--
Jack Blum, former Chief Counsel to John Kerry's Subcommittee on Narcotics and Terrorism in 1996 Senate Hearings


"what we investigated, which is on the record as part of the Kerry committee report, is evidence that narcotics traffickers associated with the Contra leaders were allowed to smuggle over a ton of cocaine into the United States. Those same Contra leaders admitted under oath their association and affiliation with the CIA."
--John Mattes, attorney, former federal public defender, counsel to John Kerry's senate committee


"We also became aware of deep connections between the law-enforcement community and the intelligence community. I, personally, repeatedly heard from prosecutors and people in the law-enforcement world that CIA agents were required to sit in on the debriefing of various people who were being questioned about the drug trade. They were required to be present when witnesses were being prepped for certain drug trials. At various times the intelligence community inserted itself in that legal process. I believe that that was an impropriety; that that should not have occurred."

--Jack Blum, speaking before the October 1996 Senate Select Intelligence Committee on alleged CIA drug trafficking to fund Nicaraguan Contras in the 1980s, Chaired by Senator Arlen Specter.




Any further questions Jeff?




The Head of the DEA ROBERT BONNER (NOW a federal Judge)says The CIA smuggled drugs (see the video)
When this case broke, EX DEA Mike Levine spoke with his former colleague in DEA, Annabelle Grimm. She stated that "27 Tons, Minimum" had been smuggled into the U.S.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/131231070/60-MINUTES-Head-of-DEA-Robert-Bonner-Says-CIA-Smuggled-Drugs





---------

This letter was originally published at Robert Parry's Consortium News, a GREAT WEBSITE
http://consortiumnews.com/2014/11/02/gary-webb-and-media-manipulation/



Please consider a donation to Robert Parry, who broke the Contra Cocaine story ten years before Gary Webb and was the basis for his story Dark Alliance

http://consortiumnews.com/2014/11/05/we-came-up-4500-short/

–You can make a donation to our tax-exempt non-profit. You can use a credit card online (we accept Visa, Mastercard or Discover) or you can mail a check to Consortium for Independent Journalism (CIJ); 2200 Wilson Blvd., Suite 102-231; Arlington VA 22201. For readers wanting to use PayPal, you can address contributions to our account, which is named after our e-mail address: consortnew@aol.com (Since we are a 501-c-3 non-profit, donations by American taxpayers may be tax-deductible.)

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #455 
11.17.14 SALON-Reagan’s hip-hop nightmare: How an ugly cocaine controversy reignited 30 years later

Ronald Reagan’s hip-hop nightmare: How an ugly cocaine controversy reignited 30 years later
The hip-hop community is convinced Reagan oversaw a vast trafficking network during the crack epidemic. Is it true?
Matthew Pulver



Ronald Reagan's hip-hop nightmare: How an ugly cocaine controversy reignited 30 years laterJay-Z, Ronald Reagan, Kanye West (Credit: AP/Reuters/Benoit Tessier/Danny Moloshok/Photo montage by Salon)

Two recent films are reigniting a debate that was never really settled, not for everyone: Did President Ronald Reagan permit (or even facilitate) the sale of tons of cocaine into the American inner city during the height of the crack crisis? It’s likely that audiences of “Kill the Messenger” and “Freeway: Crack in the System” will be shocked to hear the allegations. The reverence shown Reagan, much of it bipartisan, shields the late president’s legacy from the Iran-Contra affair’s web of gun-running, terror support and narcotrafficking. Reagan, so grandfatherly, so esteemed, couldn’t have possibly presided over such criminality, right?

Right?

There’s a good chance your favorite rapper indicted Reagan long before these new films. That Reagan permitted or actively facilitated a massive influx of cocaine during the 1980s is not even an allegation in the hip-hop community — it’s accepted fact, political bedrock. And it’s not underground agitprop artists no one’s ever heard of making the claims; it’s household names, legends, global superstars.

Jay-Z has made the allegation multiple times, both on records and in print. On 2007’s “Blue Magic,” Hova, a former crack dealer, raps:

Blame Reagan for making me into a monster

Blame Oliver North and Iran-Contra

I ran contraband that they sponsored

Before this rhymin stuff we was in concert

Jay even flirts with American sacrilege and makes a faint equation with Osama bin Laden on his 2003 remix of Punjabi MC’s “Beware of the Boys”:

It’s international Hov, been having a flow

Before Bin Laden got Manhattan to blow

Before Ronald Reagan got Manhattan the blow

Long before al Qaeda’s attack on the World Trade Center, Hov says, Reagan had already decimated the city (or parts of the city) with his “blow.” The parallel construction of the lines likens the two figures in a way. Jay repeats the accusation in his 2010 autobiography “Decoded,” in which he expands the indictment to involve Reagan’s simultaneous escalation and racialization of the “War on Drugs.” Platinum-selling artist Pusha T, signed to Kanye West’s G.O.O.D. Music, echoes Jay-Z’s dual indictment in his music, considering both the alleged narcotrafficking and the concurrent drug war. Pusha also delivers nice wordplay on “Along in Vegas,” with the line “Reagan era I ran contraband,” which embeds the phrase “Iran Contra” in the lyric about Pusha’s former life as a dealer.

Kanye West, arguably the heir to Jay-Z’s throne, makes the claim as well on his 2005 “Crack Music”:

How we stop the Black Panthers?

Ronald Reagan cooked up an answer

Kanye nudges the allegation into conspiracy theory territory, as many do, suggesting that the trafficking was expressly intended to quell black radicalism brewing in the increasingly desperate inner city during the 1970s and ’80s. 2Pac offered a similar theory on his much-beloved “Changes”:

First ship ‘em dope and let ‘em deal to brothers

Give ‘em guns, step back, watch ‘em kill each other

No evidence exists to support these claims, and the overblown propositions potentially distract from the ample available evidence pointing to criminality on all three fronts of Iran-Contra: arms sales to Iran, support for Contra guerillas, and the bringing of Contra-based cocaine into the country. The single surviving memo from Colonel Oliver North’s infamous “shredding party” reveals the administration’s arms sales to Iran, a state sponsor of terrorism according to the Reagan State Department. The 1989 Kerry Committee report found that “t is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking” and that “n each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter.” The report goes on to detail how U.S. officials “failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war efforts against Nicaragua.”

So while a sturdy case can be made for willful negligence on the part of the Reagan White House to stem the flow of cocaine, the less defensible cocaine-as-social-control theory remains a popular one. Yasiin Bey (BKA actor/rapper Mos Def) offered his version on his 1999 classic “Mathematics”:

Nearly half of America’s largest cities is one-quarter black

That’s why they gave Ricky Ross all the crack

Bey refers to “Freeway” Ricky Ross, the subject of “Freeway: Crack in the System,” allegedly the primary conduit through which the Contras’ cocaine flowed into the American inner city. Two rappers, former Jay-Z labelmate Freeway and superstar Rick Ross, both derive their stage names from the Los Angeles kingpin. At its height, Ross’ coast-to-coast coke empire was selling half a million crack rocks per day. The LA Times reported on the infamous crime boss in 1996, finding that “if there was one outlaw capitalist most responsible for flooding Los Angeles’ streets with mass-marketed cocaine, his name was ‘Freeway’ Rick.” Ross himself claims that his connection was a CIA agent, and the CIA itself admitted to turning a blind eye to Contra cocaine traffickers in the 1998 report from the agency’s Inspector General, but theories based on a master plan to chemically subdue black Americans are too outlandish to be considered.

Before Jay, Kanye and Yasiin Bey were Golden Era icon KRS-One and Rage Against the Machine’s Zack de la Rocha, whose 1998 “CIA (Criminals In Action)” took aim at the intelligence agency’s involvement in the affair. Forming a trio with The Last Emperor, the rappers offer a critique in the vein of Kanye and Yasiin Bey’s, but both broadened and more substantive than the latter’s accusatory couplets. The song weaves together postcolonial theory and critiques of neoliberalism, imperialism and the surveillance state to situate alleged government narcotrafficking in a wider web of power. KRS and de la Rocha exchange lines in the song’s hook:

You claim I’m sellin crack, but you be doin’ that!

You know the cops, they got a network for the toxic rock!

“CIA (Criminals In Action)” was perhaps the first substantial accusation of Washington’s narcotrafficking. Nearly 15 years later, the most recent lyrical assault of note, Atlanta rapper Killer Mike’s 2012 “Reagan,” echoes the song’s expansive critique and demonstrates that the anger felt toward Reagan has both intensified and spread in the intervening years. The song interrogates the national security apparatus, the prison industrial complex and racism from Reagan to the present, which, by including President Obama in the indictment, presents persistent Reaganism as the real danger.

“Reagan” is a fan favorite from Mike’s album “R.A.P. Music,” a collaboration with Brooklyn producer El-P that made the rapper the new darling of Pitchfork and other indie tastemakers. On Rap Genius, the song’s lyrics have been viewed nearly twice as often the next-most-popular song on the album. While the early anti-Reagan songs communicated the message among the rap underground and traditional hip-hop audiences, Killer Mike’s angry anthem is a favorite to a largely white listenership. In live performances, Killer Mike often recites the song a capella, despite the track’s bombastic production, in an attempt to drive the lyrics home to white, middle-class audiences. Mike concludes the song in concert by rousing the audience to join him in repeating the song’s last line: “I’m glad Reagan dead!” The crowd, a sea of raised middle fingers during the explosive coda, screams in unison this American heresy. Something is changing.

As Tea Party canonization brightens the aura around the late president for the right, Killer Mike’s “Reagan” reveals a contrapuntal, inverse reaction on the left and among many youth. In the age of Occupy and the Tea Party, diverging attitudes toward Reagan represent a widening gulf between political poles, between generations, between holders of privilege and those without. The anger of those left behind during the Reagan era is perhaps now an anger shared by younger Americans whose futures feel sacrificed to the prerogatives of those with their hands on the levers of power, whether in legislative houses or boardrooms.

The sea change may not be apparent to some observers of Washington politics. While Reagan’s legacy suffers rot and corrosion among black Americans and an increasing number of white youth, he remains unchallengeable in Washington. Even President Obama, the socialist bogeyman to conservatives, cites Reagan to justify policy propositions and endear himself to conservative audiences. Obama acknowledges that Reagan altered the course of history in a way that no one since Lyndon Johnson has matched. Some critics contend that the change promised with the election of Obama has done little to sway the general direction charted by Reagan.

Ultimately, as anti-Reaganism solidifies and spreads, the argument is not only about whether cocaine was allowed to be dumped into black neighborhoods; it is about who gets sacrificed in the service of power. To some degree, and we’ll likely never know the extent, black Americans were seen as expendable in the mad dash to illegally fund pro-capitalist guerrillas in Central America. The documented arm sales to Iran to fund the Contras made expendable an unknown number of Iraqis during the two nations’ bloody eight-year war. Reagan is not, in hip-hop parlance, merely a “dead president,” but a national metonym for power, privilege and a particularly brutal means of its defense. “They only love the rich, and how they loathe the poor,” raps Killer Mike in “Reagan,” a song that ultimately aligns a global myriad of the relatively powerless against the elite, symbolized by Reagan.


-----------------

Say Hello to Rick Ross
1980: Crack was just turning up in the United States. The contras were seeking funds to support their civil war in Nicaragua. And an L. A. kid was looking for an opportunity. The combination would change America.

By Mike Sager on September 25, 2013


http://www.esquire.com/features/rick-ross-drug-dealer-interview-1013

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #456 
Support Gary Webb and Re-Release Kill the Messenger in Theaters

https://www.change.org/p/universal-pictures-support-gary-webb-and-re-release-kill-the-messenger-in-theaters

Support Gary Webb and Re-Release Kill the Messenger in Theaters
Kill the Messenger Film Advocate
Соединенные Штаты

Eighteen years ago, investigative reporter Gary Webb uncovered C.I.A. involvement in the origin of the 1980’s crack cocaine epidemic. His discovery, one of the most important outings of U.S. government conspiracy and horrifying injustice to the Black community, did not lead to mass public outrage and call to action. Rather, Gary was destroyed, discredited and disowned by fellow journalists and his own editors, some of which were quietly spurred by members of the C.I.A.

While Gary continued to fight for vindication, his career never fully recovered from his decision to tell the truth. In December 2004, Gary passed away from two gunshot wounds to the head, ruled suicide.

On October 10th, 2014, Focus Features released a film based on Gary’s story, entitled Kill the Messenger, starring Jeremy Renner (The Hurt Locker, The Avengers). Despite positive reviews, a stellar cast, and early buzz, Focus released the film quietly and with little to no marketing efforts. Due to this, Kill the Messenger was mostly noticed only after it had already been pulled from local theaters, even at its highest expansion. As of November 15th, Focus has run several weekly nation-wide commercials for the film, yet has removed it from all but 18 theaters.

On November 2nd, representatives of Focus Features inexplicably failed to attend a fully-packed private award screening hosted specifically for Kill the Messenger and the Writers Guild of America. In doing so, Focus deprived a theater full of viewers and awards voters any access to the film.

As of November 24th, Kill the Messenger has been in limited theaters for about six weeks. The film has inspired an assortment of responses from Gary's prior persecutors, including open remorse, reluctant apologies, and continued outrage. While it has been labeled one of the most important movies of the year and a “final vindication” for Gary Webb, it has yet to be made noticeable and accessible to the majority of the population.

The behavior exhibited by Focus Features in this film is unprofessional, uncharacteristic of any film distributor keen on turning a profit, and not unlike the method of suppression and distancing used by Gary’s peers and colleagues. Fully acknowledging that Focus Features is emphasizing their Stephen Hawking-biopic over the next few months, we are asking that they at least make Kill the Messenger available again in theaters to the eager audience adamant on seeing it, as well as any open film awards group.

This movie ultimately starts the conversation that everyone should be having, and could not be more relevant and critical to our current society.

Please help petition Focus Features to notably expand or re-release Kill the Messenger in nation-wide theaters this fall and/or winter. After a career characterized by suppression of truth, Gary’s story deserves to be heard.



“The reason I'd enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn't been, as I'd assumed, because I was careful and diligent and good at my job. The truth was that, in all those years, I hadn't written anything important enough to suppress.” --Gary Webb

------------------------------------------------------------------------

About the Film:

Kill the Messenger is directed by Michael Cuesta and stars Jeremy Renner, Robert Patrick, Mary Elizabeth Winstead, Oliver Platt, Rosemarie Dewitt, Paz Vega, Barry Pepper, Michael Sheen, Tim Blake Nelson, Michael Kenneth Williams, Andy Garcia, and Ray Liotta.

“Every part of this sprawling cast is worthy of praise, nailing the drama's steely tone and resolve.” –Cinemablend

“Jeremy Renner gives his best performance since 'The Hurt Locker' in this assiduous, engrossing drama.” –Variety

“ is a brilliantly staged and acted powder keg of a thriller, one that illuminates a true American horror story and clamors for a closer examination of the government’s relationship with the press. In the age of whistleblowers like Julian Assange and Edward Snowden, we cannot forget Gary Webb…The moral outrage provokes remains intensely relevant.” –We Got This Covered

“With this career-best performance, Renner should at least be in the discussion for another Academy nod.” –David Kaplan

“A cautionary tale about what might easily transpire whenever the Fourth Estate is willing to serve as the Fifth Column rather than as a government watchdog.”—Kam Williams

“Kill the Messenger flies high on Jeremy Renner's all-stops-out performance as 1990s-era journalist Gary Webb…The film inspires a moral outrage that feels disconcertingly timely.” –Rolling Stone

“Kill the Messenger is a vital reminder that a free press must be free to press the powerful for answers.” –St. Louis Post-Dispatch

“The entire cast is perfect…Kill the Messenger is an extremely powerful film—and one that is so important historically” – Jeanne Kaplan

Kill the Messenger is Certified Fresh on Rotten Tomatoes at 77%: http://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/kill_the_messenger_2015/

Kill the Messenger IMDB: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1216491/

The articles that started it all: http://www.narconews.com/darkalliance/drugs/start.htm

Featurettes featuring Jeremy Renner, director Michael Cuesta, Michaek K. Williams, Freeway Ricky Ross, producers, & more:

Kill the Messenger Movie Featurette - Crack in America

Kill the Messenger Movie Featurette - An Eyewitness Account

Unofficial Twitter: @killthemess2014
Направлено:
Universal Pictures
Focus Features
Support Gary Webb and Re-Release Kill the Messenger in Theaters!
Последние обновления
250 подписчиков
26 нояб. 2014 'г'.
Обновление петиции
Day One Update
25 нояб. 2014 'г'. — Incredible. With your help, we have amassed more than 200 signatures in the course of a day! Thank you for your amazing support. Thus far, we have seen the petition spread via Tumblr, Twitter, Facebook, and change.org, all of which are tremendous! We greatly appreciate every effort, big or small, and really hope to continue the trend. Feel free to add @FocusFeatures while posting or tweeting about the petition as well in order to ensure that our voice is heard.

Gary Webb's Dark Alliance remains incredibly relevant to our society today. Each signature gets us that much closer to ensuring that everyone will have the chance to see, hear, and understand why.

Thank you again!Далее

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #457 
UNODC Afghanistan Opium Survey 2014
November 16, 2014        

UNODC- Afghan Opium-2014
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime


https://publicintelligence.net/unodc-afghan-opium-2014/

http://info.publicintelligence.net/UNODC-AfghanOpium-2014.pdf

The Afghanistan Opium Survey is implemented annually by the Ministry of Counter Narcotics (MCN) of Afghanistan in collaboration with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).

Key Findings

The total area under opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan was estimated at 224,000 hectares in 2014, a 7% increase from the previous year.
The vast majority (89%) of opium cultivation took place in nine provinces in Afghanistan’s Southern and Western regions, which include the country’s most insecure provinces.
Hilmand remained Afghanistan’s major opium-cultivating province, followed by Kandahar, Farah, and Nangarhar.
Opium cultivation increased in most of the main poppy-cultivating provinces, but stabilized in Hilmand itself (+3%).
Interestingly, differing trends could be observed in Hilmand. Inside the former “Food Zone” (an alternative livelihood programme), opium cultivation increased by 13% in 2014 (to 41,089 hectares from 36,244 hectares in 2013). However, outside the former Food Zone, where the increases in poppy cultivation seen in previous years were mainly achieved through artificial irrigation, the area under poppy cultivation decreased slightly.
Total eradication of opium poppy decreased by 63% in 2014, to 2,692 hectares. Average opium yield amounted to 28.7 kilograms per hectare in 2014, which was 9% more than in 2013 (26.3 kilograms per hectare).
Opium yields in the Southern region, which drive overall production, increased by 27%, from 23.2 kilograms per hectare in 2013 to 29.5 kilograms per hectare in 2014. However, yields in the Southern region were still at relatively low levels in comparison to their levels prior to 2010.
Potential opium production was estimated at 6,400 tons in 2014, an increase of 17% from its 2013 level (5,500 tons). This increase can be mainly attributed to a strong increase in production in the Southern region, where yields increased by 27% (from 23.2 kilograms per hectare in 2013 to 29.5 kilograms per hectare in 2014).
Accounting for 69% of national production, the Southern region continued to produce the vast majority of opium in Afghanistan. With 16% of national production, the Western region was the country’s second most important opium-producing region in 2014.
At US$ 0.85 billion, or the equivalent of roughly 4% of Afghanistan’s estimated GDP, the farm-gate value of opium production decreased by 13% in 2014.
In 2014, opium prices decreased in all regions of Afghanistan. One probable reason for the decrease was an increase in supply due to an increase in production.
Based on recent data on the morphine content of Afghan opium, the heroin conversion ratio, which describes the amount of opium needed to produce a kilogram of heroin, has been updated. For converting opium to pure heroin base, a ratio of 18.5:1 is estimated; for heroin of export quality (impure heroin of 52% purity), a ratio of 9.6:1 is estimated. These ratios replace the former ratio of 7:1 for converting opium to heroin of unknown purity.
https://publicintelligence.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/opium-survey-2014.png

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #458 
Petition Update/Tid Bits
http://www.democraticunderground.com/10025873102
Thank you everyone for the support with this film! I'm just someone trying to help spread and update news on it

Focus Features uncharacteristically added 19 theaters to show Kill the Messenger this weekend. Considering they had it playing in only 8 last weekend, it is a noticeable change. http://www.boxofficemojo.com/movies/?page=weekend&id=killthemessenger.htm

Focus continued to run weekly nation-wide commercials with the October release date though, despite keeping the film (mostly) inaccessible. No clue what their motive is there, but for now that's a lot of money down the drain for the same commercial that rarely played before or while the film was in triple-digit theaters.

Here is a brief article explaining how quickly Focus Features initially jumped on the project:
http://insidemovies.ew.com/2013/02/05/focus-features-kill-the-messenger/

Since Focus Features was forced to close down their international branch at the end of last year, its parent company--Universal Pictures--is currently controlling a good amount of the foreign distribution through its other subsidiaries. There's already a number of red flags coming up for how the film is being treated in some markets, especially the UK. As a result, the petition is set up to send an e-mail to both Focus Features and Universal Pictures whenever it is signed. The gesture, at the very least, may serve as an indicator to non-Universal foreign subsidiaries that there is a wide audience for the film that hasn't been given the chance.

Thank you again for your support, please sign and share as much as possible!

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #459 
Kill the Messenger Script FREE DOWNLOAD

http://www.screencraft.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/Kill-The-Messenger.pdf

http://focusguilds2014.com/workspace/media/kill-the-messenger-screenplay.pdf

Kill the Messenger Script

---------------------





12.04.14 A friend remembers investigative journalist Gary Webb on the 10th anniversary of his death

That howling infinite
A friend remembers investigative journalist Gary Webb on the 10th anniversary of his death

By Tom Dresslar
http://www.newsreview.com/sacramento/that-howling-infinite/content?oid=15660098




This article was published on 12.04.14.

Gary Webb appeared on SN&R’s cover after the traditional media attacked him and his CIA-crack cocaine investigation.

Tom Dresslar worked for 13 years as Sacramento Bureau Chief for the Daily Journal, and served with Gary Webb in 2001 as investigative staff for the Joint Legislative Audit Committee.

Read Melinda Welsh's recent cover story on Gary Webb, who worked at SN&R before his death, here: http://tinyurl.com/garywebbSNR.


December 14, 2004. Four days after my friend Gary Webb left his living hell. Two days after the Los Angeles Times turned carrion crow in a disgraceful obit.

The den’s black, and I’m alone with a bottle of Bombay gin and Neil Young. “Ragged Glory” at high volume. I can’t stop the tears anymore, and memories ride the saline stream.

Gary and I met when we worked in our respective newspapers’ Sacramento bureaus. The first time I saw him was at one of those annual press conferences the governor stages to unveil the state budget. At one point, Gary asked Gov. Pete Wilson why he insisted on taking the ax to programs that help the poor when tax codes that subsidize rich people and corporations contained many more-deserving targets. The question didn’t go over too well. I decided then I had to meet this guy.

In subsequent years, we occasionally sat together at the back of the Assembly or Senate chambers. We spent a fair amount of those times laughing, joking, staring at each other in disbelief. Because, let’s face it, a lot of what happens in the Legislature floats in from some alternate reality.

I had my first real conversation with Gary at a going-away party I hosted for one of our reporter colleagues. I put on Neil Young. “Ragged Glory” at high volume. One of the guests came up to me and complained the music was too loud. She said it was too hard for people to hear themselves talk, like what people say at parties has more listening value than Neil Young. I just looked at her and walked out the front door. Gary followed.

He said he never liked Neil Young that much, but that album rocked. We just walked around the neighborhood talking and getting our minds right with something legally considered medicinal now in California. It was a blast. When we got back to the party, the volume of the music didn’t matter anymore.

Then came “Dark Alliance.”

Bob Dylan wrote about “all the criminals in their coats and ties … free to drink martinis and watch the sun rise.” These are the people Gary lived to expose and bring, if not to justice, at least to accountability.

So it was with “Dark Alliance,” a 1996 investigative series about the CIA and crack cocaine he reported and wrote for the San Jose Mercury News. The suits, in this case, belonged to government spies, bureaucrats in the shadows and White House operatives. In “Dark Alliance,” Gary meticulously drew a link between the U.S. government’s funding of Nicaraguan contras’ war against the country’s Sandinista regime in the 1980s and the crack cocaine supply in Los Angeles.

Instead of winning credit for excellent work, Gary got smeared. Instead of standing up for him, his editors at the Mercury News abandoned him. Ultimately, Gary was ruthlessly cast out of the profession he loved.

What made the excommunication particularly maddening was that the media high priests who carried it out had zero credibility. The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times—they fashion themselves as titans of U.S. mainstream media. But when it comes to foreign affairs, they’ve always been more like the family dog. They get fed at the White House correspondents’ dinner, or maybe over drinks at some Washington, D.C., watering hole, then regurgitate the government’s propaganda.

These were the people who appointed themselves Gary’s Star Chamber judges. Instead of tilling the ground Gary broke, they made it their mission to tear his story, and him, apart. In this effort, they quoted and served their government patrons.

In the end, after it was too late, they were proven wrong. A CIA inspector general report ultimately confirmed the substance of Gary’s work. Faced with the facts, some papers, including the Los Angeles Times, subsequently confessed the errors in their rabid criticism of “Dark Alliance.”

In 2002, long after he was banished, Gary and I worked together as investigative staff for the Joint Legislative Audit Committee. There, the major project we collaborated on was a set of hearings into a big computer contract between the state and Oracle. The contract was like a lot of large California IT projects—a disaster. This affair, though, featured some juicy stuff others didn’t.

During those hearings, we spent long hours in an office crowded with boxes of documents. We ate late dinners there. We had a lot of laughs. But, mostly, what we had was great respect for each other. I was awed by Gary’s talent and work ethic. I remember going home one weekend, and when I got to work Monday, Gary had produced a detailed timeline from the piles of documents we had amassed. His timeline formed the core of our work on the Oracle hearings.

Ultimately, the hearings forced the ouster of bureaucrats who shouldn’t have been collecting paychecks at taxpayers’ expense. Gary deserves much of the credit for making it happen.

I believe Gary was happy during the Oracle investigation. When he worked he was a fire. You could almost hear him snap and crackle. And that wry smile that sometimes exploded into a laugh? I got to enjoy it a lot.

Unfortunately, the work didn’t last long. A few years after our team was dismantled, Gary called me looking for work. In the end, I couldn’t help him. I will always feel I let him down.

Gary’s been gone for 10 years. I think about him a lot. Often, it’s when I’m trying to muster my guts. I decided about three years ago to write a 10-year memorial piece.

When I think of Gary, I remember a favorite Herman Melville passage. Gary had the courage to live and work in “that howling infinite.” The people who ruined his life didn’t. They slithered “worm-like” on the safe land.

Remembering Gary also makes me think of “Ragged Glory,” and how those words make a fitting headline for Gary’s life. Wherever you are, Gary, I hope you play the album from time to time. “Ragged Glory” at high volume.


Posted 12/06/2014 4:49AM by Suewebb1
Thank you Tom for sharing such a great tribute to Gary. I too remember he was like his old self while working on the Oracle investigation. Once again he was doing what he loved and it brought him out of his post Dark Alliance depression for a short while. Hard to believe it has been 10 years since his death. It never gets easier.You can’t make sense of it,so you just learn to live with it. - Sue Webb


------------------------------


RELATED--Contra drug cover up artist played a role in Iraq Torture


Chief of Iraq Torture Commandos: “The Americans knew about everything I did”
By: Jeff Kaye Saturday March 9, 2013 2:22 pm

http://dissenter.firedoglake.com/2013/03/09/chief-of-iraq-torture-commandos-the-americans-knew-about-everything-i-did/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #460 

From Universal Pictures Home Entertainment: Kill The Messenger
Oscar™ Nominee Jeremy Renner Stars In The Gripping Dramatic Thriller Inspired By A Shocking Real-life Conspiracy
Kill The Messenger

"**** ONE OF THE BEST FILMS OF THE YEAR." - Steve Oldfield, Fox TV
OWN IT ON DIGITAL HD JANUARY 27, 2015

AVAILABLE ON BLU-RAY™ COMBO PACK INCLUDING BLU-RAY™, DVD & DIGITAL HD WITH ULTRAVIOLET™ AND ON DVD FEBRUARY 10, 2015 FROM UNIVERSAL PICTURES HOME ENTERTAINMENT
PR Newswire
Universal Studios Home Entertainment December 11, 2014 9:00 AM






UNIVERSAL CITY, Calif, Dec. 11, 2014 /PRNewswire/ -- A gutsy investigative journalist pursues the story of a lifetime in Focus Features' Kill the Messenger, a powerful dramatic thriller based on a remarkable true story, coming to Blu-ray™ Combo Pack including Blu-ray™, DVD & Digital HD with UltraViolet™ as well as DVD and On Demand on February 10, 2015, from Universal Pictures Home Entertainment. The Blu-ray™ Combo Pack and DVD feature exclusive bonus content including deleted scenes, cast profiles, filmmaker commentary and more. Two-time Academy Award® nominee Jeremy Renner (The Bourne Legacy) leads an all-star cast with Emmy Award winner Michael Cuesta (Homeland) directing. Kill the Messenger will also be available on Digital HD on January 27, 2015.

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From Universal Pictures Home Entertainment: Kill The Messenger

Kill the Messenger is based on the true story of Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb (portrayed by Jeremy Renner). In the 1990s, this dedicated reporter's quest for the truth took him from the prisons of California to the villages of Nicaragua to the corridors of power in Washington, D.C. – and his investigative reporting drew the kind of attention that threatened not just his career, but his family and his life. Webb himself becomes the story and a target, as jealous rival reporters who missed the story move to discredit his work and reputation in an increasingly vicious smear campaign. His wife Sue (Rosemarie DeWitt) tries to stand by him even as, despite warnings from drug kingpins and menacing surveillance intended to deter his investigation, Webb keeps digging to prove a direct link between cocaine smugglers and the CIA, a conspiracy with explosive implications.

The Blu-ray™ Combo Pack includes a Blu-ray™, DVD and DIGITAL HD with UltraViolet™.

Blu-ray™ unleashes the power of your HDTV and is the best way to watch movies at home, featuring 6X the picture resolution of DVD, exclusive extras and theater-quality surround sound.
DVD offers the flexibility and convenience of playing movies in more places, both at home and away.
DIGITAL HD with UltraViolet™ lets fans watch movies anywhere on their favorite devices. Users can instantly stream or download.

Bonus Features Exclusive to Blu-ray™ & DVD

Feature Commentary with Director Michael Cuesta

Bonus Features on Blu-ray™, DVD & Digital HD

Deleted Scenes with commentary by director Michael Cuesta
Kill the Messenger: The All- Star Cast – Jeremy Renner leads an all-star cast in this dramatic thriller
Crack in America – A look at the story uncovered by Gary Webb
Filming in Georgia – Filmmakers discuss the benefits of filming in Georgia

FILMMAKERS

Cast: Jeremy Renner, Rosemarie DeWitt, Ray Liotta, Tim Blake Nelson, Barry Pepper, Oliver Platt, Michael Sheen, Michael Kenneth Williams, Mary Elizabeth Winstead, and Andy Garcia
Directed By: Michael Cuesta
Written By: Peter Landesman, based upon the books Dark Alliance, by Gary Webb, and Kill the Messenger, by Nick Schou
Produced By: Scott Stuber, Naomi Despres, Jeremy Renner
Executive Producers: Peter Landesman, Pamela Abdy, Don Handfield, Michael Bederman
Casting: Avy Kaufman, CSA
Director of Photography: Sean Bobbitt, BSC
Production Designer: John Paino
Edited By: Brian A. Kates, ACE
Music By: Nathan Johnson
Costume Designer: Kimberly Adams

TECHNICAL INFORMATION - Blu-ray™:

Street Date: February 10, 2015
Copyright: 2015 Universal Studios. All Rights Reserved.
Selection Numbers: 62130346
Running Time: 1 hour 52 minutes
Layers: BD-50
Aspect Ratio: 2.40:1
Rating: R for language and drug content
Technical Info: English DTS-HD Master Audio 5.1, Dolby Digital 2.0
Subtitles: English SDH, Spanish and French subtitles

TECHNICAL INFORMATION - DVD:

Street Date: February 10, 2015
Copyright: 2015 Universal Studios. All Rights Reserved.
Selection Numbers: 62130347
Running Time: 1 hour 52 minutes
Layers: Dual Layer
Aspect Ratio: 2.40:1
Rating: R for language and drug content
Technical Info: English Dolby Digital 5.1, Dolby Digital 2.0
Subtitles: English SDH, Spanish and French subtitles

For artwork, please log onto our website at http://www.ushepublicity.com.

About Universal Pictures Home Entertainment
Universal Pictures Home Entertainment (UPHE) is a unit of Universal Pictures, a division of Universal Studios (www.universalstudios.com). Universal Studios is a part of NBCUniversal, one of the world's leading media and entertainment companies in the development, production, and marketing of entertainment, news, and information to a global audience. NBCUniversal owns and operates a valuable portfolio of news and entertainment television networks, a premier motion picture company, significant television production operations, a leading television stations group, world-renowned theme parks, and a suite of leading Internet-based businesses. NBCUniversal is a subsidiary of Comcast Corporation.

CONTACT: Universal Pictures Home Entertainment:
Rebecca Wolfson
Publicity
Rwolfson@mprm.com
805-807-2801

Photo - http://photos.prnewswire.com/prnh/20141210/163641



To view the original version on PR Newswire, visit:http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/from-universal-pictures-home-entertainment-kill-the-messenger-300007991.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #461 
EDITOR & PUBLISHER Interview with Jerry Ceppos (Gary Webb's Editor at SJMN)

http://www.editorandpublisher.com/Newsletter/Article/Business-of-News--An-Editor-with-No-Regrets

Business of News: An Editor with No Regrets
posted: 12/16/2014


by: Tim Gallagher
“Kill the Messenger” is very good movie fiction about an investigative story accused of being fictionalized.

But this is not a movie review. And the investigative reporting at the center of the film was not fiction—it just concluded more than it could prove.
- See more at: http://www.editorandpublisher.com/Newsletter/Article/Business-of-News--An-Editor-with-No-Regrets

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #462 
Kerry went soft on the Contra Crack investigation

http://consortiumnews.com/2014/10/28/how-the-washington-press-turned-bad/
How the Washington Press Turned Bad
October 28, 2014



A reader wrote in response to Robert parry's article:
Ralph Walter Reed on October 29, 2014 at 1:11 am said:

In 1991 I helped bring then-Senator John Kerry to Hampshire College in Amherst for an event that was attended by about a hundred people. Near the end of the question and answer period I challenged him with a strong complaint about why the Senate investigation he oversaw into CIA involvement in cocaine smuggling during the time the Boland Amendment was in effect wasn’t more vigorously pursued and promoted given the risks and efforts of so many within and outside of the US government to mitigate the carnage in Central America, “waving the bloody shirt” a bit I’m afraid as I was peripherally involved when in the Air Force, and perhaps blindsiding him as I was the one chiefly responsible for organizing his talk. He became quite visibly distressed, and apologetically replied that “we felt that the country wouldn’t be served by another Watergate” so soon after the original.

Objectively, what might have happened if he had done his constitutional duty? Would the Soviet Union and Warsaw pact have muddled on with the real possibility of nuclear war? On the other hand the behavior of the Clinton White House in Europe, and that the State Department currently in Ukraine doesn’t make me feel like it was in the end justifiable to protect US institutions at the expense of its principles.



----------------------------------




Kerry Aide Jonathan Winer: Jackie Kennedy Intervened in BCCI InvestigatiON
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bank_of_Credit_and_Commerce_International
http://fas.org/irp/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/
http://www.alternet.org/story/20268/the_case_that_kerry_cracked/

BCCI HANDLED MONEY LAUNDERING FOR:

-THE MEDELLIN CARTEL
-CIA
-BIN LADEN
-MANUEL NORIEGA
-CONTRAS

AMONG OTHERS.




Senator John Kerry's Aide. Jonathan Winer interview: Jackie Kennedy tried to squash The BCCI Investigation.
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/choice2004/interviews/winer.html
see also:
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/special/winer.html

There was a phone call from Jackie Kennedy to the senator's (John Kerry) office, correct? Do you remember that incident?

I remember John talking to us after it happened. He felt badly. He thought the world of Jackie Kennedy, thought she was a wonderful human being. He admired her. He had affection and respect for her, and all those all those things. To have her say, "Why are you doing this to my friend Clark Clifford?" was painful. You know, he shook his head. It wasn't a location he particularly wanted to be in.

But he didn't tell us to stop. He said, "You do what you have to do." The hearings continued, and the investigations continued until we'd found out as much as we possibly could. That's what happened.

--Jonathan Winer was U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics Matters 1994-1999. He previously worked as counsel to Sen John Kerry (D-MA) advising on foreign policy issues 1983 to 1997
------------------------------------

This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 6/20/2003.
http://www.boston.com/globe/nation/packages/kerry/062003.shtml

Kerry's investigation, launched in 1988, helped to close the bank three years later, but not without upsetting some in Washington's Democratic establishment. Prominent BCCI friends included former Defense Secretary Clark Clifford, former President Jimmy Carter, and his budget director, Bert Lance. When news broke that Clifford's Washington bank was a shell for BCCI -- and how the silver-haired Democrat had handsomely profited in the scheme -- some of Kerry's Senate colleagues grew icy.

"What are you doing to my friend Clark Clifford?" more than one Democratic senator asked Kerry. Kerry's aides recall how Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis and Pamela Harriman, a prominent party fund-raiser, called on the senator, urging him to not to pursue Clifford.

--------------------------------

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #463 
12.14.14-RadioWHO Ep3: CIA Crack Kingpin Ricky Ross

http://whowhatwhy.com/2014/12/14/radiowho-episode-3-cia-crack-kingpin-ricky-ross/

RadioWHO Episode 3: CIA Crack Kingpin Ricky Ross

Dec 14, 2014 by Guillermo Jimenez

http://traffic.libsyn.com/whowhatwhy/RadioWHO_Podcast_-_Episode_03_-_Rick_Ross.mp3

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #464 
THE LASD Deputy ROBERTO JUAREZ Who Ripped off Freeway Ricky Ross IS Interviewed

Crooked Los Angeles County sheriff's deputy breaks silence
Eyewitness News has uncovered the tale of an L.A. County sheriff's deputy tempted by money, greed and power who's pulling back the curtain on corrupt cops.
KABC
By Jory Rand
Friday, October 17, 2014
http://abc7.com/news/crooked-los-angeles-county-sheriffs-deputy-breaks-silence/354150/
http://crackinthesystem.com/roberto-juarez




The Blog of Deputy Roberto Juarez (LASD Ret)
http://robertojuarez.wordpress.com/tag/deputy-juarez/

Los Angeles Sherrif Sherman Block's Investigation into Contra-Crack
https://www.scribd.com/doc/117079476/Los-Angeles-Sheriff-s-Department-Investigation-CIA-Contra-Drug-Sales-in-LA


Deputies' Downfall Began With a Videotaped Sting : Crime: Officers were jailed. Drug dealers went free. Credibility was shaken. And the probe is not yet over.
BREACH OF TRUST: Inside the Sheriff's Department money-skimming scandal. * Last in a series
December 03, 1993|VICTOR MERINA | TIMES STAFF WRITER
http://articles.latimes.com/1993-12-03/news/mn-63503_1_drug-dealer

=========================
OPERATION BIG SPENDER
http://fas.org/irp/agency/doj/oig/c4rpt/ch02p2.htm


COLUMN ONE : The Slide From Cop to Criminal : They were once the elite of the war on drugs. They busted bad guys, won awards and seized millions in illicit money. But along the way they succumbed to greed and lawlessness.
December 1, 1993
http://articles.latimes.com/1993-12-01/news/mn-62842_1_drug-money


6 Deputies Guilty in Corruption Case : Narcotics: Members of elite team convicted of conspiring to steal cash from traffickers, money launderers. Hundreds of thousands of dollars involved.
December 11, 1990
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-12-11/news/mn-6313_1_money-launderer


Deputies Described as Corrupt : Trial: The prosecutor says seven law enforcement officers turned the drug war into their own personal piggy banks.
November 28, 1990
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-11-28/local/me-5040_1_piggy-banks



Indicted Deputies Linked by a Hard-Driving Sergeant
February 23, 1990
U.S. Indicts 10 Sheriff Deputies : Narcotics: The L.A. County officers are accused of stealing more than $1.4 million seized in drug arrests. They deny all 27 grand jury charges.
February 23, 1990
http://articles.latimes.com/1990-02-23/news/mn-1155_1_grand-jury

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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joeb

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Posts: 8,406
Reply with quote  #465 
http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/feb/24/chicago-police-detain-americans-black-site

The disappeared: Chicago police detain Americans at abuse-laden 'black site'

Exclusive: Secret interrogation facility reveals aspects of war on terror in US
‘They disappeared us’: protester details 17-hour shackling without basic rights
Accounts describe police brutality, missing 15-year-old and one man’s death


While US military and intelligence interrogation impacted people overseas, Homan Square – said to house military-style vehicles and even a cage – focuses on American citizens, most often poor, black and brown. ‘When you go in,’ Brian Jacob Church told the Guardian, ‘nobody knows what happened to you.’ Video: Phil Batta for the Guardian; editing: Mae Ryan



Tuesday 24 February 2015 16.43 EST Last modified on Tuesday 24 February 2015 22.52 EST



The Chicago police department operates an off-the-books interrogation compound, rendering Americans unable to be found by family or attorneys while locked inside what lawyers say is the domestic equivalent of a CIA black site.

The facility, a nondescript warehouse on Chicago’s west side known as Homan Square, has long been the scene of secretive work by special police units. Interviews with local attorneys and one protester who spent the better part of a day shackled in Homan Square describe operations that deny access to basic constitutional rights.

Alleged police practices at Homan Square, according to those familiar with the facility who spoke out to the Guardian after its investigation into Chicago police abuse, include:

Keeping arrestees out of official booking databases.
Beating by police, resulting in head wounds.
Shackling for prolonged periods.
Denying attorneys access to the “secure” facility.
Holding people without legal counsel for between 12 and 24 hours, including people as young as 15.

At least one man was found unresponsive in a Homan Square “interview room” and later pronounced dead.

Brian Jacob Church, a protester known as one of the “Nato Three”, was held and questioned at Homan Square in 2012 following a police raid. Officers restrained Church for the better part of a day, denying him access to an attorney, before sending him to a nearby police station to be booked and charged.
Chicago’s Homan Square 'black site': surveillance, military-style vehicles and a metal cage
Read more

“Homan Square is definitely an unusual place,” Church told the Guardian on Friday. “It brings to mind the interrogation facilities they use in the Middle East. The CIA calls them black sites. It’s a domestic black site. When you go in, no one knows what’s happened to you.”
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The secretive warehouse is the latest example of Chicago police practices that echo the much-criticized detention abuses of the US war on terrorism. While those abuses impacted people overseas, Homan Square – said to house military-style vehicles, interrogation cells and even a cage – trains its focus on Americans, most often poor, black and brown.

Unlike a precinct, no one taken to Homan Square is said to be booked. Witnesses, suspects or other Chicagoans who end up inside do not appear to have a public, searchable record entered into a database indicating where they are, as happens when someone is booked at a precinct. Lawyers and relatives insist there is no way of finding their whereabouts. Those lawyers who have attempted to gain access to Homan Square are most often turned away, even as their clients remain in custody inside.

“It’s sort of an open secret among attorneys that regularly make police station visits, this place – if you can’t find a client in the system, odds are they’re there,” said Chicago lawyer Julia Bartmes.

Chicago civil-rights attorney Flint Taylor said Homan Square represented a routinization of a notorious practice in local police work that violates the fifth and sixth amendments of the constitution.

“This Homan Square revelation seems to me to be an institutionalization of the practice that dates back more than 40 years,” Taylor said, “of violating a suspect or witness’ rights to a lawyer and not to be physically or otherwise coerced into giving a statement.”
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Much remains hidden about Homan Square. The Chicago police department did not respond to the Guardian’s questions about the facility. But after the Guardian published this story, the department provided a statement insisting, without specifics, that there is nothing untoward taking place at what it called the “sensitive” location, home to undercover units.

“CPD [Chicago police department] abides by all laws, rules and guidelines pertaining to any interviews of suspects or witnesses, at Homan Square or any other CPD facility. If lawyers have a client detained at Homan Square, just like any other facility, they are allowed to speak to and visit them. It also houses CPD’s Evidence Recovered Property Section, where the public is able to claim inventoried property,” the statement said, something numerous attorneys and one Homan Square arrestee have denied.

“There are always records of anyone who is arrested by CPD, and this is not any different at Homan Square,” it continued.

The Chicago police statement did not address how long into an arrest or detention those records are generated or their availability to the public. A department spokesperson did not respond to a detailed request for clarification.

When a Guardian reporter arrived at the warehouse on Friday, a man at the gatehouse outside refused any entrance and would not answer questions. “This is a secure facility. You’re not even supposed to be standing here,” said the man, who refused to give his name.

A former Chicago police superintendent and a more recently retired detective, both of whom have been inside Homan Square in the last few years in a post-police capacity, said the police department did not operate out of the warehouse until the late 1990s.

But in detailing episodes involving their clients over the past several years, lawyers described mad scrambles that led to the closed doors of Homan Square, a place most had never heard of previously. The facility was even unknown to Rob Warden, the founder of Northwestern University Law School’s Center on Wrongful Convictions, until the Guardian informed him of the allegations of clients who vanish into inherently coercive police custody.

“They just disappear,” said Anthony Hill, a criminal defense attorney, “until they show up at a district for charging or are just released back out on the street.”
‘Never going to see the light of day’: the search for the Nato Three, the head wound, the worried mom and the dead man
Homan Square
‘They were held incommunicado for much longer than I think should be permitted in this country – anywhere – but particularly given the strong constitutional rights afforded to people who are being charged with crimes,” said Sarah Gelsomino, the lawyer for Brian Jacob Church. Photograph: Phil Batta/Guardian

Jacob Church learned about Homan Square the hard way. On May 16 2012, he and 11 others were taken there after police infiltrated their protest against the Nato summit. Church says officers cuffed him to a bench for an estimated 17 hours, intermittently interrogating him without reading his Miranda rights to remain silent. It would take another three hours – and an unusual lawyer visit through a wire cage – before he was finally charged with terrorism-related offenses at the nearby 11th district station, where he was made to sign papers, fingerprinted and photographed.

In preparation for the Nato protest, Church, who is from Florida, had written a phone number for the National Lawyers Guild on his arm as a precautionary measure. Once taken to Homan Square, Church asked explicitly to call his lawyers, and said he was denied.

“Essentially, I wasn’t allowed to make any contact with anybody,” Church told the Guardian, in contradiction of a police guidance on permitting phone calls and legal counsel to arrestees.

Church’s left wrist was cuffed to a bar behind a bench in windowless cinderblock cell, with his ankles cuffed together. He remained in those restraints for about 17 hours.

“I had essentially figured, ‘All right, well, they disappeared us and so we’re probably never going to see the light of day again,’” Church said.
Brian Church, Jared Chase and Brent Vincent Betterly, known as the ‘Nato Three’ Brian Jacob Church, Jared Chase and Brent Vincent Betterly, known as the ‘Nato Three’. Photograph: AP/Cook County sheriff's office

Though the raid attracted major media attention, a team of attorneys could not find Church through 12 hours of “active searching”, Sarah Gelsomino, Church’s lawyer, recalled. No booking record existed. Only after she and others made a “major stink” with contacts in the offices of the corporation counsel and Mayor Rahm Emanuel did they even learn about Homan Square.

They sent another attorney to the facility, where he ultimately gained entry, and talked to Church through a floor-to-ceiling chain-link metal cage. Finally, hours later, police took Church and his two co-defendants to a nearby police station for booking.

After serving two and a half years in prison, Church is currently on parole after he and his co-defendants were found not guilty in 2014 of terrorism-related offenses but guilty of lesser charges of possessing an incendiary device and the misdemeanor of “mob action”.

It’s almost like they throw a black bag over your head and make you disappear for a day or two
Brian Jacob Church

The access that Nato Three attorneys received to Homan Square was an exception to the rule, even if Jacob Church’s experience there was not.

Three attorneys interviewed by the Guardian report being personally turned away from Homan Square between 2009 and 2013 without being allowed access to their clients. Two more lawyers who hadn’t been physically denied described it as a place where police withheld information about their clients’ whereabouts. Church was the only person who had been detained at the facility who agreed to talk with the Guardian: their lawyers say others fear police retaliation.

One man in January 2013 had his name changed in the Chicago central bookings database and then taken to Homan Square without a record of his transfer being kept, according to Eliza Solowiej of Chicago’s First Defense Legal Aid. (The man, the Guardian understands, wishes to be anonymous; his current attorney declined to confirm Solowiej’s account.) She found out where he was after he was taken to the hospital with a head injury.

“He said that the officers caused his head injuries in an interrogation room at Homan Square. I had been looking for him for six to eight hours, and every department member I talked to said they had never heard of him,” Solowiej said. “He sent me a phone pic of his head injuries because I had seen him in a police station right before he was transferred to Homan Square without any.”

Bartmes, another Chicago attorney, said that in September 2013 she got a call from a mother worried that her 15-year-old son had been picked up by police before dawn. A sympathetic sergeant followed up with the mother to say her son was being questioned at Homan Square in connection to a shooting and would be released soon. When hours passed, Bartmes traveled to Homan Square, only to be refused entry for nearly an hour.

An officer told her, “Well, you can’t just stand here taking notes, this is a secure facility, there are undercover officers, and you’re making people very nervous,” Bartmes recalled. Told to leave, she said she would return in an hour if the boy was not released. He was home, and not charged, after “12, maybe 13” hours in custody.

On February 2, 2013, John Hubbard was taken to Homan Square. Hubbard never walked out. The Chicago Tribune reported that the 44-year old was found “unresponsive inside an interview room”, and pronounced dead. After publication, the Cook County medical examiner told the Guardian that the cause of death was determined to be heroin intoxication.

Homan Square is hardly concerned exclusively with terrorism. Several special units operate outside of it, including the anti-gang and anti-drug forces. If police “want money, guns, drugs”, or information on the flow of any of them onto Chicago’s streets, “they b
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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #466 
D.E.A. in Disguise: Who Really Arrested El Chapo Back in 2014?
Ryan Devereaux
https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2015/07/23/dea-in-disguise-who-really-arrested-el-chapo/
2015-07-23T18:19:27+00:00


DEA WAS DEALING WITH GUZMAN
DEA Chief of Intelligence in Mexico, Larry Villalobos, and the former Operations Supervisor for the agency, Joe Bond were summoned by Guzman.

http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2014/03/during-first-incarceration-el-chapo.html





Zambada Niebla’s Plea Deal, Chapo Guzman’s Capture May Be Key To An Unfolding Mexican Purge
Posted by Bill Conroy - April 12, 2014 at 6:55 pm

http://narcosphere.narconews.com/notebook/bill-conroy/2014/04/zambada-niebla-s-plea-deal-chapo-guzman-s-capture-may-be-key-unfolding-

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #467 
How a Dogged L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
The "Elliot Ness" of The DEA, Hector Berrellez speaks out about the Camarena Murder
By Jason McGahan
Wednesday, July 1, 2015

http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278






Blood On The Corn
In 1985, a murky alliance of drug lords and government officials tortured and killed a DEA agent named Enrique Camarena. In a three-part series, legendary journalist Charles Bowden finally digs into the terrible mystery behind a hero’s murder.

By Charles Bowden and Molly Molloy
Illustrations by Matt Rota
https://medium.com/matter/blood-on-the-corn-52ac13f7e643

Part II
EPISODE TWO
The murder of young DEA agent Kiki Camarena in 1985 became an international incident — and an obsession for his agency (See: Part I). Hector Berrellez spearheads the hunt for those responsible, called Operation Leyenda. What his sources tell him changes everything.
https://medium.com/matter/blood-on-the-corn-52ac13f7e643

Part III
The investigation of a murdered DEA hero has taken agent Hector Berrellez deep into the murky world of drug traffickers, corrupt Mexican officials, and possibly the CIA (see: parts I and II). His final witnesses take him into the killing room — and threaten not just the case, but his life.
https://medium.com/matter/blood-on-the-corn-part-iii-b13f100cbf32


Chuck Bowden’s Final Story Took 16 Years to Write
The unsolved murder of a DEA agent haunted the celebrated reporter for decades—and he finally completed his investigation in August, just before he died. His co-author talks about why it took so long and meant so much.
https://medium.com/matter/chuck-bowdens-final-story-took-16-years-to-write-9940cb2b4887



*


Ex-DEA officials: CIA operatives involved in 'Kiki' Camarena murder
By Diana Washington Valdez / El Paso Times
Posted: 10/19/2013 09:50:26 AM MDT
http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_24343140/ex-dea-officials-make-bombshell-allegations-about-kiki



Sep 12, 2013 @ 10:00 AM
The Pariah
17 years ago, Gary Webb wrote a series of articles that said some bad things about the CIA and drug traffickers. The CIA denied the charges, and every major newspaper in the country took the agency's word for it. Gary Webb was ruined. Which is a shame, because — as Charles Bowden revealed in this 1998 Esquire story — he was right.

DEA Agent Mike Holm was responsible for the largest drug bust in history. 21 Tons of drugs confiscated in a warehouse in Sylmar, California.
DEA Agent Hector Berrellez was one of the highest decorated DEA Agents in history and headed OPERATION LEYENDA, the murder investigation of fellow agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena'

http://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a23704/pariah-gary-webb-0998/



----
To get an Idea of what happens.....

Clear and Present Danger (Full Movie)Harrison Ford Willem Dafoe (1994) English


You get the idea
The cartel meets with the United States Government and promises to feed it arrests by turning in rivals and lower the level of violence.
The cartel flourishes becase competition is arrested
The U.S. Government is happy because it appears to be "fighting " drugs.


Read more:
Clear and Present Danger (film)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clear_and_Present_Danger_%28film%29
Clear and Present Danger
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0109444/

Sound familiar?

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #468 
Why Chuck Bowden's final story took 16 years to write
Posted Apr 7, 2015, 12:34 pm

Molly Molloy first published by Matter

Charles Bowden wrote this story for 16 years.

In 1996, he read Gary Webb's "Dark Alliance" series for the San Jose Mercury News about the CIA-drug trafficking partnership to finance an illegal war in Nicaragua. When mainstream media and Webb's own paper attacked the story, Bowden wrote a profile of the discredited reporter for Esquire in 1998, aptly titled "The Pariah." http://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a23704/pariah-gary-webb-0998/

Chuck re-examined Webb's sources and found new ones — including retired DEA agent Hector Berrellez. Hector told him of his own discovery of the CIA-drug world links during his investigation of the 1985 murder of DEA agent Enrique Camarena and that Webb had written the truth. Bowden independently verified everything in Webb's series, and he came to admire the reporter's hard-nosed dedication to writing the truth even when it cost him his reputation and career.
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278

When Chuck and I met a few years later, he learned I had spent time in Nicaragua during the contra war, and I learned of his connection to Gary Webb. In 1996, journalism on the internet, where Webb's story really took off, was brand new. But the story of drug sales to support the Nicaraguan contras wasn't new at all. I had worked at a newspaper in Managua in the 1980s that reported on Oliver North and the CIA-supplied mercenary contra army that killed thousands of Nicaraguan civilians. Webb's series "broke an old story," as Chuck wrote, but it was one that most Americans had never heard.

The media backlash around Webb's reporting destroyed his career. Depression swallowed him up and Webb shot himself in December 2004. Chuck wrote to me when he heard:

"i can't deal with e mails at the moment. … i just learned gary webb killed himself friday night. i don't want to talk or communicate with anyone on earth right now. i am beyond pain and into some other country."

He was heartbroken and angry and that wound never healed. He could have written more. He knew more as far back as 1998 that would have backed up Webb's allegations about the CIA and contras and drugs, but his government sources would not go on the record.

Then in 2006, it seemed they might. Chuck wrote to me on December 21, 2006:

Like what you're reading? Support high-quality local journalism and help underwrite independent news without the spin.

"i gotta decide whether to return one more time to the drug world.
yeah, i know. but i've got my dead to consider."

Chuck did go into that world again and talked to Berrellez and to a shadowy CIA operative named Lawrence Harrison, the White Tower. Still, no one would go on the record about the CIA-contra connections with the Mexican traffickers of the Guadalajara cartel. In 2009, Lawrence Harrison wrote, "I felt so bad about Gary Webb because … after his firing he begged me to tell him something that would help him out…"

It was not until late in 2013, when the Mexican government prematurely released trafficker Rafael Caro Quintero—a main figure in Camarena's torture and murder — that Berrellez decided to speak out. Berrellez provided access to eyewitnesses, corrupt Mexican cops, who saw and heard a Cuban CIA operative interrogating the dying agent.

But who would believe these witnesses — men who were involved in torturing and killing Americans on orders from their druglord bosses? Chuck and I traveled to California this year to hear their stories. We saw the stress in their faces and bodies as they went back into those rooms where they knew their own lives could be forfeit. They knew when they took the chance to testify in an American courtroom that if they lied they would be sent back. And that in Mexico they would be killed.

Caro Quintero is now free. Rumor has it that Ernesto Fonseca Carrillo, another trafficker involved in the murder, may soon be released as well.

Enrique Camarena is dead now 29 years. Gary Webb is dead 10 years. Charles Bowden died August 30, 2014 — a few days after finishing the first draft of this story. He said in a video shot in 2005:

"Look you have a gift. Life is precious, and eventually you die. All you are going to have to show for it is your work, and whether you did a good job or not."

"I know when something's done…When I finish, my hands get cold, I think I'm dying…there's nothing left."

On that day, August 30, I left for work. I held his hands in mine and they were like ice.

The story begun in 1998 was finally over. From now on, he was going to write about birds … and the river.

“Blood on the Corn” was first published by Matter, and is republished with kind permission.

TucsonSentinel.com's original reporting and curation of border and immigration news is generously supported in part by a grant from the Ethics and Excellence in Journalism Foundation.








Part 1 Bowden: How the CIA may have tortured one of America's own April 7, 2015

Charles Bowden & Molly Molloy first published by Matter, illustrations by Matt Rota
In 1985, a murky alliance of Mexican drug lords and government officials tortured and killed a DEA agent named Enrique Camarena. In a three-part series, Blood on the Corn, legendary journalist Charles Bowden finally digs into the terrible mystery behind a hero’s murder — his final story.

http://www.tucsonsentinel.com/nationworld/report/040715_blood_on_the_corn1/bowden-how-cia-may-have-tortured-one-americas-own/




PART2 Mexico murder of DEA agent becomes int'l obsession April 7, 2015

The murder of young DEA agent Kiki Camarena in 1985 became an international incident — and an obsession for his agency. Hector Berrellez spearheads the hunt for those responsible, called Operation Leyenda. What his sources tell him changes everything. In a three-part series, Blood on the Corn, legendary journalist Charles Bowden finally digs into the terrible mystery behind a hero's murder.

http://www.tucsonsentinel.com/nationworld/report/040715_blood_on_the_corn2/mexico-murder-dea-agent-becomes-intl-obsession/





PART 3 Into the killing room: Murder of a DEA agent April 7, 2015

The final installment
The investigation of a murdered DEA agent has taken agent Hector Berrellez deep into the murky world of drug traffickers, corrupt Mexican officials, and possibly the CIA. His final witnesses take him into the killing room — and threaten not just the case, but his life. In a three-part series, Blood on the Corn, legendary journalist Charles Bowden finally digs into the terrible mystery behind a hero's murder.

http://www.tucsonsentinel.com/nationworld/report/040715_blood_on_the_corn3/into-killing-room-murder-dea-agent/



Border chronicler Charles Bowden dead at 69 August 30, 2014 
September 1, 2014
http://www.tucsonsentinel.com/local/report/083114_bowden/border-chronicler-charles-bowden-dead-69/


Charles Bowden
December 7, 2012
http://whatiwannaknow.com/2012/12/charles-bowden/







in Spanish:



http://www.imagen.com.mx/operacion-leyenda-documental-kiki-camarena

http://www.proceso.com.mx/?p=409885
Presentan documental sobre el homicidio de Enrique Camarena
COLUMBA VÉRTIZ DE LA FUENTE
6 DE JULIO DE 2015
CULTURA Y ESPECTÁCULOS

http://www.telemundo51.com/noticias/Revelan-secretos-de-muerte-de-Enrique-Camarena-Operacion-Leyenda-CIA-DEA-Mexico-Estados-Unidos-Policia-Narcotrafico-Caro-Quintero-cartel-de-guadalajara-312274341.html
Acusan a la CIA de muerte de Enrique Camarena

Las personas que participaron en el documental dicen temer por sus vidas pero quieren justicia para resarcir el homicidio del agente.

http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/articulo/nacion/seguridad/2015/07/7/ligan-bartlett-con-sobornos-de-cartel


Ligan a Bartlett con sobornos de cártel
En documental, agente retirado de la DEA dice que recibió 4 mmdd para su campaña presidencial
Según el agente retirado de la DEA Héctor Berrellez el ahora senador Manuel Bartlett recibió sobornos del Cártel de Guadalajara para su campaña presidencial. Foto: ARCHIVO EL UNIVERSAL
07/07/2015
Doris Gómora

http://www.sinembargo.mx/07-07-2015/1405899





Additional information:


‘There's No Real Fight Against Drugs’

Discussing El Chapo’s escape with an ex-cartel operative, a Mexican intelligence official, and an American counternarcotics agent
A Mexican soldier crouches inside a drug-smuggling tunnel under the Mexico-U.S. border in Tijuana. Jorge Duenes / Reuters

Ginger Thompson
Jul 20, 2015

http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/07/chapo-mexico-drug-war/398927/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #469 
The Ghosts of Nugan Hand: A New Chapter in a Long-Running CIA Bank Mystery
By Jeff Stein 11/12/15 at 3:00 PM
http://www.newsweek.com/michael-hand-cia-heroin-nugan-hand-australia-393576

============
Published on Nov 10, 2015

Local News 8 interviews Ross Coulthart about his 60 Minutes Australia piece on Michael Jon Hand


===========

William Colby -Board Member at Nugan Hand Bank
WHO MURDERED THE CIA CHIEF?
William E. Colby: A Highly Suspicious Death
By Zalin Grant

This was Saturday, April 27, 1996. William Colby, a former director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, was alone at his weekend house across from Cobb Island, Maryland, 60 miles south of Washington, D.C. Colby, who was 76 years old, had worked all day on his sailboat at a nearby marina, putting it in shape for the coming summer.
http://www.pythiapress.com/wartales/colby.htm



=================
+++In Other News++

UNODC Briefing Paper Endorsing Decriminalization of Drug Use and Possession for Personal Consumption
October 26, 2015

Briefing paper: Decriminalisation of Drug Use and Possession for Personal Consumption
Page Count: 2 pages
Date: October 2015
Restriction: None
Originating Organization: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
https://publicintelligence.net/unodc-drug-decriminalization/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #470 
NOTORIOUS AUSTRALIAN FUGITIVE FOUND LIVING IN THE US AFTER DECADES ON THE RUN. NEW

http://www.9news.com.au/world/2015/11/09/07/22/wanted-australian-fugitive-found-hiding-in-america


-----------------


Australian fugitive found in Idaho Falls
http://www.ktvb.com/story/news/2015/11/09/aussie-fugitive/75490008/





------------

One of Australia's most wanted fugitives, Michael Hand, is 'tracked down in the U.S.' after 35 years on the run following the collapse of the infamous Nugan Hand Bank and apparent suicide of its co-founder

Michael Hand disappeared after collapse of the infamous Nugan Hand Bank
Fellow co-founder of bank, Frank Nugan, found shot dead shortly after
Hand has been tracked down after 35 years on run in U.S. town Idaho Falls
Reporters approached a man who they claimed was Hand outside chemist

By Jenny Awford For Daily Mail Australia

Published: 13:06 GMT, 8 November 2015 | Updated: 15:20 GMT, 8 November 2015
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3309110/Michael-Hand-tracked-35-years-collapse-Nugan-Hand-Bank.html

------------------------------

http://www.news.com.au/national/crime/minutes-track-down-fugitive-michael-hand-living-in-united-states/story-fns0kb1g-1227600904866




Spartacus Educational Background on Nugan Hand
http://spartacus-educational.com/JFKnuganbank.htm




Off-topic -

How Riverside County became America's drug pipeline

The biggest narcotics hub in the United States has been built on a web of highways, suburbia and empty desert.

Brett Kelman, The Desert Sun, and Brad Heath, USA TODAY
http://www.desertsun.com/story/news/crime_courts/2015/11/11/riverside-county-drug-trafficking/75232146/

Off Topic

DEA Informant Who Helped Defeat Medellín Cartel Sues Feds For Back Pay
Carlos Toro spent decades serving and sacrificing for the DEA, but he says they gave him almost nothing in return.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/carlos-toro-dea-informant-lawsuit_55e606f2e4b0c818f619825a

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #471 






Decades After Disappearing From Australia, a CIA-Linked Fugitive is Found in Idaho

Michael Jon Hand was at the center of a decades-old mystery, an Australian bank called Nugan Hand with ties to American military and intelligence officials that defrauded depositors and investors and then collapsed.

by Raymond Bonner, special to ProPublica, Nov. 10, 2015, 1 a.m.

This story was co-published with the Daily Beast.

https://www.propublica.org/article/after-disappearing-from-australia-a-cia-linked-fugitive-found-in-idaho

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2015/11/10/found-after-35-years-cia-s-fugitive-banker.html

......................

............................



http://www.smh.com.au/business/banking-and-finance/nugan-hand-bank-mystery-michael-hand-found-living-in-the-united-states-20151107-gkthas.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Jon_Hand


Nugan Hand bank mystery: Michael Hand found living in the United States

Date November 9, 2015



Nov 14, 2015
Nugan Hand Bank fugitive found in US
Martin McKenzie-Murray
The true story of Sydney's shadowy Nugan Hand Bank, and its connections in the 1970s to the CIA, arms dealing and the Asian drug trade, may be closer with the discovery of Michael Jon Hand alive and well in Idaho.
https://www.thesaturdaypaper.com.au/news/law-crime/2015/11/14/nugan-hand-bank-fugitive-found-us/14474196002625



======================

I'm not to blame for bank collapse: Hand
November 11, 2015 6:45am
AAP
http://www.geelongadvertiser.com.au/news/world/im-not-to-blame-for-bank-collapse-hand/news-story
MICHAEL Hand, the fugitive US banker who vanished from Australia 35 years ago, says he is not to blame for the collapse of the infamous Sydney-based Nugan Hand Bank.

THE 73-year-old also rejects claims he's been in hiding in the US, but says he left Australia because of "numerous" death threats he and his wife received.





FULL BOOK HERE:
-------------------------------------------

THE CRIMES OF PATRIOTS — A TRUE TALE OF DOPE, DIRTY MONEY, AND THE CIA by Jonathan Kwitny
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jonathan_Kwitny

Some background on Nugan Hand Bank:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nugan_Hand_Bank

online here:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/131256455/THE-CRIMES-OF-PATRIOTS-A-TRUE-TALE-OF-DOPE-DIRTY-MONEY-AND-THE-CIA-BY-JOHNATHAN-KWITNY-1987
http://www.naderlibrary.com/lit.crimesofpatriots.toc.htm


THE CRIMES OF PATRIOTS -- A TRUE TALE OF DOPE, DIRTY MONEY, AND THE CIA BY JOHNATHAN KWITNY 1987
COMPLETE BOOK--

"There is a secret government in America. It operates with the explicit and implied authority of the highest officials, and in the name of America's interests it has inflicted great damage on the unsuspecting peoples of other countries and on our own fundamental principles.... I wish everyone would read The Crimes of Patriots. Perhaps then the current hearings on the Iran-Contra affair -- for Ronald Reagan is the latest to wield this secret weapon and to perish by it -- will be the last. An informed people might become an outraged people and finally put a stop to our own self-destruction. If so, we will owe much to Jonathan Kwitny's reporting."
-- Bill Moyers

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #472 
2015 German documentary-NAZIS AND DRUG LORDS - Klaus Barbie became a fixer for drug lords

The second life of a Nazi war criminal: German documentary reveals how 'butcher of Lyon' Klaus Barbie became a fixer for drug lords when he went on the run in South America

Barbie became known as Klaus Altmann when he went on the run in 1945
He worked as a druglord fixer in Latin America and met with Pablo Escobar
General Luis García Meza was helped into power in Bolivia by drug money
Barbie tortured top French resistance operatives and is estimated to have been directly involved in the deaths of 14,000 people

By Allan Hall In Berlin For The Daily Mail

Published: 09:59 EST, 28 July 2015 | Updated: 02:41 EST, 29 July 2015

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3177385/The-second-life-Nazi-war-criminal-German-documentary-reveals-butcher-Lyon-Klaus-Barbie-fixer-drug-lords-went-run-South-America.html


READ MORE:
https://consortiumnews.com/2013/06/06/hitlers-shadow-reaches-toward-today/
http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/criminal-hrsp/legacy/2011/02/04/08-02-83barbie-rpt.pdf
http://www.worldcrunch.com/world-affairs/when-the-king-of-cocaine-built-the-general-motors-of-drug-trafficking/trafficking-drug-kingpin-roberto-suarez/c1s10252/
http://www.dailykos.com/story/2014/03/08/1282812/-The-Butcher-of-Lyon
http://www.democraticunderground.com/11087225

http://www.lalkar.org/article/849/klaus-barbie-nazi-butcher-and-cia-agent

http://www.asadismi.ws/whiteout.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #473 
Governor Jerry Brown's We The People Forum
2 Hour Vid
Former DEA Mike Levine
Former DEA Celerino Castillo



Forum lecture by Michael Levine for We The People, an organization led by the Governor of California, Jerry Brown, and hosted by KPFA Radio's Dennis Bernstein. Also speaking on this video, former DEA Agent and gov't whistleblower Celly Castillo.

Pass it on....

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #474 

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2015/07/12/the-stacks-a-dea-agent-at-war-with-the-war-on-drugs.html

http://michaellevinebooks.com/


Out in the Cold 07.12.1512:01 AM ET
The Stacks: A DEA Agent at War with the War on Drugs
For most of the ’80s Michael Levine was a high-voltage player in America’s drug wars, until he became convinced that the government’s efforts were misguided and useless.


“There is no drug war. It’s a fraud. No other nation in the world has a drug war. The rest have addiction problems. We have war. Why? Because it’s a toy, a grab bag with a lot of big hands in it.”

To Levine, the real news—not the fingertip kind the media like—resides in the actions and motivations of secrecy fetishists, backroom rulers who despise limits, government employees who have begun to control their employers.

“The DEA,” he says, “they want more power, more people, more funding, more headlines and glory. The politicians, they want a platform easily sold to voters, something that the public can identify and think something’s being done, an illusion that they can throw millions of dollars at and show that they’re challenging the drug barons; the war is great theater for politicians.” The Pentagon and CIA: with the fade of communism, they are building a pretext for maintaining their budgets. Everybody wants a toy. All held together by a phrase: war on drugs. The black humor, the madness, is heartbreaking.

“God knows how many secret elements,” he says, “are out there working under the guise of the drug war. Oliver North was the latest example. His operation was hip deep in contra drug smuggling. He was banned from Costa Rica for his involvement with drug runners. The DEA documented 50 tons of contra coke that was being routed into the U.S. by a Honduran connection. An agent bought two kilos in Lubbock, Texas, and made the arrest. The CIA comes quickly to the rescue. A closed hearing is held. Case dismissed. In the meantime, an agent like my friend Ev Hatcher is murdered in New York over a couple of ounces, and there is the DEA wail of dying for ‘a just cause.’ A ghastly value is at work here.”

Congressional hearings and the media skirted North’s drug involvement; they burrowed for linkage to Bush and constitutional violations. North and his CIA cover skated free. “It was unbelievable,” says Levine. “But if the conduct of the drug war is ever investigated, Watergate and Irangate will look like midgets. One day it’ll happen. Like Peter Kelly, a federal judge in Kansas, said, eventually, in the public good some high people in the administration should be indicted for conspiracy.”

These later revelations only underscore the truths that Levine recognized as far back as 1980. In the U.S., Bario’s warning of “horror” was taking shape rapidly. Despite a previous decade in which drugs had become a visible issue, the stateside atmosphere was still one of complacency, from the White House down to the population, which had begun to view cocaine as a trendy indicator of personal success. Like other agencies, the DEA was arrogant and smug on the exterior, but had little or no grasp of its adversaries, their organizational capability, or their aim to mobilize giant, tentacled structures.

Posted to the embassy in Buenos Aires, Levine worked the boulevard cafés with informers, drug syndicators, and rip-off artists. The Argentine secret police were among the latter. They were fond of drug-world jewelry—not the drugs. The secret police (elements of which worked closely with the CIA) killed and tortured with an almost dull promiscuity; the bones of young ideologues filled the soil. “One of the cops,” says Levine, “pulled me aside and showed me his new invention, a little electric box. Grinning from ear to ear, he said he’d throw a dealer in the car and hook his balls to it.”

Marcelo Ibañez was different. The ex–minister of agriculture in Bolivia, he dressed like a banker going out of business. In undercover, it helps if you can adhere to a target, genuinely like him. Ibañez was a man of intellect and manners. As chief aide to Roberto Suarez, the padrone of Bolivia, he did not relish drug activity, but embraced it as a necessary act of patriotism. Posing as a Mafia prince, Levine said he wanted to expand his U.S. operations. The crucial topic in a drug sting is not the money. It is logistics, delivery, when each side is vulnerable. Ibañez said Suarez could guarantee a thousand kilos a month. Levine negotiated an initial deal for five hundred kilos, to establish trust.

Levine was amazed at the size of Suarez’s operation. What was going on here? He called the DEA and reported the prospect of a thousand kilos. “Come on, Levine,” an official said. “What kind of scam are you trying to run?” Mike says now, “The largest bust by the DEA had been two hundred kilos. And get this, the name of Roberto Suarez wasn’t even in the computer, despite our having five agents in Bolivia. “You don’t understand,” said Ibañez. “Don Roberto is a god there. He feeds our people. Politicians don’t. He does what he wants in my country.” Levine sighed. “That is precisely why I cannot go. I won’t be safe.” Ibañez smiled. “You are a smart man, my friend.”

A dramatically expanded American market tantalized, and Ibañez agreed to see Levine in Miami to explore further options. Levine was ready to play out the hit of his career, and one that stands as the most crucial turn in drug war history. He figured on having a big Hollywood setup for Ibañez’s arrival. He would be looking to see criminal royalty. “What I got,” says Levine, “was a twenty-five-hundred-dollar budget, a tract home, not a villa, a pool that looked like a duck pond, a dented green Lincoln instead of a fleet of cars. No Spanish-speaking agent or pilots to collect testimony once our beat-up plane landed in the Bolivian jungle.” With 40 hours left before Ibañez’s arrival, Levine and his agents rushed around town buying linen and family goods and renting a new Cadillac. Ibañez was all business when he turned up; no booze, no women. He poked through the house, looking in cabinets and closets. “Miguel,” he finally said, “this house is not lived in.”

Levine and his men agreed they would make the case in spite of the DEA; it was as if the agency had a motive for it to fail. He convinced Ibañez this house was temporary. To show good faith, he would send his wife (agent Frances Johnson) on the plane. Ibañez was happy again. But that night the head of the DEA in Miami contacted Levine. “You can’t send Frances,” the voice said. “She’s a woman.” Levine shouted, “She’s not a woman, she’s an agent!” He was in retreat again. He had to tell Ibañez that his wife had to stay, only she had the signature to get the money from the vault.

Ibañez was crushed, and Levine still doesn’t know what made him continue. Did he feel excessive pressure to please Suarez? “Suddenly,” says Levine, “he looked over to our agent Richie Fiano. He liked Richie. And he said, ‘I’ll take Richie. I will tell Roberto that he is your brother.’” Going to bed that night, Levine was wary. He looked at Johnson and said, “We’re husband and wife, you have to sleep with me.” Frances bundled up in pajamas, and sure enough, at 2 a.m., Ibañez burst through the door and switched on the lights. “Oh, please forgive! But I want to make sure we start early in the morning.”

Once the Bolivian pickup was made, two Suarez emissaries—Jose Roberto Gasser and Alfredo Gutierrez—met Levine at a Miami bank to collect their $9 million. They were arrested leaving the bank. Levine was astonished at the progress of events in the next few months. Gasser was released by the U.S. attorney. Gutierrez’s bail was lowered, and he jumped back to Bolivia. Angry, Levine kept asking himself, Why did the judge not only lower the bail but refuse to grant a hearing as to the source of the bail money? Why was Gutierrez not tailed while on bail? Why didn’t Gasser even reach the grand jury, a standard procedure? The execution of the case, once suspects were in custody, made a mockery of his operation.

Back in Argentina, he pieced together the why. With the expertise of Argentine factions, the CIA was whipping up a Suarez-backed revolution in Bolivia to deter what they perceived as encroaching communism; that was the priority. Suarez won, and the first thing he and his people did was destroy Bolivian drug-trafficking records. “It’s embarrassing,” an Argentine secret agent told Levine; even to these anti-drug fanatics, communism was more evil. Levine says now, “From that point, our drug war became a South American joke. The moment we turned Bolivia over to drug interests, it was the surrender of our drug effort. The mechanism for mass cocaine production was being protected by our own government. It was a ridiculous, self-inflicted wound. After 1980, drugs soared to a hundred-billion-dollar business. We could have dealt a hard blow to the future of drugs with our Suarez operation. But powerful alliances were born with the CIA and DEA help. They turned Suarez into the head of the drug world’s General Motors and the major supplier of coca base to the Medellín Cartel.”

While simmering in Argentina, Levine thought back to the death of his friend Sandy Bario. In 1978 Bario was arrested by DEA internal security in Texas and accused of dealing drugs. He was soon dead. He took a bite out of a peanut butter sandwich and keeled into convulsions. Early tests showed he’d been poisoned. Later tests revealed no trace of strychnine. And a final autopsy concluded he had “choked to death” on the sandwich. “That didn’t wash among agents,” says Levine. “Many believed he was killed by internal security or the CIA because he knew too much about the U.S. government’s involvement in drug trafficking. Sandy was on my mind when I wrote to a pair of Newsweek reporters, outlining what took place in the Suarez gambit. They either leaked my name to the DEA to curry favor or did it by accident. Afterward, my life was hell. A year and a half of investigations into the tiniest corners. They found only that I kept incomplete records and played my radio too loud in the embassy.” Settle down, a high official advised, ride it out. “The guy paused,” Levine recalls, “and then said, ‘Remember the peanut butter sandwich.’ ”

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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Reply with quote  #475 
El Chapo Speaks
A secret visit with the most wanted man in the world
By Sean Penn January 9, 2016
http://www.rollingstone.com/culture/features/el-chapo-speaks-20160109



==================
Sean Penn Secretly Interviewed ‘El Chapo,’ Mexican Drug Lord

By RAVI SOMAIYAJAN. 9, 2016
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/10/world/americas/el-chapo-mexican-drug-lord-interview-with-sean-penn.html


Mexico: Drug lord located thanks to interview with Sean Penn
Jan. 10, 2016 1:57am
http://www.theblaze.com/the-wire/37688781/mexico-drug-lord-located-thanks-to-interview-with-sean-penn/


Friday, January 8, 2016
Images of the shootout and arrest of El Chapo Guzman (Strong Graphic Content)
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2016/01/images-of-arrest-of-el-chapo-guzman.html

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #476 
https://fowlchicago.files.wordpress.com/2014/10/1989-kerry-report-volume-i.pdf
the Kerry Report Vol. 1 in PDF format.


=====================================
A Day When Journalism Died

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

13 December 15
http://readersupportednews.org/opinion2/277-75/34020-focus-a-day-when-journalism-died

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #477 
Freeway Ricky Ross, Former LA Crack Kingpin, Busted in Northern California
By Nick Schou Fri., Oct. 23 2015 at 2:46 PM
Comments ()
Categories: Bong Blotter
http://blogs.ocweekly.com/navelgazing/2015/10/freeway_ricky_ross_former_la_crack_kingpin_busted_in_northern_cali.php


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #478 
UNDERSTANDING THE IRAN CONTRA AFFAIR WEBSITE


UNDERSTANDING THE IRAN CONTRA AFFAIR WEBSITE
https://www.brown.edu/Research/Understanding_the_Iran_Contra_Affair/thehearings.php
About the Project

This project evolved from an applied ethics and public policy course at Brown University called Good Government. The course examines several concepts that have been promoted in the name of good government, including integrity, accountability, and transparency. The course also examines Watergate and subsequent political scandals.

How to cover the Iran-Contra Affairs has posed a serious challenge. The most comprehensive book on the matter is Theodore Draper’s A Very Thin Line: The Iran-Contra Affairs. But the book is 700 pages long and it is out of print. There is not a single website devoted exclusively to this subject like there is for Watergate. This website is intended to fill that gap and provide an educational resource with extensive materials about the issue.

We were fortunate that C-SPAN starting posting digitized video from the Iran-Contra hearings in the spring of 2010. We selected and have embedded over 100 clips from the hearings. We also gratefully acknowledge the National Security Archive and ProQuest LLC for permission to make a host of documents freely available on this site.

This project was supported by an Undergraduate Teaching and Research Award (UTRA) from the Dean of the College and by the Taubman Center for Public Policy and American Institutions. The project was supervised by Professor Ross Cheit. The students who conducted the research and created the content were: Sara Chimene-Weiss, Sol Eppel, Jeremy Feigenbaum, Seth Motel, and Ingrid Pangandoyon. The site was designed by Ingrid Pangandoyon.
http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/index.html



----------------------------------------
The National Security Archive is an independent non-governmental research institute and library located at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C. The Archive collects and publishes declassified documents acquired through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). A tax-exempt public charity, the Archive receives no U.S. government funding; its budget is supported by publication royalties and donations from foundations and individuals. On March 17, 2000, Long Island University named the National Security Archive as winner of a Special George Polk Award for 1999 for "piercing self-serving veils of government secrecy" and "serving as an essential journalistic resource."

National Security Archive, Suite 701, Gelman Library, The George Washington University, 2130 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C., 20037, Phone: 202/994-7000, Fax: 202/994-7005, nsarchiv@gwu.edu

http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Reply with quote  #479 
Creating a Crime: How the CIA Commandeered the DEA September 11, 2015 by Douglas Valentine



Creating a Crime: How the CIA Commandeered the DEA
September 11, 2015 by Douglas Valentine
http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/09/11/creating-a-crime-how-the-cia-commandeered-the-dea/

The outlawing of narcotic drugs at the start of the Twentieth Century, the turning of the matter from public health to social control, coincided with American’s imperial Open Door policy and the belief that the government had an obligation to American industrialists to create markets in every nation in the world, whether those nations liked it or not.

Civic institutions, like public education, were required to sanctify this policy, while “security” bureaucracies were established to ensure the citizenry conformed to the state ideology. Secret services, both public and private, were likewise established to promote the expansion of private American economic interests overseas.

It takes a book to explain the economic foundations of the war on drugs, and the reasons behind the regulation of the medical, pharmaceutical and drug manufacturers industries. Suffice it to say that by 1943, the nations of the “free world” were relying on America for their opium derivatives, under the guardianship of Harry Anslinger, the Commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN).

Narcotic drugs are a strategic resource, and when Anslinger learned that Peru had built a cocaine factory, he and the Board of Economic Warfare confiscated its product before it could be sold to Germany or Japan. In another instance, Anslinger and his counterpart at the State Department prevented a drug manufacturer in Argentina from selling drugs to Germany.

At the same time, according to Douglas Clark Kinder and William O. Walker III in their article, “Stable Force In a Storm: Harry J. Anslinger and United States Narcotic Policy, 1930-1962,” Anslinger permitted “an American company to ship drugs to Southeast Asia despite receiving intelligence reports that French authorities were permitting opiate smuggling into China and collaborating with Japanese drug traffickers.”

Federal drug law enforcement’s relationship with the espionage establishment matured with the creation of CIA’s predecessor organization, the Office of Strategic Services. Prior to the Second World War, the FBN was the government agency most adept at conducting covert operations at home and abroad. As a result, OSS chief William Donovan asked Anslinger to provide seasoned FBN agents to help organize the OSS and train its agents to work undercover, avoid security forces in hostile nations, manage agent networks, and engage in sabotage and subversion.

The relationship expanded during the war, when FBN executives and agents worked with OSS scientists in domestic “truth drug” experiments involving marijuana. The “extra-legal” nature of the relationship continued after the war: when the CIA decided to test LSD on unsuspecting American citizens, FBN agents were chosen to operate the safehouses where the experiments were conducted.

The relationship was formalized overseas in 1951, when Agent Charlie Siragusa opened an office in Rome and began to develop the FBN’s foreign operations. In the 1950s, FBN agents posted overseas spent half their time doing “favors” for the CIA, such as investigating diversions of strategic materials behind the Iron Curtain. A handful of FBN agents were actually recruited into the CIA while maintaining their FBN credentials as cover.

Officially, FBN agents set limits. Siragusa, for example, claimed to object when the CIA asked him to mount a “controlled delivery” into the U.S. as a way of identifying the American members of a smuggling ring with Communist affiliations.

As Siragusa said, “The FBN could never knowingly allow two pounds of heroin to be delivered into the United States and be pushed to Mafia customers in the New York City area, even if in the long run we could seize a bigger haul.”

And in 1960, when the CIA asked him to recruit assassins from his stable of underworld contacts, Siragusa again claimed to have refused. But drug traffickers, including, most prominently, Santo Trafficante Jr, were soon participating in CIA attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro.

As the dominant partner in the relationship, the CIA exploited its affinity with the FBN. “Like the CIA,” FBN Agent Robert DeFauw explained, “narcotic agents mount covert operations. We pose as members of the narcotics trade. The big difference is that we were in foreign countries legally, and through our police and intelligence sources, we could check out just about anyone or anything. Not only that, we were operational. So the CIA jumped in our stirrups.”

Jumping in the FBN’s stirrups afforded the CIA deniability, which is turn affords it impunity. To ensure that the CIA’s criminal activities are not revealed, narcotic agents are organized militarily within an inviolable chain of command. Highly indoctrinated, they blindly obey based on a “need to know.” This institutionalized ignorance sustains the illusion of righteousness, in the name of national security, upon which their motivation depends.

As FBN Agent Martin Pera explained, “Most FBN agents were corrupted by the lure of the underworld. They thought they could check their morality at the door – go out and lie, cheat, and steal – then come back and retrieve it. But you can’t. In fact, if you’re successful because you can lie, cheat, and steal, those things become tools you use in the bureaucracy.”

Institutionalized corruption began at headquarters, where FBN executives provided cover for CIA assets engaged in drug trafficking. In 1966, Agent John Evans was assigned as an assistant to enforcement chief John Enright.

“And that’s when I got to see what the CIA was doing,” Evans said. “I saw a report on the Kuomintang saying they were the biggest drug dealers in the world, and that the CIA was underwriting them. Air America was transporting tons of Kuomintang opium.” Evans bristled. “I took the report to Enright. He said, ‘Leave it here. Forget about it.’

“Other things came to my attention,” Evans added, “that proved that the CIA contributed to drug use in America. We were in constant conflict with the CIA because it was hiding its budget in ours, and because CIA people were smuggling drugs into the US. We weren’t allowed to tell, and that fostered corruption in the Bureau.”

Heroin smuggled by “CIA people” into the U.S. was channeled by Mafia distributors primarily to African-American communities. Local narcotic agents then targeted disenfranchised blacks as an easy way of preserving the white ruling class’s privileges.

“We didn’t need a search warrant,” explains New Orleans narcotics officer Clarence Giarusso. “It allowed us to meet our quota. And it was on-going. If I find dope on a black man, I can put him in jail for a few days. He’s got no money for a lawyer and the courts are ready to convict. There’s no expectation on the jury’s part that we have to make a case.

“So rather than go cold turkey, the addict becomes an informant, which means I can make more cases in the neighborhood, which is all we’re interested in. We don’t care about Carlos Marcello or the Mafia. City cops have no interest in who brings dope in. That’s the job of the federal agents.”

The Establishment’s race and class privileges have always been equated with national security, and FBN executives dutifully preserved the social order. Not until 1968, when Civil Rights reforms were imposed upon government bureaucracies, were black FBN agents allowed to become supervisors and manage white agents.

The war on drugs is largely a projection of two things: the racism that has defined America since its inception, and the government policy of allowing political allies to traffic in narcotics. These unstated but official policies reinforce the belief among CIA and drug law enforcement officials that the Bill of Rights is an obstacle to national security.

Blanket immunity from prosecution for turning these policies into practice engenders a belief among bureaucrats that they are above the law, which fosters corruption in other forms. FBN agents, for example, routinely “created a crime” by breaking and entering, planting evidence, using illegal wiretaps, and falsifying reports. They tampered with heroin, transferred it to informants for sale, and even murdered other agents who threatened to expose them.

All of this was secretly known at the highest level of government, and in 1965 the Treasury Department launched a corruption investigation of the FBN. Headed by Andrew Tartaglino, the investigation ended in 1968 with the resignation of 32 agents and the indictment of five. That same year the FBN was reconstructed in the Department of Justice as the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD).

But, as Tartaglino said dejectedly, “The job was only half done.”

First Infestation

Richard Nixon was elected president based on a vow to restore “law and order” to America. To prove that it intended to keep that promise, the White House in 1969 launched Operation Intercept along the Mexican border. This massive “stop and search” operation so badly damaged relations with Mexico, however, that National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger formed the Ad Hoc Committee on Narcotics (the Heroin Committee), to coordinate drug policy and prevent further diplomatic disasters.

The Heroin Committee was composed of cabinet members represented by their deputies. James Ludlum represented CIA Director Richard Helms. A member of the CIA’s Counter-Intelligence staff, Ludlum had been the CIA’s liaison officer to the FBN since 1962.

“When Kissinger set up the Heroin Committee,” Ludlum recalled, “the CIA certainly didn’t take it seriously, because drug control wasn’t part of their mission.”

Indeed, as John Evans noted above, and as the government was aware, the CIA for years had sanctioned the heroin traffic from the Golden Triangle region of Burma, Thailand and Laos into South Vietnam as a way of rewarding top foreign officials for advancing U.S. policies. This reality presented the Nixon White House with a dilemma, given that addiction among U.S. troops in Vietnam was soaring, and that massive amounts of Southeast Asian heroin were being smuggled into the U.S., for use by middle-class white kids on the verge of revolution.

Nixon’s response was to make drug law enforcement part of the CIA’s mission. Although reluctant to betray the CIA’s clients in South Vietnam, Helms told Ludlum: “We’re going to break their rice bowls.”

This betrayal occurred incrementally. Fred Dick, the BNDD agent assigned to Saigon, passed the names of the complicit military officers and politicians to the White House. But, as Dick recalled, “Ambassador Bunker called a meeting in Saigon at which CIA Station Chief Ted Shackley appeared and explained that there was ‘a delicate balance.’ What he said, in effect, was that no one was willing to do anything.”

Meanwhile, to protect its global network of drug trafficking assets, the CIA began infiltrating the BNDD and commandeering its internal security, intelligence, and foreign operations branches. This massive reorganization required the placement of CIA officers in influential positions in every federal agency concerned with drug law enforcement.

CIA Officer Paul Van Marx, for example, was assigned as the U.S. Ambassador to France’s assistant on narcotics. From this vantage point, Van Marx ensured that BNDD conspiracy cases against European traffickers did not compromise CIA operations and assets. Van Marx also vetted potential BNDD assets to make sure they were not enemy spies.

The FBN never had more than 16 agents stationed overseas, but Nixon dramatically increased funding for the BNDD and hundreds of agents were posted abroad. The success of these overseas agents soon came to depend on CIA intelligence, as BNDD Director John Ingersoll understood.

BNDD agents immediately felt the impact of the CIA’s involvement in drug law enforcement operations within the United States. Operation Eagle was the flashpoint. Launched in 1970, Eagle targeted anti-Castro Cubans smuggling cocaine from Latin America to the Trafficante organization in Florida. Of the dozens of traffickers arrested in June, many were found to be members of Operation 40, a CIA terror organization active in the U.S., the Caribbean, Central and South America, and Mexico.

The revelation that CIA drug smuggling assets were operating within the U.S. led to the assignment of CIA officers as counterparts to mid-level BNDD enforcement officials, including Latin American division chief Jerry Strickler. Like Van Marks in France, these CIA officers served to protect CIA assets from exposure, while facilitating their recruitment as informants for the BNDD.

Many Cuban exiles arrested in Operation Eagle were indeed hired by the BNDD and sent throughout Latin America. They got “fantastic intelligence,” Strickler noted. But many were secretly serving the CIA and playing a double game.

nixonhelms

Nixon with CIA director Richard Helms.

Second Infestation

By 1970, BNDD Director Ingersoll’s inspections staff had gathered enough evidence to warrant the investigation of dozens of corrupt FBN agents who had risen to management positions in the BNDD. But Ingersoll could not investigate his top managers while simultaneously investigating drug traffickers. So he asked CIA Director Helms for help building a “counter-intelligence” capacity within the BNDD.

The result was Operation Twofold, in which 19 CIA officers were infiltrated into the BNDD, ostensibly to spy on corrupt BNDD officials. According to the BNDD’s Chief Inspector Patrick Fuller, “A corporation engaged in law enforcement hired three CIA officers posing as private businessmen to do the contact and interview work.”

CIA recruiter Jerry Soul, a former Operation 40 case officer, primarily selected officers whose careers had stalled due to the gradual reduction of forces in Southeast Asia. Those hired were put through the BNDD’s training course and assigned to spy on a particular regional director. No records were kept and some participants have never been identified.

Charles Gutensohn was a typical Twofold “torpedo.” Prior to his recruitment into the BNDD, Gutensohn had spent two years at the CIA’s base in Pakse, a major heroin transit point between Laos and South Vietnam. “Fuller said that when we communicated, I was to be known as Leo Adams for Los Angeles,” Gutensohn said. “He was to be Walter DeCarlo, for Washington, DC.”

Gutensohn’s cover, however, was blown before he got to Los Angeles. “Someone at headquarters was talking and everyone knew,” he recalled. “About a month after I arrived, one of the agents said to me, ‘I hear that Pat Fuller signed your credentials’.”

Twofold, which existed at least until 1974, was deemed by the Rockefeller Commission to have “violated the 1947 Act which prohibits the CIA’s participation in law enforcement activities.” It also, as shall be discussed later, served as a cover for clandestine CIA operations.

Third Infestation

The Nixon White House blamed the BNDD’s failure to stop international drug trafficking on its underdeveloped intelligence capabilities, a situation that opened the door to further CIA infiltration. In late 1970, CIA Director Helms arranged for his recently retired chief of continuing intelligence, E. Drexel Godfrey, to review BNDD intelligence procedures. Among other things, Godfrey recommended that the BNDD create regional intelligence units (RIUs) and an office of strategic intelligence (SI0).

The RIUs were up and running by 1971 with CIA officers often assigned as analysts, prompting BNDD agents to view the RIUs with suspicion, as repositories for Twofold torpedoes.

The SIO was harder to implement, given its arcane function as a tool to help top managers formulate plans and strategies “in the political sphere.” As SIO Director John Warner explained, “We needed to understand the political climate in Thailand in order to address the problem. We needed to know what kind of protection the Thai police were affording traffickers. We were looking for an intelligence office that could deal with those sorts of issues, on the ground, overseas.”

Organizing the SIO fell to CIA officers Adrian Swain and Tom Tripodi, both of whom were recruited into the BNDD. In April 1971 they accompanied Ingersoll to Saigon, where Station Chief Shackley briefed them. Through his CIA contacts, Swain obtained maps of drug-smuggling routes in Southeast Asia.

Upon their return to the U.S., Swain and Tripodi expressed frustration that the CIA had access to people capable of providing the BNDD with intelligence, but these people “were involved in narcotics trafficking and the CIA did not want to identify them.”

Seeking a way to circumvent the CIA, they recommended the creation of a “special operations or strategic operations staff” that would function as the BNDD’s own CIA “using a backdoor approach to gather intelligence in support of operations.” Those operations would rely on “longer range, deep penetration, clandestine assets, who remain undercover, do not appear during the course of any trial and are recruited and directed by the Special Operations agents on a covert basis.”

The White House approved the plan and in May 1971, Kissinger presented a $120 million drug control proposal, of which $50 million was earmarked for special operations. Three weeks later Nixon declared “war on drugs,” at which point Congress responded with funding for the SIO and authorization for the extra-legal operations Swain and Tripodi envisioned.

SIO Director Warner was given a seat on the U.S. Intelligence Board so the SIO could obtain raw intelligence from the CIA. But, in return, the SIO was compelled to adopt CIA security procedures. A CIA officer established the SIO’s file room and computer system; safes and steel doors were installed; and witting agents had to obtain CIA clearances.

Active-duty CIA officers were assigned to the SIO as desk officers for Europe and the Middle East, the Far East, and Latin America. Tripodi was assigned as chief of operations. Tripodi had spent the previous six years in the CIA’s Security Research Services, where his duties included the penetration of peace groups, as well as setting up firms to conduct black bag jobs. Notably, White House “Plumber” E. Howard Hunt inherited Tripodi’s Special Operations unit, which included several of the Watergate burglars.

Tripodi liaised with the CIA on matters of mutual interest and the covert collection of narcotics intelligence outside of routine BNDD channels. As part of his operational plan, code-named Medusa, Tripodi proposed that SIO agents hire foreign nationals to blow up contrabandista planes while they were refueling at clandestine air strips. Another proposal called for ambushing traffickers in America, and taking their drugs and money.

Enter Lucien Conein

The creation of the SIO coincided with the assignment of CIA officer Lucien Conein to the BNDD. As a member of the OSS, Conein had parachuted into France to form resistance cells that included Corsican gangsters. As a CIA officer, Conein in 1954 was assigned to Vietnam to organize anti-communist forces, and in 1963 achieved infamy as the intermediary between the Kennedy White House and the cabal of generals that murdered President Diem.

Historian Alfred McCoy has alleged that, in 1965, Conein arranged a truce between the CIA and drug trafficking Corsicans in Saigon. The truce, according to McCoy, allowed the Corsicans to traffic, as long as they served as contact men for the CIA. The truce also endowed the Corsicans with “free passage” at a time when Marseilles’ heroin labs were turning from Turkish to Southeast Asian morphine base.

Conein denied McCoy’s allegation and insisted that his meeting with the Corsicans was solely to resolve a problem caused by Daniel Ellsberg’s “peccadilloes with the mistress of a Corsican.”

It is impossible to know who is telling the truth. What is known is that in July 1971, on Howard Hunt’s recommendation, the White House hired Conein as an expert on Corsican drug traffickers in Southeast Asia. Conein was assigned as a consultant to the SIO’s Far East Asia desk. His activities will soon be discussed in greater detail.

The Parallel Mechanism

In September 1971, the Heroin Committee was reorganized as the Cabinet Committee for International Narcotics Control (CCINC) under Secretary of State William Rogers. CCINC’s mandate was to “set policies which relate international considerations to domestic considerations.” By 1975, its budget amounted to $875 million, and the war on drugs had become a most profitable industry.

Concurrently, the CIA formed a unilateral drug unit in its operations division under Seymour Bolten. Known as the Special Assistant to the Director for the Coordination of Narcotics, Bolten directed CIA division and station chiefs in unilateral drug control operations. In doing this, Bolten worked closely with Ted Shackley, who in 1972 was appointed head of the CIA’s Western Hemisphere Division. Bolten and Shackley had worked together in post-war Germany, as well as in anti-Castro Cubans operations in the early 1960s. Their collaboration would grease federal drug law enforcement’s skid into oblivion.

“Bolten screwed us,” BNDD’s Latin American division chief Jerry Strickler said emphatically. “And so did Shackley.”

Bolten “screwed” the BNDD, and the American judicial system, by setting up a “parallel mechanism” based on a computerized register of international drug traffickers and a CIA-staffed communications crew that intercepted calls from drug traffickers inside the U.S. to their accomplices around the world. The International Narcotics Information Network (INIS) was modeled on a computerized management information system Shackley had used to terrorize the underground resistance in South Vietnam.

Bolten’s staff also “re-tooled” dozens of CIA officers and slipped them into the BNDD. Several went to Lou Conein at the SIO for clandestine, highly illegal operations.

Factions within the CIA and military were opposed to Bolten’s parallel mechanism, but CIA Executive Director William Colby supported Bolten’s plan to preempt the BNDD and use its agents and informants for unilateral CIA purposes. The White House also supported the plan for political purposes related to Watergate. Top BNDD officials who resisted were expunged; those who cooperated were rewarded.

Bureau of Narcotics Covert Intelligence Network

In September 1972, DCI Helms (then immersed in Watergate intrigues), told BNDD Director Ingersoll that the CIA had prepared files on specific drug traffickers in Miami, the Florida Keys, and the Caribbean. Helms said the CIA would provide Ingersoll with assets to pursue the traffickers and develop information on targets of opportunity. The CIA would also provide operational, technical, and financial support.

The result was the Bureau of Narcotics Covert Intelligence Network (BUNCIN) whose methodology reflected Tripodi’s Medusa Plan and included “provocations, inducement to desertion, creating confusion and apprehension.”

Some BUNCIN intelligence activities were directed against “senior foreign government officials” and were “blamed on other government agencies or even on the intelligence services of other nations.” Other BUNCIN activities were directed against American civic and political groups.

BNDD officials managed BUNCIN’s legal activities, while Conein at the SIO managed its political and CIA aspects. According to Conein’s administrative deputy, Rich Kobakoff, “BUNCIN was an experiment in how to finesse the law. The end product was intelligence, not seizures or arrests.”

CIA officers Robert Medell and William Logay were selected to manage BUNCIN.

A Bay of Pigs veteran born in Cuba, Medell was initially assigned to the Twofold program. Medell was BUNCIN’s “covert” agent and recruited its principal agents. All of his assets had previously worked for the CIA, and all believed they were working for it again.

Medell started running agents in March 1973 with the stated goal of penetrating the Trafficante organization. To this end the BNDD’s Enforcement Chief, Andy Tartaglino, introduced Medell to Sal Caneba, a retired Mafioso who had been in business with Trafficante in the 1950s. Caneba in one day identified the head of the Cuban side of the Trafficante family, as well as its organizational structure.

But the CIA refused to allow the BNDD to pursue the investigation, because it had employed Trafficante in its assassination attempts against Fidel Castro, and because Trafficante’s Operation 40 associates were performing similar functions for the CIA around the world.

Medell’s Principal Agent was Bay of Pigs veteran Guillermo Tabraue, whom the CIA paid $1,400 a week. While receiving this princely sum, Tabraue participated in the “Alvarez-Cruz” drug smuggling ring.

Medell also recruited agents from Manuel Artime’s anti-Castro Cuban organization. Former CIA officer and White House “Plumber” Howard Hunt, notably, had been Artime’s case officer for years, and many members of Artime’s organization had worked for Ted Shackley while Shackley was the CIA’s station chief in Miami.

Bill Logay was the “overt” agent assigned to the BUNCIN office in Miami. Logay had been Shackley’s bodyguard in Saigon in 1969. From 1970-1971, Logay had served as a special police liaison and drug coordinator in Saigon’s Precinct 5. Logay was also asked to join Twofold, but claims to have refused.

Medell and Logay’s reports were hand delivered to BNDD headquarters via the Defense Department’s classified courier service. The Defense Department was in charge of emergency planning and provided BUNCIN agents with special communications equipment. The CIA supplied BUNCIN’s assets with forged IDs that enabled them to work for foreign governments, including Panama, Venezuela and Costa Rica.

Like Twofold, BUNCIN had two agendas. One, according to Chief Inspector Fuller, “was told” and had a narcotics mission. The other provided cover for the Plumbers. Orders for the domestic political facet emanated from the White House and passed through Conein to “Plumber” Gordon Liddy and his “Operation Gemstone” squad of exile Cuban terrorists from the Artime organization.

Enforcement chief Tartaglino was unhappy with the arrangement and gave Agent Ralph Frias the job of screening anti-Castro Cubans sent by the White House to the BNDD. Frias was assigned to International Affairs chief George Belk. When Nixon’s White House chief of staff H.R. “Bob” Haldeman sent over three Cubans, Frias interviewed them and realized they were “plants.” Those three were not hired, but, Frias lamented, many others were successfully infiltrated inside the BNDD and other federal agencies.

Under BUNCIN cover, CIA anti-Castro assets reportedly kidnapped and assassinated people in Colombia and Mexico. BUNCIN’s White House sponsors also sent CIA anti-Castro Cuban assets to gather dirt on Democratic politicians in Key West. With BUNCIN, federal drug law enforcement sank to new lows of political repression and corruption.

Novo Yardley

The Nixon White House introduced the “operations by committee” management method to ensure control over its illegal drug operations. But as agencies involved in drug law enforcement pooled resources, the BNDD’s mission was diluted and diminished.

And, as the preeminent agency in the federal government, the CIA not only separated itself from the BNDD as part of Bolten’s parallel mechanism, it rode off into the sunset on the BNDD’s horse. For example, at their introductory meeting in Mexico City in 1972, Ted Shackley told Latin American division chief Strickler to hand over all BNDD files, informant lists, and cable traffic.

According to Strickler, “Bad things happened.” The worst abuse was that the CIA allowed drug shipments into the U.S. without telling the BNDD.

“Individual stations allowed this,” SIO Director John Warner confirmed.

In so far as evidence acquired by CIA electronic surveillance is inadmissible in court, the CIA was able to protect its controlled deliveries into the U.S. merely by monitoring them. Numerous investigations had to be terminated as a result. Likewise, dozens of prosecutions were dismissed on national security grounds due to the participation of CIA assets operating around the world.

Strickler knew which CIA people were guilty of sabotaging cases in Latin America, and wanted to indict them. And so, at Bolten’s insistence, Strickler was reassigned. Meanwhile, CIA assets from Bolten’s unilateral drug unit were kidnapping and assassinating traffickers as part of Operation Twofold.

BNDD Director Ingersoll confirmed the existence of this covert facet of Twofold. Its purpose, he said, was to put people in deep cover in the U.S. to develop intelligence on drug trafficking, particularly from South America. The regional directors weren’t aware of it. Ingersoll said he got approval from Attorney General John Mitchell and passed the operation on to John Bartels, the first administrator of the DEA. He said the unit did not operate inside the U.S., which is why he thought it was legal.

Ingersoll added that he was surprised that no one from the Rockefeller Commission asked him about it.

Joseph DiGennaro’s entry into the covert facet of Operation Twofold began when a family friend, who knew CIA officer Jim Ludlum, suggested that he apply for a job with the BNDD. Then working as a stockbroker in New York, DiGennaro met Fuller in August 1971 in Washington. Fuller gave DiGennaro the code name Novo Yardley, based on his posting in New York, and as a play on the name of the famous codebreaker.

After DiGennaro obtained the required clearances, he was told that he and several other recruits were being “spun-off” from Twofold into the CIA’s “operational” unit. The background check took 14 months, during which time he received intensive combat and trade-craft training.

In October 1972 he was sent to New York City and assigned to an enforcement group as a cover. His paychecks came from BNDD funds, but the program was reimbursed by the CIA through the Bureau of Mines. The program was authorized by the “appropriate” Congressional committee.

DiGennaro’s unit was managed by the CIA’s Special Operations Division in conjunction with the military, which provided assets within foreign military services to keep ex-filtration routes (air corridors and roads) open. The military cleared air space when captured suspects were brought into the U.S. DiGennaro spent most of his time in South America, but the unit operated worldwide. The CIA unit numbered about 40 men, including experts in printing, forgery, maritime operations, and telecommunications.

DiGennaro would check with Fuller and take sick time or annual leave to go on missions. There were lots of missions. As his BNDD group supervisor in New York said, “Joey was never in the office.”

The job was tracking down, kidnapping, and, if they resisted, killing drug traffickers. Kidnapped targets were incapacitated by drugs and dumped in the U.S. As DEA Agent Gerry Carey recalled, “We’d get a call that there was ‘a present’ waiting for us on the corner of 116th Street and Sixth Avenue. We’d go there and find some guy, who’d been indicted in the Eastern District of New York, handcuffed to a telephone pole. We’d take him to a safe house for questioning and, if possible, turn him into an informer. Sometimes we’d have him in custody for months. But what did he know?”

If you’re a Corsican drug dealer in Argentina, and men with police credentials arrest you, how do you know it’s a CIA operation? DiGennaro’s last operation in 1977 involved the recovery of a satellite that had fallen into a drug dealer’s hands. Such was the extent of the CIA’s “parallel mechanism.”

The Dirty Dozen

With the formation of the Drug Enforcement Administration in July 1973, BUNCIN was renamed the DEA Clandestine Operations Network (DEACON 1). A number of additional DEACONs were developed through Special Field Intelligence Programs (SFIP). As an extension of BUNCIN, DEACON 1 developed intelligence on traffickers in Costa Rica, Ohio and New Jersey; politicians in Florida; terrorists and gun runners; the sale of boats and helicopters to Cuba; and the Trafficante organization.

Under DEA chief John Bartels, administrative control fell under Enforcement Chief George Belk and his Special Projects assistant Philip Smith. Through Belk and Smith, the Office of Special Projects had become a major facet of Bolten’s parallel mechanism. It housed the DEA’s air wing (staffed largely by CIA officers), conducted “research programs” with the CIA, provided technical aids and documentation to agents, and handled fugitive searches.

As part of DEACON 1, Smith sent covert agent Bob Medell “to Caracas or Bogota to develop a network of agents.” As Smith noted in a memorandum, reimbursement for Medell “is being made in backchannel fashion to CIA under payments to other agencies and is not counted as a position against us.”

Thoroughly suborned by Bolten and the CIA, DEA Administrator Bartels established a priority on foreign clandestine narcotics collection. And when Belk proposed a special operations group in intelligence, Bartels immediately approved it. In March 1974, Belk assigned the group to Lou Conein.

As chief of the Intelligence Group/Operations (IGO), Conein administered the DEA Special Operations Group (DEASOG), SFIP and National Intelligence Officers (NIO) programs. The chain of command, however, was “unclear” and while Medell reported administratively to Smith, Conein managed operations through a separate chain of command reaching to William Colby, who had risen to the rank of CIA Director concurrent with the formation of the DEA.

Conein had worked for Colby for many years in Vietnam, for through Colby he hired a “dirty dozen” CIA officers to staff DEASOG. As NIOs (not regular gun-toting DEA agents), the DEASOG officers did not buy narcotics or appear in court, but instead used standard CIA operating procedures to recruit assets and set up agent networks for the long-range collection of intelligence on trafficking groups. They had no connection to the DEA and were housed in a safe house outside headquarters in downtown Washington, DC.

The first DEASOG recruits were CIA officers Elias P. Chavez and Nicholas Zapata. Both had paramilitary and drug control experience in Laos. Colby’s personnel assistant Jack Mathews had been Chavez’s case officer at the Long Thien base, where General Vang Pao ran his secret drug-smuggling army under Ted Shackley’s auspices from 1966-1968.

A group of eight CIA officers followed: Wesley Dyckman, a Chinese linguist with service in Vietnam, was assigned to San Francisco. Louis J. Davis, a veteran of Vietnam and Laos, was assigned to the Chicago Regional Intelligence Unit. Christopher Thompson from the CIA’s Phoenix Program in Vietnam went to San Antonio. Hugh E. Murray, veteran of Pakse and Bolivia (where he participated in the capture of Che Guevara), was sent to Tucson. Thomas D. McPhaul had worked with Conein in Vietnam, and was sent to Dallas. Thomas L. Briggs, a veteran of Laos and a friend of Shackley’s, went to Mexico. Vernon J. Goertz, a Shackley friend who had participated in the Allende coup, went to Venezuela. David A. Scherman, a Conein friend and former manager of the CIA’s interrogation center in Da Nang, was sent to sunny San Diego.

Gary Mattocks, who ran CIA counter-terror teams in Vietnam’s Delta, and interrogator Robert Simon were the eleventh and twelfth members. Terry Baldwin, Barry Carew and Joseph Lagattuta joined later.

According to Davis, Conein created DEASOG specifically to do Phoenix program-style jobs overseas: the type where a paramilitary officer breaks into a trafficker’s house, takes his drugs, and slits his throat. The NIOs were to operate overseas where they would target traffickers the police couldn’t reach, like a prime minister’s son or the police chief in Acapulco if he was the local drug boss. If they couldn’t assassinate the target, they would bomb his labs or use psychological warfare to make him look like he was a DEA informant, so his own people would kill him.

The DEASOG people “would be breaking the law,” Davis observed, “but they didn’t have arrest powers overseas anyway.”

Conein envisioned 50 NIOs operating worldwide by 1977. But a slew of Watergate-related scandals forced the DEA to curtail its NIO program and reorganize its covert operations staff and functions in ways that have corrupted federal drug law enforcement beyond repair.

Assassination Scandals

The first scandal focused on DEACON 3, which targeted the Aviles-Perez organization in Mexico. Eli Chavez, Nick Zapata and Barry Carew were the NIOs assigned.

A veteran CIA officer who spoke Spanish, Carew had served as a special police adviser in Saigon before joining the BNDD. Carew was assigned as Conein’s Latin American desk officer and managed Chavez and Zapata (aka “the Mexican Assassin”) in Mexico. According to Chavez, a White House Task Force under Howard Hunt had started the DEACON 3 case. The Task force provided photographs of the Aviles Perez compound in Mexico, from whence truckloads of marijuana were shipped to the U.S.

Funds were allotted in February 1974, at which point Chavez and Zapata traveled to Mexico City as representatives of the North American Alarm and Fire Systems Company. In Mazatlán, they met with Carew, who stayed at a fancy hotel and played tennis every day, while Chavez and Zapata, whom Conein referred to as “pepper-bellies,” fumed in a flea-bag motel.

An informant arranged for Chavez, posing as a buyer, to meet Perez. A deal was struck, but DEA chief John Bartels made the mistake of instructing Chavez to brief the DEA’s regional director in Mexico City before making “the buy.”

At this meeting, the DEACON 3 agents presented their operational plan. But when the subject of “neutralizing” Perez came up, analyst Joan Banister took this to mean assassination. Bannister reported her suspicions to DEA headquarters, where the anti-CIA faction leaked her report to Washington Post columnist Jack Anderson.

Anderson’s allegation that the DEA was providing cover for a CIA assassination unit included revelations that the Senate had investigated IGO chief Conein for shopping around for assassination devices, like exploding ashtrays and telephones. Conein managed to keep his job, but the trail led to his comrade from the OSS, Mitch Werbell.

A deniable asset Conein used for parallel operations, Werbell had tried to sell several thousand silenced machine pistols to DEACON 1 target Robert Vesco, then living in Costa Rica surrounded by drug trafficking Cuban exiles in the Trafficante organization. Trafficante was also, at the time, living in Costa Rica as a guest of President Figueres whose son had purchased weapons from Werbell and used them to arm a death squad he formed with DEACON 1 asset Carlos Rumbault, a notorious anti-Castro Cuban terrorist and fugitive drug smuggler.

Meanwhile, in February 1974, DEA Agent Anthony Triponi, a former Green Beret and member of Operation Twofold, was admitted to St. Luke’s Hospital in New York “suffering from hypertension.” DEA inspectors found Triponi in the psychiatric ward, distraught because he had broken his “cover” and now his “special code” would have to be changed.

Thinking he was insane, the DEA inspectors called former chief inspector Patrick Fuller in California, just to be sure. As it turned out, everything Triponi had said about Twofold was true! The incredulous DEA inspectors called the CIA and were stunned when they were told: “If you release the story, we will destroy you.”

By 1975, Congress and the Justice Department were investigating the DEA’s relations with the CIA. In the process they stumbled on, among other things, plots to assassinate Torrijos and Noriega in Panama, as well as Tripodi’s Medusa Program.

In a draft report, one DEA inspector described Medusa as follows: “Topics considered as options included psychological terror tactics, substitution of placebos to discredit traffickers, use of incendiaries to destroy conversion laboratories, and disinformation to cause internal warfare between drug trafficking organizations; other methods under consideration involved blackmail, use of psychopharmacological techniques, bribery and even terminal sanctions.”

The Cover-Up

Despite the flurry of investigations, Nixon’s successor, Gerald Ford, reconfirmed the CIA’s narcotic intelligence collection arrangement with DEA, and the CIA continued to have its way. Much of its success is attributed to Seymour Bolten, whose staff handled “all requests for files from the Church Committee,” which concluded that allegations of drug smuggling by CIA assets and proprietaries “lacked substance.”

The Rockefeller Commission likewise gave the CIA a clean bill of health, falsely stating that the Twofold inspections project was terminated in 1973. The Commission completely covered-up the existence of the operation unit hidden within the inspections program.

Ford did task the Justice Department to investigate “allegations of fraud, irregularity, and misconduct” in the DEA. The so-called DeFeo investigation lasted through July 1975, and included allegations that DEA officials had discussed killing Omar Torrijos and Manuel Noriega. In March 1976, Deputy Attorney General Richard Thornburgh announced there were no findings to warrant criminal prosecutions.

In 1976, Congresswoman Bella Abzug submitted questions to new Director of Central Intelligence George H.W. Bush, about the CIA’s central role in international drug trafficking. Bush’s response was to cite a 1954 agreement with the Justice Department gave the CIA the right to block prosecution or keep its crimes secret in the name of national security.

In its report, the Abzug Committee said: “It was ironic that the CIA should be given responsibility of narcotic intelligence, particularly since they are supporting the prime movers.”

The Mansfield Amendment of 1976 sought to curtail the DEA’s extra-legal activities abroad by prohibiting agents from kidnapping or conducting unilateral actions without the consent of the host government. The CIA, of course, was exempt and continued to sabotage DEA cases against its movers, while further tightening its stranglehold on the DEA’s enforcement and intelligence capabilities.

In 1977, the DEA’s Assistant Administrator for Enforcement sent a memo, co-signed by the six enforcement division chiefs, to DEA chief Peter Bensinger. As the memo stated, “All were unanimous in their belief that present CIA programs were likely to cause serious future problems for DEA, both foreign and domestic.”

They specifically cited controlled deliveries enabled by CIA electronic surveillance and the fact that the CIA “will not respond positively to any discovery motion.” They complained that “Many of the subjects who appear in these CIA- promoted or controlled surveillances regularly travel to the United States in furtherance of their trafficking activities.” The “de facto immunity” from prosecution enabled the CIA assets to “operate much more openly and effectively.”

But then DEA chief Peter Bensinger suffered the CIA at the expense of America’s citizens and the DEA’s integrity. Under Bensinger the DEA created its CENTAC program to target drug trafficking organization worldwide through the early 1980s. But the CIA subverted the CENTAC: as its director Dennis Dayle famously said, “The major targets of my investigations almost invariably turned out to be working for the CIA.”

Murder and Mayhem

DEACON 1 inherited BUNCIN’s anti-Castro Cuban assets from Brigade 2506, which the CIA organized to invade Cuba in 1960. Controlled by Nixon’s secret political police, these CIA assets, operating under DEA cover, had parallel assignments involving “extremist groups and terrorism, and information of a political nature.”

Noriega and Moises Torrijos in Panama were targets, as was fugitive financier and Nixon campaign contributor Robert Vesco in Costa Rica, who was suspected of being a middle man in drug and money-laundering operations of value to the CIA.

DEACON 1’s problems began when overt agent Bill Logay charged that covert agent Bob Medell’s anti-Castro Cuban assets had penetrated the DEA on behalf of the Trafficante organization. DEACON 1 secretary Cecelia Plicet fanned the flames by claiming that Conein and Medell were using Principal Agent Tabraue to circumvent the DEA.

In what amounted to an endless succession of controlled deliveries, Tabraue was financing loads of cocaine and using DEACON 1’s Cuban assets to smuggle them into the U.S. Plicet said that Medell and Conein worked for “the other side” and wanted the DEA to fail. These accusations prompted an investigation, after which Logay was reassigned to inspections and Medell was reassigned and replaced by Gary Mattocks, an NIO member of the Dirty Dozen.

According to Mattocks, Shackley helped Colby set up DEASOG and brought in “his” people, including Tom Clines, whom Shackley placed in charge of the CIA’s Caribbean operations. Clines, like Shackley and Bolten, knew all the exile Cuban terrorists and traffickers on the DEASOG payroll. CIA officer Vernon Goertz worked for Clines in Caracas as part of the CIA’s parallel mechanism under DEASOG cover.

As cover for his DEACON 1 activities, Mattocks set up a front company designed to improve relations between Cuban and American businessmen. Meanwhile, through the CIA, he recruited members of the Artime organization including Watergate burglars Rolando Martinez and Bernard Barker, as well as Che Guevara’s murderer, Felix Rodriguez. These anti-Castro terrorists were allegedly part of an Operation 40 assassination squad that Shackley and Clines employed for private as well as professional purposes.

In late 1974, DEACON 1 crashed and burned when interrogator Robert Simon’s daughter was murdered in a drive-by shooting by crazed anti-Castro Cubans. Simon at the time was managing the CIA’s drug data base and had linked the exile Cuban drug traffickers with “a foreign terrorist organization.” As Mattocks explained, “It got bad after the Brigaders found out Simon was after them.”

None of the CIA’s terrorists, however, were ever arrested. Instead, Conein issued a directive prohibiting DEACON 1 assets from reporting on domestic political affairs or terrorist activities and the tragedy was swept under the carpet for reasons of national security.

DEACON 1 unceremoniously ended in 1975 after Agent Fred Dick was assigned to head the DEA’s Caribbean Basin Group. In that capacity Dick visited the DEACON 1 safe house and found, in his words, “a clandestine CIA unit using miscreants from Bay of Pigs, guys who were blowing up planes.” Dick hit the ceiling and in August 1975 DEACON I was terminated.

No new DEACONs were initiated and the others quietly ran their course. Undeterred, the CIA redeployed its anti-Castro Cuban miscreant assets, some of whom established the terror organization CORU in 1977. Others would go to work for Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North, a key National Security Council aide under President Ronald Reagan in the Iran-Contra drug and terror network.

Conein’s IGO was disbanded in 1976 after a grand jury sought DEACON I intelligence regarding several drug busts. But CIA acquired intelligence cannot be used in prosecutions, and the CIA refused to identify its assets in court, with the result that 27 prosecutions were dismissed on national security grounds.

Gary Mattocks was thereafter unwelcomed in the DEA. But his patron Ted Shackley had become DCI George Bush’s assistant deputy director for operations and Shackley kindly rehired Mattocks into the CIA and assigned him to the CIA’s narcotics unit in Peru.

At the time, Santiago Ocampo was purchasing cocaine in Peru and his partner Matta Ballesteros was flying it to the usual Cuban miscreants in Miami. One of the receivers, Francisco Chanes, an erstwhile DEACON asset, owned two seafood companies that would soon allegedly come to serve as fronts in Oliver North’s Contra supply network, receiving and distributing tons of Contra cocaine.

Mattocks himself soon joined the Contra support operation as Eden Pastrora’s case officer. In that capacity Mattocks was present in 1984 when CIA officers handed pilot Barry Seal a camera and told him to take photographs of Sandinista official Federico Vaughn loading bags of cocaine onto Seal’s plane. A DEA “special employee,” Seal was running drugs for Jorge Ochoa Vasquez and purportedly using Nicaragua as a transit point for his deliveries.

North asked DEA officials to instruct Seal, who was returning to Ochoa with $1.5 million, to deliver the cash to the Contras. When the DEA officials refused, North leaked a blurry photo, purportedly of Vaughn, to the right-wing Washington Times. For partisan political purposes, on behalf of the Reagan administration, Oliver North blew the DEA’s biggest case at the time, and the DEA did nothing about it, even though DEA Administrator Jack Lawn said in 1988, in testimony before the Subcommittee on Crime of the Committee on the Judiciary, that leaking the photo “severely jeopardized the lives” of agents.

The circle was squared in 1989 when the CIA instructed Gary Mattocks to testify as a defense witness at the trial of DEACON 1 Principal Agent Gabriel Tabraue. Although Tabraue had earned $75 million from drug trafficking, while working as a CIA and DEA asset, the judge declared a mistrial based on Mattocks’s testimony. Tabraue was released. Some people inferred that President George H.W. Bush had personally ordered Mattocks to dynamite the case.

The CIA’s use of the DEA to employ terrorists would continue apace. For example, in 1981, DEA Agent Dick Salmi recruited Roberto Cabrillo, a drug smuggling member of CORU, an organization of murderous Cuban exiles formed by drug smuggler Frank Castro and Luis Posada while George Bush was DCI.

The DEA arrested Castro in 1981, but the CIA engineered his release and hired him to establish a Contra training camp in the Florida Everglades. Posada reportedly managed resupply and drug shipments for the Contras in El Salvador, in cahoots with Felix Rodriguez. Charged in Venezuela with blowing up a Cuban airliner and killing 73 people in 1976, Posada was shielded from extradition by George W. Bush in the mid-2000s.

Having been politically castrated by the CIA, DEA officials merely warned its CORU assets to stop bombing people in the U.S. It could maim and kill people anywhere else, just not here in the sacred homeland. By then, Salmi noted, the Justice Department had a special “grey-mail section” to fix cases involving CIA terrorists and drug dealers.

The Hoax

DCI William Webster formed the CIA’s Counter-Narcotics Center in 1988. Staffed by over 100 agents, it ostensibly became the springboard for the covert penetration of, and paramilitary operations against, top traffickers protected by high-tech security firms, lawyers and well-armed private armies.

The CNC brought together, under CIA control, every federal agency involved in the drug wars. Former CIA officer and erstwhile Twofold member, Terry Burke, then serving as the DEA’s Deputy for Operations, was allowed to send one liaison officer to the CNC.

The CNC quickly showed its true colors. In the late 1990, Customs agents in Miami seized a ton of pure cocaine from Venezuela. To their surprise, a Venezuelan undercover agent said the CIA had approved the delivery. DEA Administrator Robert Bonner ordered an investigation and discovered that the CIA had, in fact, shipped the load from its warehouse in Venezuela.

The “controlled deliveries” were managed by CIA officer Mark McFarlin, a veteran of Reagan’s terror campaign in El Salvador. Bonner wanted to indict McFarlin, but was prevented from doing so because Venezuela was in the process of fighting off a rebellion led by leftist Hugo Chavez. This same scenario has been playing out in Afghanistan for the last 15 years, largely through the DEA’s Special Operations Division (SOD), which provides cover for CIA operations worldwide.

The ultimate and inevitable result of American imperialism, the SOD job is not simply to “create a crime,” as freewheeling FBN agents did in the old days, but to “recreate a crime” so it is prosecutable, despite whatever extra-legal methods were employed to obtain the evidence before it is passed along to law enforcement agencies so they can make arrests without revealing what prompted their suspicions.

Reuters reported in 2013, “The unit of the DEA that distributes the information is called the Special Operations Division, or SOD. Two dozen partner agencies comprise the unit, including the FBI, CIA, NSA, Internal Revenue Service and the Department of Homeland Security. It was created in 1994 to combat Latin American drug cartels and has grown from several dozen employees to several hundred.”

The utilization of information from the SOD, which operates out of a secret location in Virginia, “cannot be revealed or discussed in any investigative function,” according to an internal document cited by Reuters, which added that agents are specifically directed “to omit the SOD’s involvement from investigative reports, affidavits, discussions with prosecutors and courtroom testimony.”

Agents are told to use “parallel construction” to build their cases without reference to SOD’s tips which may come from sensitive “intelligence intercepts, wiretaps, informants and a massive database of telephone records,” Reuters reported.

Citing a former federal agent, Reuters reported that SOD operators would tell law enforcement officials in the U.S. to be at a certain place at a certain time and to look for a certain vehicle which would then be stopped and searched on some pretext. “After an arrest was made, agents then pretended that their investigation began with the traffic stop, not with the SOD tip, the former agent said,” Reuters reported.

An anonymous senior DEA official told Reuters that this “parallel construction” approach is “decades old, a bedrock concept” for law enforcement. The SOD’s approach follows Twofold techniques and Bolten’s parallel mechanism from the early 1970s.

To put it simply, lying to frame defendants, which has always been unstated policy, is now official policy: no longer considered corruption, it is how your government manages the judicial system on behalf of the rich political elite.

As outlined in this article, the process tracks back to Nixon, the formation of the BNDD, and the creation of a secret political police force out of the White House. As Agent Bowman Taylor caustically observed, “I used to think we were fighting the drug business, but after they formed the BNDD, I realized we were feeding it.”

The corruption was first “collateral” – as a function of national security performed by the CIA in secret – but has now become “integral,’ the essence of empire run amok.



Douglas Valentine is the author of The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America’s War on Drugs, and The Strength of the Pack: The Personalities, Politics, and Espionage Intrigues that Shaped the DEA.
More articles byouglas Valentine

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #480 
Bank Records Seized at Blandon's House Revealed U.S. Treasury/State Accounts with 9 Million Balance


For anyone with doubts that Blandon/Meneses were running millions to the contras, here is the excerpt from the OIG report showing his bank records confiscated showing U.S. Treasury/State Accounts and Millions in funds..........

http://www.scribd.com/doc/117070568/US-Congresswoman-Maxine-Waters-Investigation-of-CIA-Contras-involvement-in-drug-sales-1996-2000

El Salvador
"The subsource was at a party of (Salvadoran air force) officers when the subject of General Bustillo's investigation came up. An officer had declared that the whole investigation was a ploy to throw the DEA off the trail while the Salvadoran Air Force and the CIA ran large shipments of cocaine through the air bases at La Union and San Miguel in El Salvador for the purpose of obtaining money for the Contras." (ChX, Pt3)

Contra Drug Money, 1980-86.

The DOJ Report documented the financial support that the Meneses-Blandon operation gave to the Contras. However, the money laundering part of the Meneses/Blandon/Ross drug trafficking network remains almost completely unexamined. Bank records and the paper trail associated with money laundering were not pursued by any of the official investigations. Evidence about the nature of the laundering operation came out nonetheless.


From Blandon's L.A. operation

:"Meneses told Blandon that he would give Blandon cocaine and teach Blandon how to sell it, and they would send the profits to the Contra revolution."(ChII, Pt1)"(FBI agent) Aukland told the OIG that although LA CI-1 said he did not know how much Blandon had contributed to the FDN, he thought that Blandon had originally started dealing drugs so that he could support the Contras." (ChII, Pt1)

"Blandon told us that the initial profits he and Meneses made in drug trafficking went to the Contras." (ChIV, Pt2)

"A summary of one of (LA CI-1's) debriefings by the FBI stated that ARDE Contra leader Eden 'Pastora was seeking cocaine funds from Blandon to fund Contra operations.' " (ChIV, Pt2)

"Pastora came up in 1985 as he received cash from Danilo for the Contra causes of ARDE group in Costa Rica and L.A. They are purposely staying away from anyone who might be connected with the Agency, like Pastora. They would like me to tell them who they can't get because of a national security block. They are extremely afraid of a national security block." July 17, 1990 letter from Ronald Lister to Scott Weekly. (ChV, Pt2)

"Blandon continued to give some material support to the Contra cause. Blandon stated he gave Contra leader Eden Pastora $9000 intended for the Contras when Pastora came to Los Angeles in 1985 or 1986." (ChIV, Pt2)

"(Prosecutor Suzanne Bryant-Deason) also said the officers brought a box of documents to the meeting, apparently bank documents...She remembered being struck by the amounts of money reflected in the bank documents and references to the US Treasury. These were most likely...the records seized from Blandon's house which appeared to be Contra bank records." (ChII, Pt3)

"Among the documents seized from Blandon's house were bank statements that appeared to be related to Contra financial activities. As we describe in more detail in Chapter IV below, Blandon told us that the documents were sent to him from his sister, Leysla Balladares, who lived in San Francisco.He said the documents were copies of bank accounts maintained by Contra leaders, and these records indicated that the Contra leaders were stealing money donated to the Contras and that these records did not relate to him or his drug trafficking. He said his sister had sent him the documents because she thought he would be interested in them." (ChII, PtE1a, p39)

(Description of bank records referenced above)"OIG reviewed the files seized by the LASD and copied by the FBI in the 1986 searches of Blandon's residences. Among the documents seized from Blandon's house were records that appeared to reflect deposits in seven bank accounts. The documents listed the check, endorser, location, amount,and balance. Some of these deposits were marked "U.S. Treasury/State" and totaled approximately $9,000,000,000. Other deposits were marked Cayman Islands and totaled about $883,000." (ChIV, Pt2, p154)

"Little Brother: These are the bank statements of the suppliers of the Contra. They have issued checks to different persons and companies, the same to the Cayman Islands..... Blessings, Leysla" (ChIV, Pt2, p154)

"Balladares added that she was a member of the FDN." (ChIV, Pt2, p154)

"Blandon said 'we were fighting for something that is goodand they were making money for that'" (ChIV, Pt2, p155)

"The informant also reported that Blandon, his wife Chepita, Ronald Lister, Moreno, Moreno's wife Aurora Moreno, Carlos Rocha, Ivan Torres and others transported millions of dollars from Los Angeles to a townhouse in Miami that had been purchased for Blandon by Orlando Murillo. Murillo worked for the Government Security Bank in Coral Gables, Florida and allegedly acted as the money launderer for the Blandon organization." (ChII, PtB, p31)

"Blandon was angry when Rocha said that he had told the FBI about Orlando Murillo, Blandon's rich uncle in Miami." (ChII, PtE3b, p44)

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #481 
"It is ..believed by the FBI, SF, that Norwin Meneses was & still may be, an informant for the CIA




"It is … believed by the FBI, SF, that Norwin Meneses was and still may be, an informant for the Central Intelligence Agency." (ChIII, Pt2)



Fifteen of the Most Telling Facts in the DOJ Report
http://www.scribd.com/doc/117070568/US-Congresswoman-Maxine-Waters-Investigation-of-CIA-Contras-involvement-in-drug-sales-1996-2000

1. "According to (FBI agent) Aukland's report, LA CI-1 reported further that Blandon and Meneses were founding members of the FDN, a wing of the Contra movement headed by Calero and that Blandon and Meneses used their drug profits to help fund the FDN."(ChII, Pt1)

2. "Even before the term Contra was being used, LA CI-1 reported that there were meetings of 'anti-Sandinistas' at Meneses' house which were attended by politicians, Somocistas and other exiles interested in starting a counter- revolutionary movement. Meneses told of meeting with Col.Enrique Bermudez... (ChIV, Pt2)

3. "(FBI agent) Hale said he had three informants willing to testify against Meneses...the informants had 'indicated that Meneses, a Nicaraguan, deals in cocaine with both the Sandinista and Contra political factions in Nicaragua." (ChII, Pt1)

4. "Meneses told Blandon that he would give Blandon cocaine and teach Blandon how to sell it, and they would send the profits to the Contra revolution." (ChII, Pt1)

5. "Blandon told us that the initial profits he and Meneses made in drug trafficking went to the Contras." (ChIV, Pt2)

6. "Little Brother: These are the bank statements of the suppliers of the Contra. They have issued checks to different persons and companies, thesame to the Cayman Islands..... Blessings, Leysla" "Balladares added that she was a member of the FDN." (ChIV, Pt2)

7. "Blandon said 'we were fighting for something that is good and they were making money for that'" (ChIV, Pt2)

8. "he DEA in San Francisco did note the following facts: a defendant arrested in a DEA investigation, Renato Pena, had listed his profession as a volunteer worker for the FDN and had asked a confidential informant to meet him at the FDN office on one occasion; a defendant in the Frogman case had made 51 telephone calls to the FDN office in San Francisco; and Norwin Meneses had offered to provide the DEA with information about Nicaraguans involved in cocaine trafficking in Los Angeles for the benefit of the Sandanista government." (ChI, PtE)

9. "Jairo Meneses allegedly told Pena that the drugs were being sold to raise money for the Contras...Pena stated that both Norwin Meneses and Danilo Blandon told him they were also raising money for the Contras through drug dealing and that Blandon stated that the Contras would not have been able to operate without drug proceeds. Norwin Meneses allegedly told Pena that Contra leader Enrique Bermudez was aware of the drug dealing." (ChIV, Pt2)

10. "When asked why Aureliano would appoint Pena to another position when he was suspected of drug trafficking, Pena attributed this to the fact that Meneses was on such good terms with Bermudez, who Pena said was a 'CIA agent'...because Norwin Meneses kept in good contact with Bermudez,Pena "believes the CIA knows about all these things"...Pena stated his belief that the CIA decided to recruit Meneses so that drug sales could be used to support the Contras; Bermudez could not have recruited Meneses on his own, according to Pena, but would have had to 'follow orders." (ChIV, Pt2)

11. "According to Blandon, in 1982 he flew with Meneses to Central America to meet with drug dealers and purchase drugs. While in Honduras, they also met with Enrique Bermudez, the leader of the FDN, and discussed the FDN's financial problems. Bermudez said the Contras in Honduras had little money and needed funds for supplies… Bermudez said to Blandon and Meneses during the conversation that "the end justifies the means." (ChII, PtA)

12. "According to Source 1, Cabezas and Zavala were helping the Contras with drug money. Horacio Pereira and Fernando Sanchez also claimed that they were taking the money to help the Contras...In order to get cocaine from Sanchez and a man named 'Rayo,' Zavala and Cabezas had to agree togive 50 percent of their profits to the Contras."...Fernando Sanchez "functioned as the representative for all Contras in Guatemala (and) said that hehad a direct CIA contact in Guatemala -- a man named Castelairo - and noted that his brother Aristides also had CIA links, some of whom Sanchez had met socially at Aristides' house in Miami." (ChIX, Pt1) The OIG reports that the source of this information, Source 1, "was a CIA asset prior to his work with the FBI."

13. "On August 25, 1982, Francisco Zavala advised Source 1 of his belief that Adolfo Calero and the individual for whom Zavala was working in NewOrleans were in cocaine...Source 1 had previously reported on June 22, 1982 that "Adolfo Calero lives in New Orleans, Louisiana, and that he is definitely involved in cocaine traffic." (ChIX, Pt1)

14. "Aff. further reported that Wenig had placed Gordon in contact with an informant who said that Blandon was a Contra sympathizer and founder of the FDN and that "he money and arms generated by this organization comes thru the sales of cocaine." This informant was said to have provided one hundred names of persons involved with the distribution of cocaine, all of whom were either Nicaraguan and/or sympathizers to the Contra movement." (ChII, ptE1)

15. "On Feb. 3, 1987, the Los Angeles FBI received information from an informant that Lister had told an unidentified neighbor over drinks that he worked for Oliver North and Secord and had sent arms shipments to the Contras." (ChV, Pt1).



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,406
Reply with quote  #482 

Bonus Read
http://whowhatwhy.org/2016/09/08/911s-known-knowns/
DEEP POLITICS
SEPTEMBER 8, 2016 | JEFF CLYBURN
9/11’S KNOWN KNOWNS

Vice President Cheney with National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice and Chief of Staff I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby in the President's Emergency Operations Center (PEOC), September 11, 2001.  Photo credit: The U.S. National Archives / Flickr
Years of willful deception, the sands of time, and simple neglect all tend to cloud our perception of the reality of history. This is especially true for politically radioactive topics like 9/11.

With the debate over 9/11 heating up as the 15th anniversary of that fateful day draws near, it’s a good time to get back up to speed. WhoWhatWhy believes there are essential pillars of the 9/11 debate that must be acknowledged by all parties before any healthy discussion of that paradigm-changing topic can take place.

What follows is a refresher list of “known knowns” — select, broad aspects of 9/11 that are at present beyond reasonable doubt:


Firefighters look on Friday, Sept. 14, 2001, as President George W. Bush surveys the destruction left by terrorist attacks on New York City.
Photo credit: The U.S. National Archives / Flickr

•  The money trail was never followed to its logical conclusion. The 9/11 Commission concluded the question of who funded the attacks “was of little practical significance.”

•  The Bush White House pushed back against any independent investigation into 9/11.

•  Once the White House agreed to an independent investigation, it provided a budget of $3 million, or 27% of the amount requested by 9/11 Commission co-chairs, Thomas Keane and Lee Hamilton.

•  The Bush White House’s first choice to lead the 9/11 Commission was the highly controversial Henry Kissinger. Under intense pressure due to conflicts of interest, he resigned a month later.

•  The 9/11 Commission was compromised by having White House policy advisor Philip Zelikow as its executive director. He was alleged to have been in close contact with controversial White House Chief of Staff Karl Rove throughout the investigation.

•  The 9/11 Commission — the only independent investigation into the greatest terror attack in US history — began with a particularly benign mandate. The Preface to the report asserted. “Our aim has not been to assign individual blame,” but “to identify lessons learned.”

•  Saudi agents — some with ties to the White House — sent financial and logistical support to men who then provided that support to the hijackers, according to multiple media accounts and at least one FBI agent who worked on 9/11 cases.

•  Efforts to further investigate Saudi nationals were resisted by the White House and CIA over and over again.

•  Indian intelligence, corroborated by the FBI, showed a wire transfer of $100,000 from the phone of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Mahmud Ahmad to 9/11 lead hijacker Mohammed Atta in 2000. Ahmad (also reported as Ahmed) was in Washington D.C. on the morning of the attacks, meeting with US lawmakers.

•  The $100,000 transaction was never mentioned in the 9/11 Commission report — and Ahmad was never detained for questioning.

•  The “28 pages” from a redacted chapter of the 2002 Joint Inquiry report into the attacks had “nothing to do with national security.” But that was the reason given for withholding them for 14 years by both the George W. Bush and Barack Obama White Houses.

•  Those 28 pages were partially released in July of 2016, but were still heavily redacted at crucial passages.

•  Multiple, overlapping war game drills created some level of confusion at the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) and the Northeast Air Defense Sector (NEADS) on the morning of the attacks.

•  Around noon on 9/11, air traffic controllers who handled some of the hijacked flights made a recording recalling their experiences of the events a few hours earlier. The tape was later destroyed by an unidentified FAA supervisor without any transcripts taken.

•  In the days before 9/11, highly abnormal levels of put options — bets that a stock price will fall — were in place on major US stock markets for not only the airlines involved, but also for multiple financial giants that suffered significant losses in the attacks.

•  The SEC’s investigation into those irregularities gave little details for their benign conclusion that all trades were legitimate and curiously destroyed all their records.

•  Blaming Iraq was the talking point advanced by the Bush administration within days of the attacks. Later, multiple reports surfaced alleging that the neoconservatives who made up the hawkish Project for a New American Century think tank and the Bush Administration had been planning for an invasion of Iraq (and Afghanistan) long before 9/11.

•  Iraq had absolutely nothing to do with 9/11.

•  Opium production (used to make heroin) in Afghanistan plummeted under Taliban rule in 2001, but then ballooned again when US forces retook control of the region.

•  In the late 90s, the US supported the Taliban and it’s agenda for a unified Afghanistan. Three years before 9/11, US oil giant Unocal pulled out of a long-negotiated deal to build natural gas and oil pipelines through the region, from the resource-rich Caspian basin south to the Indian Ocean. It is widely believe the US government and Unocal suddenly saw the Taliban, which provided a base of operations for al Qaeda, as an obstacle to those plans.

This is by no means a full list of inadequately explored facts surrounding 9/11.

People loyal to the official narrative at first denied the veracity of many of these facts. Later, when the corroborations and confirmations became overwhelming over the years, these same people shifted gears to insisting these truths didn’t matter.

We invite you to add your own bullet points below, though we encourage you to focus on what has been well-documented, i.e., what is available for all to verify on the public record.


Link du jour

http://feministing.com/2011/09/17/the-feministing-five-andrea-prichett/

http://www.humankindness.org

http://www.madcowprod.com


http://www.unitedforcommunityradio.org/?page_id=4154



https://www.ramdass.org/love-everyone-serve-everyone-remember-god/


Maharajji’s Three Teachings
Posted August 29, 2016

Maharajji said to me, “Love everyone, serve everyone, and remember God.” …and I have been trying to do what he told me.

So, on this one trip I took the Greyhound bus down to Santa Fe, NM from Fort Collins, CO. I get on the Greyhound bus, and I haven’t been on the Greyhound in years for some reason or another. It’s a particularly dingy Greyhound bus, and I go and I sit in the rear. Just as the bus is about to take off this huge fat man gets on the bus and I think, “He’s not gonna sit next to me.” See, and I think, I can try to use all my powers to try and keep this from happening.

So of course he sits next to me, and he takes up half of my seat and he’s fat, and oh, I just think, “This is gonna be so horrible,” the whole trip. I’ve got my book and I’m scrunching into the corner, because, “I’m gonna read my holy book.” I think I’m going to use it as some form of purification for the situation.

Then he turns to me and he says, “Going to Santa Fe?” and my first reaction is, you know, to say yes or nothing at all, or to act like I didn’t hear him. I think I will just sit next to him, but I just don’t want to have to talk to him.

Then I hear Maharajji’s voice and it’s saying, “I didn’t tell you to read books, I told you to love everyone, serve everyone, and remember God.”

So then, I suddenly realize that this is Maharajji doing a trip on me. He’s very clever, incredibly clever.

I turned to the man sitting next to me and I say, “Well as a matter of fact, I am going to Santa Fe. Where are you going?” We start up a conversation and we talk through the whole trip, and that’s what it’s about. That’s what “loving and serving and remembering” is. We got off the bus and it was just a trip. Just a trip.





1.

http://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a47390/alabama-isis-peyton-pruitt/

The FBI Accused Him of Terrorism. He Couldn't Tie His Shoes.


        BY JESSICA PISHKO SEP 8, 2016






2.


no police officers arrested for pedophilia see story


4 Oakland Officers Fired, 7 Suspended In Sexual Misconduct Investigation
September 7, 2016 5:18 PM


http://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/09/07/4-oakland-officers-fired-7-suspended-in-sexual-misconduct-investigation/

— Officials in Oakland announced Wednesday that four police officers would be terminated and an additional seven officers would be suspended in the wake of the now completed investigation into the teen sex scandal that rocked the department.

The press conference held by Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf and City Administrator Sabrina Landreth late Wednesday afternoon announced that the investigation into the underage sex scandal


In interviews, Guap said she had sex with 14 officers from Oakland police department, as well as five from the Richmond police department, three Alameda County Sheriff’s deputies and a Livermore cop. She says she only had sex with three officers — all from Oakland PD — while she was underage.


But even with news of the discipline, questions remained about the treatment of the woman at the center of the scandal. The East Bay Express, which broke many of the early details of the scandal, reported that the Richmond Police Department obtained funding to send the woman to rehabilitation in Florida.

The woman has since been charged with attacking a security guard at the rehab facility, the Express reported, and the news raised questions about why a police agency would send a key witness in a major police misconduct investigation out of state with possible charges looming.







3.

http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/09/07/critics-ignoring-of-documented-record-of-frisco-police-abuse-proves-kaepernick-right/

SEPTEMBER 7, 2016
Critics’ Ignoring of Documented Record of Frisco Police Abuse Proves Kaepernick Right
by LINN WASHINGTON JR.



A month before the police union in San Francisco sent a blistering letter to NFL officials recently demanding that the professional football league apologize for the “ill-advised” criticisms of police by San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick that union was the target of scathing criticism for supporting police misconduct.

That criticism of the San Francisco Police Officers’ Association came in a report from a panel that conducted a yearlong investigation into policemen in that city caught sending racist, sexist and homophobic text messages. One member of that blue ribbon panel, a retired judge, blasted the police union for having established an “ugly” tone that infected the entire police department.

The same San Francisco police union that has lambasted civilians for not cooperating with police to solve crimes had directed its members to stiff-arm that panel through refusal to cooperate



4.

http://www.post-gazette.com/local/westmoreland/2016/09/08/Federal-agent-sentenced-for-lying-about-a-TSA-threatening-to-shoot-others-jeannette/stories/201609080154

federal agent sentenced for lying about TSA officer threatening others
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette-
-federal agent sentenced for lying about TSA officer threatening others



5.

http://www.theadvocate.com/new_orleans/news/courts/article_47a32726-75f1-11e6-8fff-4ff57306bf67.html

FBI agent's 'unauthorized,' unusual letter remains sealed, raises questions in Harry Morel case
SEP 8, 2016 - 4:39 PM (1)

Harry Morel, a former district attorney for St. Charles Parish, La., arrives with his attorney Ralph Capitelli, right, at Federal Court in New Orleans, Wednesday, April 20, 2016. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert)
Jim Mustian

U.S. District Judge Kurt Engelhardt received enough letters to fill a bulky binder last month as the day of reckoning approached for Harry Morel, the former St. Charles Parish district attorney who used his office to prey on vulnerable women.

Friends and former colleagues beseeched the judge to show leniency toward Morel, extolling his character and decades of service in law enforcement. Others urged Engelhardt not to hold back, portraying Morel as a scoundrel who had eluded justice for too long.  

Submissions of this kind aren't uncommon ahead of a sentencing in federal court, particularly when a defendant is as well-known as Morel. But one lengthy letter addressed to Engelhardt in this case stood out to such a degree that it might as well have been penned on pink stationery.


RELATED


Grace Notes: In tough sentence, Harry Morel gets a taste of karma
The letter is remarkable for several reasons, not the least of which is that it was written by the lead FBI agent on the case. It appears to contain explosive and potentially privileged material, but, unlike the other correspondence sent to the judge, it has been withheld from the court record.  

Special Agent Michael Zummer's 28-page missive, sent against his employer's instructions, apparently outlines his years-long investigation into Morel and the confluence of factors that dissuaded the U.S. Justice Department from bringing more serious charges against him.

Much to Zummer's chagrin, Morel faced a maximum three-year sentence after pleading guilty to a single count of obstructing justice — a penalty that to the agent seemed grossly inadequate given the misconduct prosecutors alleged not in the courtroom but during an extraordinary news conference earlier this year.

Morel was not charged with any sexual offenses, but the FBI publicly denounced him as a "sexual predator" who had victimized at least two dozen women during his tenure. Some of those women accused Morel of sexually assaulting them, but prosecutors said they lacked the evidence to prove those claims



6.

http://www.al.com/news/anniston-gadsden/index.ssf/2016/09/teen_with_iq_of_51_found_not_g.html

St. Clair teen with IQ of 51 found not guilty of soliciting terrorist act
AL.com-
Yet a St. Clair County investigator then testified that the FBI determined Pruitt used ... and that he told an FBI agent that he provided links to encrypted information ...




7.
FBI Octopus



Former FBI counterterrorism official set to speak at Vanderbilt
The Tennessean-
A former counterterrorism official with the FBI is set to speak on the topic Friday on the Vanderbilt University campus. Pat Villafranca is a retired special agent ...



8.

http://www.ydr.com/story/news/crime/2016/09/08/former-fairview-township-police-officer-convicted-of-theft-confesses-in-videotaped-interview-with-fbi/89977550/

Cop took money to 'get through Christmas,' he tells FBI


A former Fairview Township police officer who pleaded guilty on Tuesday to ripping off a suspected drug trafficker and to taking $3,000 during an undercover sting operation denied stealing seven times in a videotaped interview with the FBI, before acknowl





9.

http://www.kvue.com/news/state/former-temple-officer-indicted-false-statements/315630027
Officer arrested, indicted
for allegedly revealing investigation
September 08, 2016



10.

http://www.leaderherald.com/page/content.detail/id/1307949/Report-criticizes-ATF-storefront-illegal-gun-sale-stings.html?isap=1&nav=5041

Report criticizes ATF storefront illegal gun sale stings
Gloversville Leader-Herald-
(AP) — Federal agents lacked proper guidance and experience while conducting ... including the ATF, FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration and U.S. Marshals




11.



https://www.thenation.com/article/five-corporations-now-dominate-our-privatized-intelligence-industry/

5 Corporations Now Dominate Our Privatized Intelligence Industry
The Nation.-
... those violations,” warns Mike German, a former FBI special agent who works on counterterrorism issues as a fellow with the NYU's Brennan Center for Justice.




12.


http://patch.com/california/imperialbeach/u-s-customs-officer-allowed-illegals-cross-border-sex-money-fbi-alleges

U.S. Customs Officer Allowed Illegals to Cross Border for Sex ...
Patch.com-
BREAKING: The FBI arrested the U.S. Customs and Border Protection officer, who manned a lane at the San Ysidro Port of Entry, on Wednesday.





13.

http://www.oregonlive.com/pacific-northwest-news/index.ssf/2016/09/lawsuit_filed_against_fbi_to_m.html

Lawsuit filed against FBI to make D.B. Cooper investigation file public
OregonLive.com-
A Los Angeles-based filmmaker has filed a lawsuit Thursday to compel the FBI and the U.S. Department of Justice to release the investigative files in the ...




14.

http://www.therecord.com/news-story/6846718-update-one-student-dead-cop-accidentally-shot-at-texas-high-school/


One student dead, cop accidentally shot
at Texas High School





0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,406
Reply with quote  #483 





Link du Jour


https://www.muckrock.com/project/use-of-force-policy-project-71/


https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/nov/28/canada-military-sexual-assault-survey

http://touch.latimes.com/#section/1130/article/p2p-91985525/

http://www.americanswhotellthetruth.org/



Truth Decay


https://www.muckrock.com/news/archives/2016/nov/28/hes-charge-alexander-haigs-fbi-file/



November 28, 2016
He’s in charge: FBI file reveals Alexander Haig as architect of the Saturday Night Massacre
File lends credence to theory that Haig manipulated Nixon into disastrous Watergate firings that helped end his Presidency

A version of this article appears on Glomar Disclosure

As a fixture in both the civilian and military worlds of politics, the FBI file for General Alexander Haig promised to be quite interesting. As a United States General who had served as the Supreme Allied Commander Europe for NATO, the Vice Chief of Staff of the Army, the Chief of Staff for Presidents Nixon and Ford, and the Secretary of State for Ronald Reagan, General Haig was a key player in several decades worth of history for both the United States and the world.



Although much of the file focuses on standard background issues and threats against the general several new facts stand out. One section, in particular, sheds new light on the Watergate scandal and the ensuing Saturday Night Massacre.

The Saturday Night Massacre refers to the firing of independent special prosecutor Archibald Cox, followed by Attorney General Elliot Richardson and Deputy Attorney General Ruckelshaus, which resulted from the fight over the White House tapes and President Nixon’s refusal to simply hand them over. This provoked an additional wave of backlash against Nixon, and ultimately proved to be his undoing, as it was seen as one attempt too many to interfere with the investigation.



At the time, outrage focused on Nixon, but over the years, various journalists and historians have reexamined the matter and found that many of the threads pointed back to General Haig, in his role as White House Chief of Staff, as one




Bonus Read


http://touch.latimes.com/#section/2426/article/p2p-91986611/

Nov. 28, 2016
L.A. County sheriff's deputies sentenced in beating of mentally ill inmate and coverup



The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department Twin Towers Correctional Facility in 2015.

November 28, 2016, 6:30 p.m.
Two former Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies were sentenced to federal prison Monday for beating a mentally ill inmate and falsifying reports to cover up the attack, the latest department officials to face imprisonment in connection with the county’s jail abuse scandal.

Bryan Brunsting, 31, was ordered to spend 21 months in custody, and Jason Branum, 36, was given five months, but U.S. District Judge George Wu ordered that they could remain free pending their appeals.

Both sentences fell below what prosecutors — and in Brunsting’s case, even the defense — had requested, with Wu noting that the pair’s actions stemmed from an “us-versus-them culture” pervasive in the jails.

Wu also questioned whether handing down lengthy sentences would deter other law enforcement officers from similar misconduct. He asked whether the prosecution really thought an officer would look at the sentences and say, “I’d do it if I get six months, but I won’t do it if I get three years?”

“Yes,” Asst. U.S. Atty. Brandon Fox said emphatically, adding that he’s heard people on wiretaps urging each other to knock off criminal behavior after stiff sentences were handed to others.

Defense attorneys portrayed Brunsting as a young, immature deputy thrust into a position of teaching other deputies early in his career despite having no training on managing mentally ill inmates. Prosecutors, however, accused him of fostering a culture of abuse among a new generation of deputies.

Branum, meanwhile, was described by his attorney as a decorated war hero who earned a Bronze Star for his service before giving up his military career to devote himself to his family.

“I’ve spent the majority of my adult life protecting people who can’t protect themselves,” Branum told the judge before his sentencing.

Their case revolved around allegations made by a former recruit who said he was only days on the job at the Twin Towers Correctional Facility on March 10, 2010, when he was summoned by his training officer, Brunsting, and told that an inmate had left his cell without permission and mouthed off to jail staff.

“We’re going to teach him a lesson,” Joshua Sather recalled Brunsting telling him.

Sather, who had graduated from the academy at the top of his class, testified he tackled the inmate and punched him several times but then stopped because he wasn't resisting. Other deputies then set upon the inmate with a barrage of kicks and blows. The inmate, Sather said, lay curled up on the ground throughout, screaming and crying.

Prosecutors alleged that the inmate, Philip Jones, was attacked in a locked hallway of the jail that lacked surveillance cameras. They told jurors he was kicked in the genitals, punched and pepper-sprayed.

When they were done, Sather testified, the deputies gathered privately to concoct a justification for the beating that they gave sheriff’s officials in falsified reports.

“This is acting with impunity. This is saying, ‘We are above the law,’” Fox said. “They conspire





Heat is Online


https://robertscribbler.com/2016/11/23/climate-change-has-left-bolivia-crippled-by-drought/

Climate Change Has Left Bolivia Crippled by Drought
“Bolivians have to be prepared for the worst.” — President Evo Morales.

*****

Like many countries, Bolivia relies on its glaciers and large lakes to supply water during the lean, dry times. But as Bolivia has heated with the rest of the world, those key stores of frozen and liquid water have dwindled and dried up. Warming has turned the country’s second largest lake into a parched bed of hardening soil. This heat has made the country’s largest lake a shadow of its former expanse and depth. It has forced Bolivia’s glaciers into a full retreat up the tips of its northern mountains — reducing the key Chacaltaya glacier to naught. Multiple reservoirs are now bone-dry. And, for hundreds of thousands of people, the only source of drinking water is from trucked-in shipments.

Drought Emergency Declared for Bolivia

After decades of worsening drought and following a strong 2014-2016 El Nino, Bolivia has declared a state of emergency. 125,000 families are under severe water rationing — receiving supplies only once every three days. The water allocation for these families is only enough for drinking. No more. Hundreds of thousands beyond this hardest hit group also suffer from some form of water curtailment. Schools have been closed. Businesses shut down. 60,000 cattle have perished. 149 million dollars in damages have racked up. And across the country, protests have broken out.

The city of La Paz, which is the seat of Bolivia’s government and home to about 800,000 people (circa 2001) has seen its three reservoirs almost completely dry up. The primary water reservior — Ajuan Kota — is at just 1 percent capacity. Two smaller reserviors stand at just 8 percent.



(Over the past year, drought in Bolivia has become extreme — sparking declarations of emergency and resulting in water rationing. It is the most recent severe dry period of many to affect the state over the past few decades. President Morales has stated that climate change is the cause. And the science, in large part, agrees with him. Image source: The Global Drought Monitor.)

In nearby El Alto, a city of 650,000 people (circa 2001), residents are also suffering from water shortages. The lack there has spurred unrest — with water officials briefly being held hostage by desperate citizens.

As emergency relief tankers wind through the streets and neighborhoods of La Paz and El Alto, the government has established an emergency water cabinet. Plans to build a more resilient system have been laid. And foreign governments and companies have been asked for assistance. But Bolivia’s larger problem stems from droughts that have been made worse and worse by climate change. And it’s unclear whether new infrastructure to manage water can deal with a situation that increasingly removes the water altogether.

Dried out Lakes, Dwindling Glaciers

Over the years, worsening factors related to climate change have made Bolivia vulnerable to any dry period that may come along. The added effect of warming is that more rain has to fall to make up for the resulting increased rate of evaporation. Meanwhile, glacial retreat means that less water melts and flows into streams and lakes during these hot, dry periods. In the end, this combined water loss creates a situation of drought prevalence for the state. And when a dry period is set off by other climate features — as happened with the strong El Nino that occurred during 2014 to 2016 — droughts in Bolivia become considerably more intense.

Ever since the late 1980s, Bolivia has been struggling through abnormal dry periods related to human caused climate change. Over time, these dry periods inflicted increasing water stress on the state. And despite numerous efforts on the part of Bolivia, the drought impacts have continued to worsen.



(In this NASA satellite shot of northern Bolivia taken on November 6, 2016, we find very thin mountain snow and ice cover in upper center, a lake Titicaca that is both now very low and filled with sand bars at upper left, and a completely dried up lake Poopo at bottom-center. Bolivia relies on these three sources of water. One is gone, and two more have been greatly diminished. Scientists have found that global warming is melting Bolivia’s glaciers and has increased evaporation rates by as much as 200 percent near its key lakes. Image source: LANCE MODIS.)

By 1994, added heat and loss of glaciers resulted in the country’s second largest lake — Poopo — drying up. The lake recovered somewhat in the late 1990s. But by early 2016, a lake that once measured 90 x 32 kilometers at its widest points had again been reduced to little more than a cracked bed littered with abandoned fishing hulls. Scientists researching the region found that the rate of evaporation in the area of lake Poopo had been increased by 200 percent by global warming.

Bolivia’s largest lake — Titicaca — is also under threat. From 2003 to 2010, the lake is reported to have lost 500 square miles of surface water area. During 2015 and 2016 drought near Titicaca intensified. In an act of desperation, the government of Bolivia allocated half a billion dollars to save the lake. But despite this move, the massive reservoir has continued to shrink. Now, the southern section of the lake is almost completely cut off by a sand bar from the north.

In the Andean mountains bordering Bolivia, temperatures have been increasing by 0.6 degrees Celsius each decade. This warming has forced the country’s glaciers into full retreat. In one example, the Chacaltaya glacier, which provided 30 percent of La Paz’s water supply, had disappeared entirely by 2009. But the losses to glaciers overall have been widespread and considerable — not just isolated to Chacaltaya.

Intense Drought Flares, With More to Come

By December, rains are expected to return and provide some relief for Bolivia. El Nino has faded and 2017 shouldn’t be as dry as 2015 or 2016. However, like many regions around the world, the Bolivian highlands are in a multi-year period of drought. And the over-riding factor causing these droughts is not the periodic El Nino, but the longer-term trend of warming that is melting Bolivia’s glaciers and increasing rates of evaporation across its lakes.

In context, the current drought emergency has taken place as global temperatures hit near 1.2 degrees Celsius hotter than 1880s averages. Current and expected future burning of fossil fuels will continue to warm the Earth and add worsening drought stress to places like Bolivia. So this particular emergency water shortage is likely to be just one of many to come. And only an intense effort to reduce fossil fuel emissions can substantially slake the worsening situation for Bolivia and for numerous other drought-affected regions around the world.

Links:

Bolivia Declares National Emergency Amid Drought

Bolivia Schools Close Early as Drought Empties Reservoirs

Is the World Running out of Water? Bolivia Declares National Emergency Due to Drought

Hothouse Turns Bolivia’s Second Largest Lake into Withered Wasteland

The Global Drought Monitor

LANCE MODIS

Climate Hot Map — Chacaltaya Glacier


http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/manhattan/nypd-school-safety-agent-friend-busted-manhattan-hotel-brawl-article-1.2889246

NYPD school safety agent, friend busted in Manhattan hotel brawl

Monday, November 28, 2016, 12:05 AM


Cops arrested an off-duty NYPD school safety agent early Sunday after she brawled with a friend at a ritzy Kips Bay hotel, police said.

Cops charged Wend

Hours later, cops busted an off-duty NYPD school agent in Brooklyn on drunk driving charges. Quintina Escobar-Balmir, 26, blew a red light and nearly smashed into a cop car on Church and Coney Island Aves., in K




Heat is Online


https://robertscribbler.com/2016/11/28/did-fohn-winds-just-melt-two-miles-of-east-antarctic-surface-ice-in-one-day/



Did Föhn Winds Just Melt Two Miles of East Antarctic Surface Ice in One Day? 
It’s right there in the satellite image. A swatch of blue that seems to indicate an approximate 2-mile long melt lake formed over the surface of East Antarctica in just one day. If confirmed, this event would be both odd and concerning. A part of the rising signal that melt stresses for the largest mass of land ice on the planet are rapidly increasing.



(Possible large melt lake on the surface of an ice shelf along the Scott Coast appears in this NASA satellite image. The melt lake seems to have formed after just one day during which föhn winds ran downslope from the Transantarctic Mountain Range — providing a potential period of rapid heating of the glacier surface.)

Surface Melt Now Showing Up in East Antarctica

While scientists and environmentalists are understandably concerned about ocean warming melting the undersides of sea-fronting West Antarctic glaciers — resulting in risks for rapid sea level rise for the near future, another consequence of global warming is also starting have a more visible impact on the frozen and now thawing continent. Surface melt, which was hitherto unheard of for most of East Antarctica, is now starting to pop up with increasing frequency.

East Antarctica, according to Stewart Jamieson, a glaciologist at Durham University in the U.K., is “the part of the continent where people have for quite a long time assumed that it’s relatively stable, there’s not a huge amount of change, it’s very, very cold, and so, it’s only very recently that the first supraglacial lakes, on top of the ice, were identified.”

But now, even in austral springtime, we find evidence of surface melt in the satellite record.

On November 27, 2016, what looks like an approximate 2 mile long melt pond appeared in a section of ice shelf along the Scott Coast and just North of the Drygalski Ice Tongue in the region of McMurdo Sound. The lake — which is visible as a light blue swatch at center mass in the NASA-MODIS satellite image above — suddenly showed up in November 27 satellite image along a region where only white ice was visible before. And it appears in a region of East Antarctica that, before human-forced warming altered the typically-stable Antarctic climate, had rarely, if ever, seen surface melt.



(Near melting point temperatures appear along the Scott Coast in conjunction with an apparent föhn wind event. Image source: Earth Nullschool.)

The pond shows up coordinate with recorded near 0 C surface temperatures in the GFS monitor for November 26-27 and along with evidence of downsloping (föhn) winds. GFS indicators show downsloping winds gusting to in excess of 50 mph over the period. Such winds have the potential in increase surface temperatures by as much as 14 degrees Celsius in a matter of minutes. And they have, increasingly, produced surface glacial melt events in regions of Greenland and Antarctica during recent years.

Surface Melt as a Feature of Glacial Destabilization

Supraglacial lake is just another word for a surface glacial melt lake. And these new lakes pose a big issue for ice sheet stability. Surface melt lakes are darker than white glacier surfaces. They act as lenses that focus sunlight. And the comparatively warm waters of these lakes can flood into the glacier itself — increasing the overall heat energy of the ice mass.



(A NASA researcher investigates a surface melt pond in Greenland. During recent years, these climate change related features have become more common in Antarctica. Image source: NASA.)

But water at the glacier surface doesn’t just sit there. It often bores down into the ice sheet — producing impacts for months and years after the surface lake’s formation. Sub surface lakes can form in the shadow of surface ponds. Transferring heat into the glacier year after year. In other cases, water from these lakes punches all the way to the glacier’s base. There the added lubrication of water speeds the glacier’s flow. All of these processes generate stresses and make glaciers less stable. And it is the presence of surface melt ponds that has been responsible for so much of Greenland’s speeding melt during recent years.

Now, a similar process is impacting the largest concentration of land ice on the planet. And while Greenland holds enough ice to raise sea levels by around 21 feet, East Antarctica contains enough to lift the world’s oceans by about 195 feet. Surface melt there, as a result, produces considerably more risk to the coastal cities of the world.

Links:

NASA-MODIS (#ThankYouNASA)

These Stunning Blue Lakes Give us New Reason to Worry About Antarctica

Earth Nullschool

New Maps Chart Greenland Glaciers’ Melting Risk

Hat tip to Shawn Redmond (and a special thanks for being the first here to ID the rather odd apparent melt pond forming along the Scott Coast.)





Blink Tank

https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2016/nov/28/danny-lyon-burn-zone-photographer-climate-change

Photography
Danny Lyon on why he's naming and shaming 'climate criminals'
The veteran photographer tackles the effects of climate change in his new book and shares phone numbers of deniers, such as Vice President-elect Mike Pence



http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/28/us/professor-watchlist-is-seen-as-threat-to-academic-freedom.html?_r=0




Professor Watchlist Is Seen as Threat to Academic Freedom
New York Times
The professor is listed on the site because, it says, he faced investigation by the F.B.I. “for connections to ISIS.” He declined to address the allegations, but has ...


http://professorwatchlist.org/index.php

Welcome to the Professor Watchlist, brought to you by Turning Point USA.

This website is an aggregated list of pre-existing news stories that were published by a variety of news organizations throughout the past few years. While we accept tips for new additions on our website, we only publish profiles on incidents that have already been reported somewhere else.

TPUSA will continue to fight for free speech and the right for​​ professors to say whatever they wish​;​ however students, parents, and alumni deserve to know the specific incidents and names of professors that advance a radical agenda in lecture halls.

Below are professors currently featured on The Watchlist. Check out our full listing to see if any of your professors have made the list.





http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/11/28/elite-u-s-special-operators-build-center-for-perpetual-war-on-terror.html

Perpetual War on Terror
11.28.16 6:05 PM ET
Preparing for a multi-generational, international fight against terrorists, U.S. special operations chiefs are launching a new counterterrorist nerve center at an undisclosed location in the Middle East to fight the so-called Islamic State, al Qaeda, and any other terrorist actor.
The Joint Special Operations Command, the U.S. military’s premier counterterrorist strike force, is expanding its existing targeting nerve center in the region to make space for more American terror hunting personnel from three-letter agencies like the CIA, NSA, and FBI to foreign partners like Britain, France, Iraq and Jorda


http://capa-hq.com/events/

FEATURED
JFK exhibit at Ingram Library
Melanie Boyd/Times-Georgian Oct 26, 2016 0

Dana and Amber Hearn browse the “Hidden History of the John F. Kennedy Assassination” exhibit that opened Monday at the Ingram Library on the University of West Georgia campus. The exhibit, which will be up through Nov. 22, will include a free presentation by Lamar Waldron on Wednesday, Nov. 9, at 11 a.m. at the library. Waldron has written several books about JFK and his assassination. His talk will focus on evidence that the president was killed as the result of a conspiracy, a claim that has been rejected by many authorities, yet persists among many other scholars. One of Waldron’s books on the JFK assassination, “Legacy of Secrecy: The Long Shadow of the JFK Assassination,” is currently being developed as a feature-length motion picture that will star Leonardo DiCaprio. Waldron has also been interviewed numerous times on CNN, MSNBC, Fox News, the Discovery Channel and the History Channel. Admission to Waldron’s presentation will also be free. Special public parking is being provided for Waldron’s talk in the Townsend Center gated lot, accessed from West Georgia Drive.
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maynard

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MSM / History Channel EXPOSES Government ties to the drugs trade – America’s War on Drugs SERIES 2017

Former U.S. Drug Agents Allege CIA Government ties to major traffickers
-Souither Air Transport (SAT) pilotBuzz Sawyer and Eugene Hasenfus shot down in Barry Seal's former C-123, setting off the Iran -Contra affair

Get it here, Now!
https://thepiratebay.org/search/americas%20%20war%20on%20drugs/0/99/0

Part 1

https://thepiratebay.org/torrent/17958973/Americas.War.on.Drugs.Part.1.2017.iNTERNAL.720p.HDTV.x264-DHD

Part 2 DEA Agent Celerino Castillo III accuses George HW Bush of knowing about the Contras drug OP at Ilopango. Footage of John Kerry questioning drug pilots in front of his Senate committee, Ex Dea Mike Levine describes CIA Agent Roberto Suarez's take over of an entire country (Bolivia) Using Nazi Merceneries lead by the Infamous Klaus Barbie. Former chief of The DEA El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC) Phil Jordan Speaks on Camera

https://thepiratebay.org/torrent/17963268/Americas.War.on.Drugs.Part.2.2017.iNTERNAL.720p.HDTV.x264-DHD

Part 3
https://thepiratebay.org/torrent/17969430/Americas.War.on.Drugs.Part.3.2017.iNTERNAL.720p.HDTV.x264-DHD

Part 4
https://thepiratebay.org/torrent/17969430/Americas.War.on.Drugs.Part.3.2017.iNTERNAL.720p.HDTV.x264-DHD

 


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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MSM / History Channel Exposes CIA-Drug Ties In new Series (Watch it Now)

https://www.history.com/shows/americas-war-on-drugs
Featured ++++Ex Dea agents Cele Castillo III, Mike Levine, Ex-Huffington Post editor Ryan Grimm
Bolivia taken over by drug lord Roberto Suarez using Nazi Mercenaries. Drugs run in Laos by Air America, Vang Pao, Theodore Shackley. The crash of Barry Seal’s plane and the Iran Contra Drug connection.

https://theintercept.com/2017/06/18/the-history-channel-is-finally-telling-the-stunning-secret-story-of-the-war-on-drugs/

The series, executive produced by Julian P. Hobbs, Elli Hakami, and Anthony Lappé, is a standard TV documentary; there’s the amalgam of interviews, file footage, and dramatic recreations. What’s not standard is the story told on camera by former Drug Enforcement Administration operatives as well as journalists and drug dealers themselves. (One of the reporters is Ryan Grim, The Intercept’s Washington bureau chief and author of “This Is Your Country on Drugs: The Secret History of Getting High in America.”)

There’s no mealy mouthed truckling about what happened. The first episode opens with the voice of Lindsay Moran, a one-time clandestine CIA officer, declaring, “The agency was elbow deep with drug traffickers.”

Then Richard Stratton, a marijuana smuggler turned writer and television producer, explains, “Most Americans would be utterly shocked if they knew the depth of involvement that the Central Intelligence Agency has had in the international drug trade.”

Next, New York University professor Christian Parenti tells viewers, “The CIA is from its very beginning collaborating with mafiosas who are involved in the drug trade because these mafiosas will serve the larger agenda of fighting communism.”








‘America’s War on Drugs’: Inside New Miniseries Exposing Hypocrisy of U.S. Drug Policy

New four-part docuseries dives into links between CIA, DEA and military, providing “secret history of the past 50 years.”
http://www.rollingstone.com/tv/features/americas-war-on-drugs-inside-engrossing-new-series-w487917


off topic-- Relevant to the History Channel Drug War Series:

https://www.propublica.org/article/allende-zetas-cartel-massacre-and-the-us-dea




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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BARRY SEAL FILM SEPTEMBER 29, 2017 ---DRUGS, CONTRAS , CIA

American Made
 (previously known as Mena) is an upcoming biographicalcrime film directed by Doug Liman, written by Gary Spinelli, and starring Tom Cruise.[1] The film is based on the life of Barry Seal, a former TWA pilot who became a drug smuggler in the 1980s and was recruited later on by the DEA to provide intelligence.[2] It is set to be released on September 29, 2017. This is the first film directed by Liman to be released by Universal Pictures since The Bourne Identity.


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Made_(film)


Tom Cruise to portray BARRY SEAL in "AMERICAN MADE"
A film about Drugs, anti-communist guerillas and the CIA and how it all got mixed togetjher in Mena, Arkansas. Was George Bush SR. and The Clinton's tied together in the drug smuggling mess?- You decide

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt3532216/




Barry Seal's plane later crashed, and exposed the IRAN-CONTRA Affair
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eugene_Hasenfus

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,406
Reply with quote  #487 







Link du jour
https://animalliberationpressoffice.org/NAALPO/2017/07/17/law-enforcement-kill-nearly-25-dogs-per-day-in-the-u-s/



http://copwatch505.blogspot.com



http://sharkhunters.com/NEWS.htm

http://www.nydailynews.com/news/world/swedish-train-named-trainy-mctrainface-public-vote-article-1.3345978


https://animalliberationpressoffice.org/NAALPO/archive/

https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2017/jul/22/spam-flavourful-as-hell-hawaii-spam-jam


https://books.google.com/books?id=-EsTDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA172&lpg=PA172&dq=dirk+gibson+fbi&source=bl&ots=0fLTcm3lmg&sig=_s3XuqtsL_y90raLsHQnrC_XKYk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiGpZOSj5zVAhWCHT4KHVaPCgAQ6AEIXzAR#v=onepage&q=dirk%20gibson%20fbi&f=false

http://morrisyachts.com




video just released today
I have been trying to contact Greer for over 1 year

this man is the real deal

US government dealing heroin and cocaine
is about 1/4 of the way in 25 minutes or so

google title if link is changed




title

steven greer ufo truth forbidden knowledge july 21 2017



https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/jul/22/black-activists-minneapolis-race-reacted-justine-damond-shooting


'Never been about race': black activists on how Minneapolis reacted to Damond shooting
Some questioned whether activists had protested less over the death of a White Australian woman. Friday night’s anger at mayor Betsy Hodges and the departure of the city’s police chief answered that





http://www.sbsun.com/general-news/20170721/san-bernardino-county-settles-for-275-million-in-3-jail-abuse-lawsuits


San Bernardino County settles for $2.75 million in 3 jail abuse lawsuits

POSTED: 07/21/17, 7:40 PM PDT
On July 11, the county settled for $2.5 million with 32 plaintiffs represented by Victorville attorneys Jim Terrell, Sharon Brunner and Stanley Hodge and Woodland Hills attorney Dale Galipo.

On June 27, the county settled with plaintiff Eric Smith, one of the first inmates to report the alleged abuse, for $175,000.



And on June 21, the county settled with plaintiff Armando Marquez for $70,000.

Among the allegations, inmates claimed they were subject to Taser gun torture and brutal pat-down searches their attorneys characterized as sodomy.

The allegations prompted the terminations of seven sheriff’s deputies and sweeping reforms and security upgrades at the jail, one of four in the county operated by the Sheriff’s Department.

“Back in March of 2014, Sheriff John McMahon went public and made it clear that he was not going to tolerate any misconduct by department personnel when this incident broke out,” sheriff’s Lt. Sarkis Ohannessian said in a statement. “The department and the FBI fully cooperated to ensure a comprehensive investigation was completed.”

Within a month of the investigation, rookie deputies Brock Teyechea, Andrew Cruz and Nicholas Oakley were no longer employed by the department. As the investigation continued into October 2014, deputies Robert Escamilla, Russell Kopasz, Robert Morris and Eric Smale were placed on paid administrative leave. They are no longer with the department, Ohannessian said.

“The clients were glad that the major people involved are no longer in law enforcement,” said Terrell, who along with Brunner and Hodge were among the first to file lawsuits after the allegations surfaced.

Terrell said the criminal backgrounds of his clients posed challenges with putting the case in front of a jury. He said the settlement moved forward quickly when his team brought on board Galipo, a veteran trial attorney specializing in police excessive-force cases.

Galipo said in a telephone interview his clients could have possibly received a bigger jury award at trial, but it would have been a gamble.

“Hopefully this is a wake-up call for the detention center that has had a host of inmate abuse problems in the past,” Galipo said. “I can tell you, if it continues to go on, it’s going to be hard for them to say, ‘Gee, we didn’t know this was going on.’ It’s going to be more difficult for them to defend themselves.”


Sheriff’s officials maintain the abuse by deputies was an isolated incident and not suggestive of an institutional problem. The department attributed the problems to prison realignment, which was implemented in 2011 and shifted many inmates serving longer sentences into county jails instead of state prison. Sheriff’s officials said it led to sharp increases in both inmate-on-inmate violence and confrontations between inmates and deputies.

“Today, our deputies in our corrections bureau continue to receive training in the proper procedures for dealing with inmates who have a higher criminal sophistication today than ever before due to the state prison realignment,” Ohanessian said.

Since 2014, more than 350 security cameras have been installed at the jail, which Ohanessian said will hold deputies and inmates more accountable for their actions. Additionally, he said the jail has added more medical staff and sergeants to provide better care and supervision.

Brunner, one of the defense attorneys, also said the process for inmates filing grievances at the jail has improved.

She said in a telephone interview she hopes that the substantial number of inmates who sued sends a message to the county and its Sheriff’s Department that such abuses cannot, and will not, be tolerated.

“We hold out hope and faith that the FBI will come back and there will be some indictments and charges against these deputies,” Brunner said.

FBI spokeswoman Laura Eimiller said its more than three-year investigation, which prompted the impaneling of a federal grand jury, continues.

Attorneys for Eric Smith and Armando Marquez, the other two inmates whose lawsuits were settled, did not return telephone calls and emails seeking comment.

Meanwhile, other lawsuits are ongoing or pending.

Riverside attorney Robert McKernan is representing four inmates: Daniel Vargas, Anthony Gomez, Mario Villa and Keith Courtney.

McKernan said all four plaintiffs have agreed to a settlement offer by the county, and the paperwork is being forwarded to County Counsel for execution.

The case of inmate Cesar Vasquez, whose lawsuit was filed in August 2014 and was amended July 7, is currently scheduled for trial on July 10, 2018, his attorney, Scott Eadie, said in a telephone interview Friday.

Vasquez, a former food server at the jail, was among a bevy of inmates who alleged deputies engaged in a hazing ritual of Taser gun torture with “chow servers,” who received special privileges at the jail including more food and the ability to move more freely through their cell blocks.

Among Vazquez’s allegations is that fired Deputy Oakley had inmate Lamar Graves use his phone to shoot video of Oakley stunning Vazquez with his Taser in a utility closet, away from view of security cameras.

Eadie said he has subpoenaed the FBI for the video.





https://www.desmogblog.com


Saturday, July 22, 2017 - 07:36 • BEN JERVEY
Koch Front Group, Fueling US Forward, Bashes Electric Car Tax Credits in Latest Misleading Video
screenshot of electric car in Fueling US Forward video
Hot on the heels of its deceptive “Dirty Secrets of Electric Cars” video (which we debunked thoroughly, and others did too), the Koch-funded front group Fueling U.S. Forward has released a new video criticizing electric vehicle (EV) tax credits as a “massive wealth transfer from poor to rich.” It's time for another debunking!
READ MORE



Thursday, July 20, 2017 - 08:11 • MAT HOPE
New Lobby Group Tied to Brexit Climate Science Deniers and Koch Industries Pushes for Deregulation in Europe
Eu flag in front of statues
A new lobby group has appeared in Europe claiming to represent ‘consumers’. But a closer look reveals it is actually backed by some familiar groups known for their efforts to weaken climate and environmental regulations.

The Consumer Choice Centre (CCC) was set up in March 2017 and was promoted as “a grassroots-led movement” that “empowers consumers across the globe”.

But an investigation by Brussels think tank Corporate Europe Observatory suggests the CCC is actually working as a lobby group for a network pushing deregulation, while working closely with high-profile organisations including London-based think tank the Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA) and US oil billionaire Charles Koch.

READ MORE



http://www.santacruzsentinel.com/opinion/20170721/amy-goodman-and-denis-moynihan-for-actor-cromwell-the-fight-against-fossil-fuels-is-no-act


Amy Goodman and Denis Moynihan: For actor Cromwell, the fight against fossil fuels is no act
POSTED: 07/21/17, 3:43 PM PDT | UPDATED:
By Amy Goodman and Denis Moynihan

Democracy Now

Actor James Cromwell was nominated for an Academy Award for his role in the hit movie “Babe,” and throughout his career for numerous Emmys. But on a cold December day in 2015, the drama he participated in was no act. Cromwell and five others were arrested in upstate Wawayanda, New York, protesting against the construction of a 650-megawatt fracked gas power plant. He and two others refused to pay their fines and were sentenced to a week behind bars. On Friday, July 14, the 77-year-old actor, along with Pramilla Malick and Madeline Shaw, a grandmother, surrendered themselves to the Orange County jail.


Cromwell is no stranger to protest. He was inspired by Southern civil-rights activists, and joined the anti-Vietnam War movement. He provided direct support for Black Panther activists targeted by the FBI’s illegal COINTELPRO program in the 1960s. A vegan, he has been arrested protesting the mistreatment of animals. This latest action and subsequent jailing, however, mark an escalation in his commitment to bring about revolutionary change.

“We are, all of us, engaged in a struggle, not to protect a way of life, but to protect life itself,” Cromwell told us on the “Democracy Now!” news hour the day before he was to report to jail. “Our institutions are bankrupt. Our leaders are complicit. And the public is basically disillusioned and disenchanted with the entire process.”

The Wawayanda gas-fueled power plant is owned by Competitive Power Ventures (CPV), which touts itself as a leader in “clean energy.” CPV is, in turn, owned by the multinational Global Infrastructure Partners, which has fossil-fuel projects around the globe. The Wawayanda plant is not complete yet, and Cromwell and others want to make sure it never is.

“We chained ourselves together with bicycle locks, and we blocked the entrance to the plant for — according to the prosecution, about 27 minutes. The judge and the prosecution seemed to imply that it made absolutely no difference. ... But it does make a difference,” Cromwell told us. “We’re trying to get out the message that this is one instance, but it is happening all around this country and all around the world.” The image of their arrest is chilling, with Cromwell surrounded by New York state troopers, one of whom is applying a massive bolt cutter to the lock around Cromwell’s neck.

“There is a direct link between that plant and the Middle East,” Cromwell said. “We’re at war not only with Iraq and Syria and Afghanistan and Yemen. We’re at war with Dimock, Pennsylvania, where the gas comes from, with Wawayanda, that uses the gas, with Seneca Lake, where it was to be stored, and with Standing Rock.” Cromwell explained why he risked arrest that day: “Most people can’t put their finger on the cause of it, but everybody perceives the threat. Capitalism is a cancer. And the only way to defeat this cancer is to completely, radically transform our way of living and our way of thinking about ourselves. And I call that radical transformation revolutionary. So this is the revolution.”


If the revolution Cromwell describes comes, it will erupt, in part, from the work of the countless local grass-roots groups that are springing up around the globe to address the growing catastrophe of climate change. Protect Orange County, founded by Pramilla Malick, is one of those groups, and is the organizing hub against the CPV plant.

Malick joined Cromwell in our studio, and described their strategy: “We actually can stop this. There’s one permit left. ... We are calling on everybody to demand of our governor, Governor Cuomo, to be a real climate leader and reject the permit for that last pipeline, the lateral pipeline, and to pull the plug on this plant.”

The protesters were released from jail on Monday, after three days of their seven-day sentence. “Going to jail is a statement about how we have to lift our game. It’s no more good enough just to picket and to petition, because nobody is listening. The way people get the message out is you do an act of civil disobedience,” Cromwell told us. “We have to change our relationship both to the planet and to the people who live on this planet, including the people who are opposing us.” James Cromwell has a commanding presence on the big screen, and will certainly continue practicing his craft. But the primary stage for this towering actor will be the streets, in what will likely be his life’s most demanding role.







http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nyc-crime/off-duty-nypd-arrested-leaving-scene-accident-article-1.3346390


Off-duty NYPD cop arrested after plowing into car, leaving scene of accident six months ago in Midtown
BY SHAYNA JACOBS THOMAS TRACY
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS Friday, July 21, 2017, 11:12 PM







https://www.theatlantic.com/notes/2017/07/trump-fantasyland/534555/


Postcards From Fantasyland

6:19 PM / July 21, 2017

Listening Closely to the Conspiracy-Theorist-in-Chief

The big hard-news takeaways of President Trump's interview with The New York Times this week were his trashing of his attorney general for being insufficiently corrupt, and the threats he made in the direction of the special counsel investigating him and his circle.

But I'm more interested in examining his mental tics, parsing how he thinks out loud, lying and fantasizing. In September I'm publishing Fantasyland: How America Went Haywire: A 500-Year History—which concludes with an explanation of how Trump is the ultimate embodiment of several deep strains in America’s national character. So my reading of his conversation with the Times reporters focuses on his specifically Fantasyland traits—the insistence on blamelessness and imaginary conspiracies, the insecurity and braggadocio and narcissism, the ignorance and incoherence, how he's bedazzled by spectacle and show.

The core of his elaborate excuse for failing to pass health-care legislation, for instance, was that it had been impossible for the Clintons a quarter-century ago and hard for Obama in 2010. "Hillary Clinton was in there eight years and they never got Hillarycare, whatever they called it at the time. I am not in here six months, and they’ll say, 'Trump hasn’t fulfilled his agenda.'" In fact, the Clinton administration gave up on health care after a year and a half. "I say to myself, wait a minute, I’m only here a very short period of time compared to Obama. How long did it take to get Obamacare?" Fourteen months, he was informed. "So he was there for more than a year."

Embedded in the health-care apologia was a perfectly incoherent Trumpian digression: "Obama worked so hard," he said. "I mean, ended up giving away the state of Nebraska. They owned the state of Nebraska. Right. Gave it away. Their best senator did one of the greatest deals in the history of politics. What happened to him?" Apparently somebody informed the president that in 2009, Nebraska's Democratic Senator Ben Nelson made a pork-barrel deal to vote yes on an Obamacare procedural vote. But Trump's retelling of the story is both entirely incoherent and wrong: In no sense have Democrats "owned" Nebraska, Nelson's deal was rescinded, and he had scant influence or seniority and decided left the Senate three years later.

Again and again in the conversation Trump defaulted to conspiracy theories. When he was asked about Donald Trump Jr.'s email exchange setting up the June 2016 meeting with the four or five well-connected Russians, Trump replied with a tale that Fox News had sluiced into the right-wing media stream just the day before. "Well, Hillary did the reset. Somebody was saying today, and then I read, where Hillary Clinton was dying to get back with Russia. Her husband made a speech, got half a million bucks while she was secretary of state. She did the uranium deal, which is a horrible thing, while she was secretary of state, and got a lot of money. She was opposing sanctions. She was totally opposed to any sanctions for Russia … I just saw it. I just saw it. She was opposed to sanctions, strongly opposed to sanctions on Russia."

After the takeover of Crimea in 2014, Clinton supported and the Obama administration enacted sanctions on Russia. "This is post-Crimea?" one of the reporters asked. In reply, Trump simply babbled.

"I don’t really know. … But in that time. And don’t forget, Crimea was given away during Obama. Not during Trump. In fact, I was on one of the shows, I said they’re exactly right, they didn’t have it as it exactly. But he was—this—Crimea was gone during the Obama administration."

When one of the interviewers returned to Trump Jr.’s email exchange about Russian election help, the president alluded to a different conspiracy theory.

"Well, I thought originally it might have had to do something with the payment by Russia of the D.N.C. Somewhere I heard that. Like, it was an illegal act done by the D.N.C., or the Democrats. That’s what I had heard. Now, I don’t know where I heard it, but I had heard that it had to do something with illegal acts with respect to the D.N.C. Now, you know, when you look at the kind of stuff that came out, that was, that was some pretty horrific things came out of that. But that’s what I had heard. But I don’t know what it means."

And right after that, when he brought up the intelligence "dossier" about Trump and Russia, the president introduced yet another paranoid theory, this time about why the FBI director briefed him about the dossier before it became public. "I think he shared it so that I would—because the other three people left, and he showed it to me … in my opinion, he shared it so that I would think he had it out there." As leverage? "Yeah, I think so."

Concerning James Comey he also illustrated how his astounding narcissism untethers him from the simplest empirical realities.

"You know," Trump said, out of the blue, "when he wrote me the letter, he said, 'You have every right to fire me,' blah blah blah. Right? … I said, that’s a very strange—you know, over the years, I’ve hired a lot of people, I’ve fired a lot of people. Nobody has ever written me a letter back that you have every right to fire me."

In fact, the letter, in which Comey wrote that he'd "long believed that a President can fire an FBI Director for any reason," was his exit memo to FBI colleagues.

When the Times reporters softly corrected the president, he resisted—"I thought it was to me, right?"—and never fully accepted the reality: "It might have been [to his staff]—It might have been. It was just a very strange letter to say that. What was the purpose in repeating that? Do you understand what I mean? Why would somebody say, 'He has every right to fire me,' bah bah bah. Why wouldn’t you just say, “Hey, I’ve retired …” In other words: Why would he refer to some principle that cut against his self-interest? And why wouldn't he just lie?

In Fantasyland I write about how America invented and dominated show business and mixed it into everything else, including presidential politics—even before we elected a president who was a WWE character and played himself for 15 years on reality TV. His minute-long reverie to the Times about this year's Bastille Day parade in Paris was telling in this regard.

"[I]t was one of the most beautiful parades I have ever seen … the Bastille Day parade was—now that was a super-duper—O.K. I mean, that was very much more than normal. They must have had 200 planes over our heads. Normally you have the planes and that’s it, like the Super Bowl parade. And everyone goes crazy, and that’s it. That happened for—






http://nationalpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/4-puerto-rico-police-officers-indicted-in-corruption-case/wcm/aa2970e5-5e8c-47ad-a8d0-540e0ecf7f51


4 Puerto Rico police officers indicted in corruption case

July 21, 2017
5:51 PM
SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico — Four former or current Puerto Rico police officers have been indicted on allegations they stole more than five kilograms of cocaine from a man and then sold the drugs for profit.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office said Friday that the suspects brandished their weapons and told the man they had a search warrant as they arrived at his house in an official vehicle and an unmarked one. Authorities said the man’s family witnessed the 2013 incident.

Three of the suspects are former officers and one of them was still working for the police department’s drug and narcotics division. Th





https://www.courthousenews.com/fbi-ordered-work-faster-filmmakers-records-request/


FBI Ordered to Work Faster on Filmmaker’s Records Request



July 21, 2017
WASHINGTON (CN) – A federal judge hastened completion of a documentary decades in the making about the FBI’s role in the Vietnam anti-war movement Thursday by ordering the agency to churn out nearly 3,000 pages of documents a month.


According to an internal policy, the FBI was only releasing requested records in chunks of 500 at a time to Nina Gilden Seavey, a filmmaker and professor at George Washington University’s School of Media and Public Affairs.

At that rate, it would have taken nearly 17 years for the agency to hand over all 102,385 documents it says it found in response to numerous Freedom of Information Act requests she started filing in 2013.

U.S. District Judge Gladys Kessler’s ruling issued Thursday called the FBI’s policy “untenable.”

For Seavey, the prospect of waiting nearly two decades for the information needed to complete her film was daunting.

“I’m 60 years old,” Seavey said in a phone interview. “I mean, let’s be real,” she added, trailing off with laughter.

Seavey had asked the FBI for information on “individuals, organizations, events, publications, and file numbers” relating to the agency’s involvement in the anti-war movement, looking particularly at St. Louis in the 1960s and 1970s.

She will use the records to complete “My Fugitive,” a film she’s already been working on for decades.

The FBI had argued that its policy is ideal, fair and necessary to meet the growing demands of FOIA requests, which are increasing in number, size and complexity.

It also said its 500-page-per-month policy prevented large requests from monopolizing its limited resources, which the agency said would hamper its ability to process smaller ones.

But these arguments failed to persuade Judge Kessler, who said they lacked merit.

“In the name of reducing its own administrative headaches, the FBI’s 500-page policy ensures that larger requests are subject to an interminable delay in being completed,” she wrote in a 12-page ruling. “Under the 500-page policy, requestors must wait 1 year for every 6,000 potentially responsive documents, and those who request tens of thousands of documents may wait decades.”

Based on the number of documents the FBI said it could process, Kessler found that the agency failed to show that handling large requests more expediently would prevent it from fulfilling smaller ones.

“If the FBI truly has the capacity to process 17,000,000 pages per year, it is hard to understand how a request for 100,000 pages (or even several such requests) could monopolize its workload,” the opinion states. “If that is the case, then the FBI’ s steadfast determination to make Professor Seavey wait decades for documents to which she is statutorily entitled is simply incomprehensible.” (Parentheses in original.)

Kessler ordered the FBI to start processing Seavey’s request at a rate of at least 2,850 pages per month.

Seavey said she believes Kessler’s willingness to tackle the FBI’s 500-page-per-month processing policy head-on will benefit other FOIA requesters.

“Yesterday’s ruling is precedent for all of these future cases,” Seavey said.

In a prior ruling in May, Kessler had granted Seavey’s request for a fee waiver. Without that, she would have been on the hook for thousands of dollars to get the documents.

“I kind of thought that was our big win,” Seavey said. “Where would I get thousands and thousands and thousands of dollars to pay the government for documents that should be readily available to the American public.”

Seavey said that she is thrilled with the latest ruling, which will enable her to get her hands on all of the documents in three years instead of 17.

“It was literally the shot of adrenaline that the film needed,” Seavey said. “This is the hastening that a filmmaker needs. If we had continued with the 500 pages a month, it literally would have brought production to a halt.”

On a daily basis, Seavey said she pours over the documents the FBI has already given her.

“Literally every day I am finding things that are gobsmacking about the government’s activities,” she said, adding that some of what she’s found relates to the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. However, she declined to give specifics.

The FBI declined to comment on




http://deadline.com/2017/07/bellum-entertainment-payroll-problems-tim-clemente-xg-productions-1202133386/



Crime Experts On Bellum Entertainment Shows Halt Work Until Back ...
Deadline
Former FBI special agent Tim Clemente and his associates at XG Productions have worked on more than 100 true-crime shows for Bellum Entertainment, ...




https://www.barnesandnoble.com/p/branding-hoovers-fbi-matthew-cecil/1123738879/2675123763057?st=PLA&sid=BNB_DRS_Marketplace+Shopping+Books_00000000&2sid=Google_&sourceId=PLGoP2782&k_clickid=3x2782

Branding Hoover's FBI: How the Boss's PR Men Sold the Bureau to America
by Matthew Cecil

"Branding Hoover’s FBI is a path-breaking assessment of former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover’s public relations initiatives. Cecil’s brilliantly researched study documents Hoover’s success in transforming the image of the FBI from a minor and suspect to a powerful and autonomous agency, in the process reshaping American politics in the twentieth century. His thoughtful monograph has particular contemporary relevance highlighting how control over information undermined a constitutional system based on accountability and transparency." —Athan Theoharis, author of The FBI and American Democracy: A Brief Critical History





http://www.nydailynews.com/news/crime/texas-deputy-charged-murder-fired-article-1.3347128

Texas deputy charged with murder along with her husband in strangulation death has been fired: officials


Saturday, July 22, 2017, 8:52 AM


HOUSTON - A Texas sheriff's deputy who was indicted along with her husband on murder charges in the death of a man they confronted outside a restaurant has been fired, authorities announced Friday.

Harris County Sheriff's Deputy Chauna Thompson's firing came after the conclusion of an internal affairs probe which followed complaints by the victim's family that the investigation into the man's death was mishandled.





http://www.denverpost.com/2017/07/21/911-caller-shooting-deaths-police/

Minnesota police shooting isn’t only death of 911 caller


Hundreds march from the site of ...
Aaron Lavinsky, Star Tribune via AP Hundreds march from the site of Justine Damond’s shooting to Beard’s Plaissance Park during a march in honor of Damond Thursday, July 20, 2017, in Minneapolis. Damond, of Australia, was shot and killed by a Minneapolis police officer on Saturday, July 15 after calling 911 to report what she believed was a possible assault.

July 21, 2017 at 11:51 pm
WASHINGTON — The fatal shooting of an unarmed Australian woman in Minnesota isn’t by any means the first-time police in the U.S. have mistakenly killed someone who called them for help or to report a crime.

Officers around the nation have mistakenly slain or wounded people in other cases, including a pregnant Seattle mother shot to death earlier this year after reporting a break-in and a Georgia man who in 2014 reported that his girlfriend had been stabbed and was fatally shot by the responding officer.

The death of Justine Damond, who was white, comes after several years of public debate about police use of force following the video-recorded deaths of black men at the hands of officers.

“Mainstream America is now looking at this and saying, ‘Wow, we’ve got a problem,’ and yet it’s been going on over and over,” said Brent Wilkes, executive director of the League of United Latin American Citizens.






http://www.nydailynews.com/news/world/u-s-friendly-fire-bombing-kills-12-afghan-police-article-1.3346848

U.S. friendly-fire bombing kills 12 Afghan police
0
joeb

Registered:
Posts: 8,406
Reply with quote  #488 









https://www.thenation.com/article/growing-up-with-big-brother/


Best advice is to click on link and read entire story detailing
evidence for the CIA dealing heroin in our cities

Growing Up With Big Brother
A historian tracks half a century of evolving state surveillance.
By Alfred McCoy



In the wake of the 2001 terrorist attacks, Washington pursued its elusive enemies across the landscapes of Asia and Africa, thanks in part to a massive expansion of its intelligence infrastructure, particularly of the emerging technologies for digital surveillance, agile drones, and biometric identification. In 2010, almost a decade into this secret war with its voracious appetite for information, The Washington Post reported that the national-security state had swelled into a “fourth branch” of the federal government—with 854,000 vetted officials, 263 security organizations, and over 3,000 intelligence units, issuing 50,000 special reports every year.

Though stunning, these statistics only skimmed the visible surface of what had become history’s largest and most lethal clandestine apparatus. According to classified documents that Edward Snowden leaked in 2013, the nation’s 16 intelligence agencies alone had 107,035 employees and a combined “black budget” of $52.6 billion, the equivalent of 10 percent of the vast defense budget.

By sweeping the skies and probing the World Wide Web’s undersea cables, the National Security Agency (NSA) could surgically penetrate the confidential communications of just about any leader on the planet, while simultaneously sweeping up billions of ordinary messages. For its classified missions, the CIA had access to the Pentagon’s Special Operations Command, with 69,000 elite troops (Rangers, SEALs, Air Commandos) and their agile arsenal. In addition to this formidable paramilitary capacity, the CIA operated 30 Predator and Reaper drones responsible for more than 3,000 deaths in Pakistan and Yemen.

While Americans practiced a collective form of duck-and-cover as the Department of Homeland Security’s colored alerts pulsed nervously from yellow to red, few paused to ask the hard question: Was all this security really directed solely at enemies beyond our borders? After half a century of domestic security abuses—from the “red scare” of the 1920s through the FBI’s illegal harassment of anti-war protesters in the 1960s and ’70s—could we really be confident that there wasn’t a hidden cost to all these secret measures right here at home? Maybe, just maybe, all this security wasn’t really so benign, when it came to us.

From my own personal experience over the past half-century, and my family’s history over three generations, I’ve found out in the most personal way possible that there’s a real cost to entrusting our civil liberties to the discretion of secret agencies. Let me share just a few of my own “war” stories to explain how I’ve been forced to keep learning and relearning this uncomfortable lesson the hard way.

ON THE HEROIN TRAIL
After finishing college in the late 1960s, I decided to pursue a PhD in Japanese history and was pleasantly surprised when Yale Graduate School admitted me with a full fellowship. But the Ivy League in those days was no ivory tower. During my first year at Yale, the Justice Department indicted Black Panther leader Bobby Seale for a local murder and the May Day protests that filled the New Haven green also shut the campus for a week. Almost simultaneously, President Nixon ordered the invasion of Cambodia and student protests closed hundreds of campuses across America for the rest of the semester.

In the midst of all this tumult, the focus of my studies shifted from Japan to Southeast Asia, and from the past to the war in Vietnam. Yes, that war. So what did I do about the draft? During my first semester at Yale, on December 1, 1969, to be precise, the Selective Service cut up the calendar for a lottery. The first 100 birthdays picked were certain to be drafted, but any dates above 200 were likely exempt. My birthday, June 8, was the very last date drawn, not number 365 but 366 (don’t forget leap year)—the only lottery I have ever won, except a high-school raffle for a Sunbeam electric frying pan. Through a convoluted moral calculus typical of the 1960s, I decided that my draft exemption, although acquired by sheer luck, demanded that I devote myself, above all else, to thinking about, writing about, and working to end the Vietnam War.




During those campus protests over Cambodia in the spring of 1970, our small group of graduate students in Southeast Asian history at Yale realized that the US strategic predicament in Indochina would soon require an invasion of Laos to cut the flow of enemy supplies into South Vietnam. So, while protests over Cambodia swept campuses nationwide, we were huddled inside the library, preparing for the next invasion by editing a book of essays on Laos for the publisher Harper & Row. A few months after that book appeared, one of the company’s junior editors, Elizabeth Jakab, intrigued by an account we had included about that country’s opium crop, telephoned from New York to ask if I could research and write a “quickie” paperback about the history behind the heroin epidemic then infecting the US Army in Vietnam.

I promptly started the research at my student carrel in the Gothic tower that is Yale’s Sterling Library, tracking old colonial reports about the Southeast Asian opium trade that ended suddenly in the 1950s, just as the story got interesting. So, quite tentatively at first, I stepped outside the library to do a few interviews and soon found myself following an investigative trail that circled the globe. First, I traveled across America for meetings with retired CIA operatives. Then I crossed the Pacific to Hong Kong to study drug syndicates, courtesy of that colony’s police drug squad. Next, I went south to Saigon, then the capital of South Vietnam, to investigate the heroin traffic that was targeting the GIs, and on into the mountains of Laos to observe CIA alliances with opium warlords and the hill-tribe militias that grew the opium poppy. Finally, I flew from Singapore to Paris for interviews with retired French intelligence officers about their opium trafficking during the first Indochina War of the 1950s.

The drug traffic that supplied heroin for the US troops fighting in South Vietnam was not, I discovered, exclusively the work of criminals. Once the opium left tribal poppy fields in Laos, the traffic required official complicity at every level. The helicopters of Air America, the airline the CIA then ran, carried raw opium out of the villages of its hill-tribe allies. The commander of the Royal Lao Army, a close American collaborator, operated the world’s largest heroin lab and was so oblivious to the implications of the traffic that he opened his opium ledgers for my inspection. Several of Saigon’s top generals were complicit in the drug’s distribution to US soldiers. By 1971, this web of collusion ensured that heroin, according to a later White House survey of a thousand veterans, would be “commonly used” by 34 percent of American troops in South Vietnam.

None of this had been covered in my college history seminars. I had no models for researching an uncharted netherworld of crime and covert operations. After stepping off the plane in Saigon, body slammed by the tropical heat, I found myself in a sprawling foreign city of 4 million, lost in a swarm of snarling motorcycles and a maze of nameless streets, without contacts or a clue about how to probe these secrets. Every day on the heroin trail confronted me with new challenges—where to look, what to look for, and, above all, how to ask hard questions.

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Reading all that history had, however, taught me something I didn’t know I knew. Instead of confronting my sources with questions about sensitive current events, I started with the French colonial past when the opium trade was still legal, gradually uncovering the underlying, unchanging logistics of drug production. As I followed this historical trail into the present, when the traffic became illegal and dangerously controversial, I began to use pieces from this past to assemble the present puzzle, until the names of contemporary dealers fell into place. In short, I had crafted a historical method that would prove, over the next 40 years of my career, surprisingly useful in analyzing a diverse array of foreign-policy controversies—CIA alliances with drug lords, the agency’s propagation of psychological torture, and our spreading state surveillance.

THE CIA MAKES ITS ENTRANCE IN MY LIFE
Those months on the road, meeting gangsters and warlords in isolated places, offered only one bit of real danger. While hiking in the mountains of Laos, interviewing Hmong farmers about their opium shipments on CIA helicopters, I was descending a steep slope when a burst of bullets ripped the ground at my feet. I had walked into an ambush by agency mercenaries.


While the five Hmong militia escorts whom the local village headman had prudently provided laid down a covering fire, my Australian photographer John Everingham and I flattened ourselves in the elephant grass and crawled through the mud to safety. Without those armed escorts, my research would have been at an end and so would I. After that ambush failed, a CIA paramilitary officer summoned me to a mountaintop meeting where he threatened to murder my Lao interpreter unless I ended my research. After winning assurances from the US embassy that my interpreter would not be harmed, I decided to ignore that warning and keep going.

Six months and 30,000 miles later, I returned to New Haven. My investigation of CIA alliances with drug lords had taught me more than I could have imagined about the covert aspects of US global power. Settling into my attic apartment for an academic year of writing, I was confident that I knew more than enough for a book on this unconventional topic. But my education, it turned out, was just beginning.

Within weeks, a massive, middle-aged guy in a suit interrupted my scholarly isolation. He appeared at my front door and identified himself as Tom Tripodi, senior agent for the Bureau of Narcotics, which later became the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). His agency, he confessed during a second visit, was worried about my writing and he had been sent to investigate. He needed something to tell his superiors. Tom was a guy you could trust. So I showed him a few draft pages of my book. He disappeared into the living room for a while and came back saying, “Pretty good stuff. You got your ducks in a row.” But there were some things, he added, that weren’t quite right, some things he could help me fix.

Tom was my first reader. Later, I would hand him whole chapters and he would sit in a rocking chair, shirt sleeves rolled up, revolver in his shoulder holster, sipping coffee, scribbling corrections in the margins, and telling fabulous stories—like the time Jersey Mafia boss “Bayonne Joe” Zicarelli tried to buy a thousand rifles from a local gun store to overthrow Fidel Castro. Or when some CIA covert warrior came home for a vacation and had to be escorted everywhere so he didn’t kill somebody in a supermarket aisle.

Best of all, there was the one about how the Bureau of Narcotics caught French intelligence protecting the Corsican syndicates smuggling heroin into New York City. Some of his stories, usually unacknowledged, would appear in my book, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. These conversations with an undercover operative, who had trained Cuban exiles for the CIA in Florida and later investigated Mafia heroin syndicates for the DEA in Sicily, were akin to an advanced seminar, a master class in covert operations.

In the summer of 1972, with the book at press, I went to Washington to testify before Congress. As I was making the rounds of congressional offices on Capitol Hill, my editor rang unexpectedly and summoned me to New York for a meeting with the president and vice president of Harper & Row, my book’s publisher. Ushered into a plush suite of offices overlooking the spires of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, I listened to those executives tell me that Cord Meyer Jr., the CIA’s deputy director for covert operations, had called on their company’s president emeritus, Cass Canfield Sr. The visit was no accident, for Canfield, according to an authoritative history, “enjoyed prolific links to the world of intelligence, both as a former psychological warfare officer and as a close personal friend of Allen Dulles,” the ex-head of the CIA. Meyer denounced my book as a threat to national security. He asked Canfield, also an old friend, to quietly suppress it.

I was in serious trouble. Not only was Meyer a senior CIA official, but he also had impeccable social connections and covert assets in every corner of American intellectual life. After graduating from Yale in 1942, he served with the marines in the Pacific, writing eloquent war dispatches published in The Atlantic Monthly. He later worked with the US delegation drafting the UN charter. Personally recruited by spymaster Allen Dulles, Meyer joined the CIA in 1951 and was soon running its International Organizations Division, which, in the words of that same history, “constituted the greatest single concentration of covert political and propaganda activities of the by now octopus-like CIA,” including “Operation Mockingbird,” which planted disinformation in major US newspapers meant to aid agency operations. Informed sources told me that the CIA still had assets inside every major New York publisher and it already had every page of my manuscript.

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As the child of a wealthy New York family, Cord Meyer moved in elite social circles, meeting and marrying Mary Pinchot, the niece of Gifford Pinchot, founder of the US Forestry Service and a former governor of Pennsylvania. Pinchot was a breathtaking beauty who later became President Kennedy’s mistress, making dozens of secret visits to the White House. When she was found shot dead along the banks of a canal in Washington in 1964, the head of CIA counterintelligence, James Jesus Angleton, another Yale alumnus, broke into her home in an unsuccessful attempt to secure her diary. Mary’s sister Toni and her husband, Washington Post editor Ben Bradlee, later found the diary and gave it to Angleton for destruction by the agency. To this day, her unsolved murder remains a subject of mystery and controversy.

Cord Meyer was also in the Social Register of New York’s fine families along with my publisher, Cass Canfield, which added a dash of social cachet to the pressure to suppress my book. By the time he walked into Harper & Row’s office in that summer of 1972, two decades of CIA service had changed Meyer (according to that same authoritative history) from a liberal idealist into “a relentless, implacable advocate for his own ideas,” driven by “a paranoiac distrust of everyone who didn’t agree with him” and a manner that was “histrionic and even bellicose.” An unpublished 26-year-old graduate student versus the master of CIA media manipulation. It was hardly a fair fight. I began to fear my book would never appear.

To his credit, Canfield refused Meyer’s request to suppress the book. But he did allow the agency a chance to review the manuscript prior to publication. Instead of waiting quietly for the CIA’s critique, I contacted Seymour Hersh, then an investigative reporter for The New York Times. The same day the CIA courier arrived from Langley to collect my manuscript, Hersh swept through Harper & Row’s offices like a tropical storm, pelting hapless executives with incessant, unsettling questions. The next day, his exposé of the CIA’s attempt at censorship appeared on the paper’s front page. Other national media organizations followed his lead. Faced with a barrage of negative coverage, the CIA gave Harper & Row a critique full of unconvincing denials. The book was published unaltered.

MY LIFE AS AN OPEN BOOK FOR THE AGENCY
I had learned another important lesson: The Constitution’s protection of press freedom could check even the world’s most powerful espionage agency. Cord Meyer reportedly learned the same lesson. According to his obituary in The Washington Post, “It was assumed that Mr. Meyer would eventually advance” to head CIA covert operations, “but the public disclosure about the book deal…apparently dampened his prospects.” He was instead exiled to London and eased into early retirement.

Meyer and his colleagues were not, however, used to losing. Defeated in the public arena, the CIA retreated to the shadows and retaliated by tugging at every thread in the threadbare life of a graduate student. Over the next few months, federal officials from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare turned up at Yale to investigate my graduate fellowship. The Internal Revenue Service audited my poverty-level income. The FBI tapped my New Haven telephone (something I learned years later from a class-action lawsuit).

In August 1972, at the height of the controversy over the book, FBI agents told the bureau’s director that they had “conducted [an] investigation concerning McCoy,” searching the files they had compiled on me for the past two years and interviewing numerous “sources whose identities are concealed [who] have furnished reliable information in the past”—thereby producing an 11-page report detailing my birth, education, and campus anti-war activities.

A college classmate I hadn’t seen in four years, who served in military intelligence, magically appeared at my side in the book section of the Yale Co-op, seemingly eager to resume our relationship. The same week that a laudatory review of my book appeared on the front page of the Sunday New York Times Book Review section, an extraordinary achievement for any historian, Yale’s History Department placed me on academic probation. Unless I could somehow do a year’s worth of overdue work in a single semester, I faced dismissal.

In those days, the ties between the CIA and Yale were wide and deep. The campus residential colleges screened students, including future CIA Director Porter Goss, for possible careers in espionage. Alumni like Cord Meyer and James Angleton held senior slots at the agency. Had I not had a faculty adviser visiting from Germany, the distinguished scholar Bernhard Dahm who was a stranger to this covert nexus, that probation would likely have become expulsion, ending my academic career and destroying my credibility.

During those difficult days, New York Congressman Ogden Reid, a ranking member of the House Foreign Relations Committee, telephoned to say that he was sending staff investigators to Laos to look into the opium situation. Amid this controversy, a CIA helicopter landed near the village where I had escaped that ambush and flew the Hmong headman who had helped my research to an agency airstrip. There, a CIA interrogator made it clear that he had better deny what he had said to me about the opium. Fearing, as he later told my photographer, that “they will send a helicopter to arrest me, or…soldiers to shoot me,” the Hmong headman did just that.

At a personal level, I was discovering just how deep the country’s intelligence agencies could reach, even in a democracy, leaving no part of my life untouched: my publisher, my university, my sources, my taxes, my phone, and even my friends.

Although I had won the first battle of this war with a media blitz, the CIA was winning the longer bureaucratic struggle. By silencing my sources and denying any culpability, its officials convinced Congress that it was innocent of any direct complicity in the Indochina drug trade. During Senate hearings into CIA assassinations by the famed Church Committee three years later, Congress accepted the agency’s assurance that none of its operatives had been directly involved in heroin trafficking (an allegation I had never actually made). The committee’s report did confirm the core of my critique, however, finding that “the CIA is particularly vulnerable to criticism” over indigenous assets in Laos “of considerable importance to the Agency,” including “people who either were known to be, or were suspected of being, involved in narcotics trafficking.” But the senators did not press the CIA for any resolution or reform of what its own inspector general had called the “particular dilemma” posed by those alliances with drug lords—the key aspect, in my view, of its complicity in the traffic.

During the mid-1970s, as the flow of drugs into the United States slowed and the number of addicts declined, the heroin problem receded into the inner cities and the media moved on to new sensations. Unfortunately, Congress had forfeited an opportunity to check the CIA and correct its way of waging covert wars. In less than 10 years, the problem of the CIA’s tactical alliances with drug traffickers to support its far-flung covert wars was back with a vengeance.

During the 1980s, as the crack-cocaine epidemic swept America’s cities, the agency, as its own inspector general later reported, allied itself with the largest drug smuggler in the Caribbean, using his port facilities to ship arms to the Contra guerrillas fighting in Nicaragua and protecting him from any prosecution for five years. Simultaneously on the other side of the planet in Afghanistan, mujahedeen guerrillas imposed an opium tax on farmers to fund their fight against the Soviet occupation and, with the CIA’s tacit consent, operated heroin labs along the Pakistani border to supply international markets. By the mid-1980s, Afghanistan’s opium harvest had grown tenfold and was providing 60 percent of the heroin for America’s addicts and as much as 90 percent in New York City.

Almost by accident, I had launched my academic career by doing something a bit different. Embedded within that study of drug trafficking was an analytical approach that would take me, almost unwittingly, on a lifelong exploration of US global hegemony in its many manifestations, including diplomatic alliances, CIA interventions, developing military technology, recourse to torture, and global surveillance. Step by step, topic by topic, decade after decade, I would slowly accumulate sufficient understanding of the parts to try to assemble the whole. In writing my new book, In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, I drew on this research to assess the overall character of US global power and the forces that might contribute to its perpetuation or decline.

In the process, I slowly came to see a striking continuity and coherence in Washington’s century-long rise to global dominion. CIA torture techniques emerged at the start of the Cold War in the 1950s; much of its futuristic robotic aerospace technology had its first trial in the Vietnam War of the 1960s; and, above all, Washington’s reliance on surveillance first appeared in the colonial Philippines around 1900 and soon became an essential though essentially illegal tool for the FBI’s repression of domestic dissent that continued through the 1970s.

SURVEILLANCE TODAY
In the wake of the 9/11 terror attacks, I dusted off that historical method, and used it to explore the origins and character of domestic surveillance inside the United States.

After occupying the Philippines in 1898, the US Army, facing a difficult pacification campaign in a restive land, discovered the power of systematic surveillance to crush the resistance of the country’s political elite. Then, during World War I, the Army’s “father of military intelligence,” the dour General Ralph Van Deman, who had learned his trade in the Philippines, drew upon his years pacifying those islands to mobilize a legion of 1,700 soldiers and 350,000 citizen-vigilantes for an intense surveillance program against suspected enemy spies among German-Americans, including my own grandfather. In studying Military Intelligence files at the National Archives, I found “suspicious” letters purloined from my grandfather’s army locker. In fact, his mother had been writing him in her native German about such subversive subjects as knitting him socks for guard duty.

In the 1950s, Hoover’s FBI agents tapped thousands of phones without warrants and kept suspected subversives under close surveillance, including my mother’s cousin Gerard Piel, an anti-nuclear activist and the publisher of Scientific American magazine. During the Vietnam War, the bureau expanded its activities with an amazing array of spiteful, often illegal, intrigues in a bid to cripple the anti-war movement with pervasive surveillance of the sort seen in my own FBI file.

Memory of the FBI’s illegal surveillance programs was largely washed away after the Vietnam War thanks to Congressional reforms that required judicial warrants for all government wiretaps. The terror attacks of September 2001, however, gave the National Security Agency the leeway to launch renewed surveillance on a previously unimaginable scale. Writing for TomDispatch in 2009, I observed that coercive methods first tested in the Middle East were being repatriated and might lay the groundwork for “a domestic surveillance state.” Sophisticated biometric and cyber techniques forged in the war zones of Afghanistan and Iraq had made a “digital surveillance state a reality” and so were fundamentally changing the character of American democracy.

Four years later, Edward Snowden’s leak of secret NSA documents revealed that, after a century-long gestation period, a US digital surveillance state had finally arrived. In the age of the Internet, the NSA could monitor tens of millions of private lives worldwide, including American ones, via a few hundred computerized probes into the global grid of fiber-optic cables.

And then, as if to remind me in the most personal way possible of our new reality, four years ago, I found myself the target yet again of an IRS audit, of TSA body searches at national airports, and—as I discovered when the line went dead—a tap on my office telephone at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. Why? Maybe it was my current writing on sensitive topics like CIA torture and NSA surveillance, or maybe my name popped up from some old database of suspected subversives left over from the 1970s. Whatever the explanation, it was a reasonable reminder that, if my own family’s experience across three generations is in any way representative, state surveillance has been an integral part of American political life far longer than we might imagine.

At the cost of personal privacy, Washington’s worldwide web of surveillance has now become a weapon of exceptional power in a bid to extend US global hegemony deeper into the 21st century. Yet it’s worth remembering that sooner or later what we do overseas always seems to come home to haunt us, just as the CIA and crew have haunted me this last half-century. When we learn to love Big Brother, the world becomes a more, not less, dangerous place.

This piece has been adapted and expanded from the introduction to Alfred W. McCoy’s new book, In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power.
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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #489 

 

Luis Posada Carriles, CIA-created "Frankenstein", Dies at 90

https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/news/cuba/2018-05-23/luis-posada-carriles-cia-created-frankenstein-dies-90


National Security Archive Publishes Declassified Record on Former Agency Asset and Suspect in Deadly Cuban Jetliner Bombing




Read about DEA agent Celerino Castillo's attempt to take down Posada and Oliver North's Drug operation:
http://powderburns.org/posada.html


Luis Posada Carriles on Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luis_Posada_Carriles

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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Militant Cuban Exile Luis Posada Carriles Has Died

By The Associated Press

  • May 23, 2018
  •  
  •  

MIAMI — Former CIA operative and militant Cuban exile Luis Posada Carriles, who was accused of organizing a string of 1997 Havana hotel bombings and a 1976 Cuban airline bombing that killed 73 people, has died. He was 90.



https://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2018/05/23/us/ap-us-obit-luis-posada-carriles.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/23/obituaries/luis-posada-carriles-castro-foe-dies-at-90.html





Luis Posada Carriles, Hemisphere’s Most Wanted Terrorist, Dies Free in Miami at Age 90

 
https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/05/28/luis-posada-carriles-hemispheres-most-wanted-terrorist-dies-free-in-miami-at-age-90/
At the time of his death, Posada Carriles, a staunchly militant anti-Castro Cuban exile and former longtime CIA agent, was wanted by authorities in Cuba and Venezuela for his leading role in masterminding the 1976 bombing of a Cuban commercial airliner over the Caribbean, an attack that killed 73 innocent people. He is also wanted for orchestrating a string of terror attacks on Cuban hotels and for repeatedly plotting to assassinate the late Cuban president Fidel Castro.

(....)







Esquire Mag  

Thus Passed a True American-Made Terrorist

Luis Posada Carriles was a "CIA-created Frankenstein."

authentically evil man, and an authentic terrorist if anyone ever was, died in a bed at the age of 90 on Wednesday. Luis Posada Carriles should have died in a cell at Leavenworth. He was an anti-Castro terrorist on the CIA payroll. He was accused of committing atrocities in our name, and on our dime, throughout Central America and the Caribbean – including, it was alleged, being intimately involved with the 1976 bombing of a Cubana Airlines plane just after takeoff from Barbados in which 73 people were killed including the entire Cuban fencing team.
(......)




Reuters
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cuba-usa-posada/anti-castro-exile-accused-of-1976-plane-explosion-dies-at-90

BBC
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-44226647


PANAMA BOMBING ATTEMPT:
Posada Terrorized by DNA
BY JEAN-GUY ALLARD
ON September 25, 2001, after Luis Posada Carriles and his accomplices had refused on several occasions to submit to
DNA tests to demonstrate their direct link with explosives found in their vehicle, the Panamanian authorities decided to
use the powers afforded them by law to force the suspects to hand over blood and hair samples.
Posada, together with Gaspar Jiménez, Guillermo Novo and Pedro Remón
were taken to the Panamanian Institute of Legal Medicine.
According to a report by Argentina Barrera Flores, a first circuit judge
responsible for the case at the time, “they were informed of the decision and
that it was compulsory.”
But in front of the Institute’s experts and legal representatives, Posada and his
henchmen retorted that “they would in no way allow them to take those
samples.”
They reiterated that “they would not allow the technician or any other person
to touch them,” and then refused to sign a document attesting to the fact that
they had refused to provide the samples.
Law No. 80 of the Republic of Panama, passed on November 23, 1998,
establishes the compulsory nature of DNA testing and implicitly indicates that
refusal to provide samples constitutes an admission of guilt.
THE BLACK BRIEFCASE AND THE RED MITSUBISHI
For the Panamanian judicial system, there is no doubt that the explosives found after the arrest of Posada and his crew
thanks to the cooperation of their Panamanian driver, entered the country at the Paso Canoa border point on November 16,
2000 in a bag carried by Gaspar Jiménez. There were no less than 33.44 kilos of military explosives…an amount that would
clearly provoke a disaster.
To better understand what happened, we should recap on the chronology of the conspirators’ movements in those
November days leading up to the Ibero-American Summit where they planned to assassinate the Cuban President and all
those who would have been present at the university.
November 3 - Posada arrives in Panama from Costa Rica through the Paso Canoas border point, using a false passport -
No. A143258 under the name of Franco Rodríguez Mena - a gift from his friends in El Salvador. (He had already used the
same false document on a previous reconnaissance trip on August 12, 2000).
November 6 - At 10.28am, Posada appears at the Las Vegas hotel apartments in Panama where he rents Room 215. From
there he contacts his buddy César Matamoros, a Cuban (with drug trafficking convictions) resident in the Panamanian
capital who offers his employee José Manuel Hurtado as Posada’s driver.
Hurtado will go on to play a central role in events. This modest black worker that Matamoros uses as if he were his own
property, will spontaneously cooperate with the judicial system in the first stage after the arrest of the conspirators, until
his white boss and Posada’s mafioso advisors direct him otherwise.
November 8 - Hurtado sees Posada who says that he wishes to change hotels. Some 500 meters from the Las Vegas, they
visit the Coral Suites hotel apartments where Posada reserves a room.
November 9 - Posada goes to Tocumen airport in the capital with Hurtado to collect his Cuban-Salvadoran friend Raúl
Hamouzava (a fugitive from Panamanian justice since these events took place). At the Dollar Rent-A-Car agency, Posada
and Hamouzova hire a red Mitsubishi Lancer with license plate 223 251, which Hurtado will drive.
November 14 - At five a.m. Posada leaves Panama City with Hurtado in the hired car and heads for the province of Chiriqui
where his friend, drug trafficker José Valladares (“Pepe the Cuban”) has a ranch called Jacu, in a region bordering on
Costa Rica and the neighboring Paso Canoas border post.
November 15 - Guillermo Novo arrives at Paso Canoas and presents himself to Panamanian immigration, carrying a valid
U.S. passport No. 043788076.
November 16 - Posada and Novo collect Pedro Remón and Gaspar Jiménez at the same Panamanian immigration point.
Hurtado puts both men’s luggage in the red Mitsubishi. Amongst the suitcases is one black bag bearing the logo of the
Miami Marlins and The Miami Herald, in which three days later on November 19, the police will find the explosives in
Panama City.
Jiménez crosses the border using a false U.S. passport (No. 044172940) in the name of Manuel Díaz, and Remón a valid
U.S. passport (No. 084987631). Later, it will come to light that Jiménez had arrived in Costa Rica on the 13th, two days
before crossing the border…
Remón for his part, arrives from Miami, after a badly explained one-day stay in Atlanta, Georgia where he allegedly took
part in a trade seminar.
Important detail: before the judge, Remón explains that he had met his buddy Jiménez in San José’s Best Western Hotel in
Costa Rica, so as to then travel with him by plane to Coto 47 airport on the border. According to the Attorney General’s
report, Remón then explained that “for physiological reasons, he went into the undergrowth where he also used the
opportunity to take out the GPS (Global Positioning System) that he was carrying and fix the geographical position of the
location.” A strange action that remains to be explained.
THE EXPLOSIVES, FOR JIMÉNEZ
Hurtado, seen here leaving the court, will
play a central role during the trial.
That same day (16th), following a meeting at the Jacu ranch, Posada, Novo and Remón travel by plane on the Aeroperla
airline from the city of David (Chiriqui) to Panama City.
Posada, author of the mid-flight explosion of a Cubana Aviation plane in 1976 that caused the deaths of 73 people, did not
want to travel by plane with the explosives…He orders Jiménez to drive with Hurtado to the capital by road in the red
Mitsubishi…with the black bag containing 33.44 kilos of military explosives in the trunk.
Before the judge, Jiménez will claim that he traveled by car for health reasons: “because it’s a small plane and could cause
a blood clot.”
Posada and Remón arrive at Coral Suites in the afternoon and Jiménez at around 11:00 p.m. The first two are occupying
Room 310 and Jiménez joins Novo in 509 (the most expensive in the hotel). Both rooms were reserved well in advance by
Posada. On this night, Hurtado leaves the keys of the red Mitsubishi with Jiménez and goes home in a taxi.
November 17 - Jiménez and Novo go for a drive, passing close by the Cesar Park hotel - the venue of the Ibero-American
Summit - and then around the grounds of the university where Fidel is due to address 1,500 people in the auditorium some
hours later. They are with Hurtado, the driver, in another vehicle - a black Mitsubishi Lancer - that Novo has rented.
Remón provides another Mitsubishi rental; a Galant model that he is using with Posada.
Hours later, Posada will order Hurtado to take the red Mitsubishi to be cleaned with a view to returning it the following day.
We should remember that it was in this car that the explosives were transported from the border.
According to Hurtado, he was only ordered to clean this car and not the others.
Around four in the afternoon, several Panamanian police agents who had been alerted by Fidel minutes before in a press
conference of the presence of terrorists in the Coral Suites hotel apartments, surround the place under the orders of Roger
Diez Quintero, chief of the Security Division of the Judicial Technical Police, and Inspector Ignacio Taylor.
They observe two individuals who, on seeing the police arrive, cross the road in a suspicious manner. It is Remón and
Novo, who are stopped and then arrested by Detective Faustino Portugal.
Arriving at the car wash, driver Hurtado realizes - according to his later statement - “that Mr. Posada had left a case that he
always carried with him on the back seat of the car.” Concerned about the strange contents, he calls his boss, Matamoros,
who tells him “to give it to the Cubans”, referring to Posada and his companions.
Suspecting that he has been involved in a criminal act, Hurtado returns to the hotel apartments but sees the police
presence at the moment when they are about to penetrate the entrance to Coral Suites with “the emergency lights
flashing”, according to investigators. He then accelerates and is pursued by Inspector Taylor in a police vehicle, heading
for nearby España Avenue where he disappears amongst the traffic.
Minutes later, Posada and his accomplices, all under arrest are questioned about the red Mitsubishi but affirm that they
“know nothing about the car”, according to Taylor’s subsequent report.
November 19 - Located by detectives, Hurtado takes police captain Feliciano Benítez to a patch of waste ground close to
Tocumen airport where they unearth the famous black bag with the Marlins logo containing the explosives, a device
identified by explosive experts as a firing system, a remote control device and five “Marine Band” radios amongst other
items.
The cartridges contained in the explosives bear the stamp “Costa Rica”.
Inside the bag they also find a white towel with black, yellow and chocolate-colored stains and another with chocolate and
gray stains. A subsequent analysis by a criminal expert reveals that the towels were used on mixing the explosives.
The chemical test carried out by expert Eybar Castillo will reveal the presence of “human hairs”.
THEY ALL REFUSE TO COOPERATE WITH JUSTICE
On December 6 and 7, 2000, barely three weeks after the suspects are arrested, the Attorney General summons them in
order to receive their statements. However, the four detainees flatly refuse to testify on the events. They also refuse to
undergo psychiatric and handwriting tests requested by the Attorney General.
It will be six months before they begin to talk, tell lies and once again demonstrate their total unwillingness to cooperate
with justice.
They continue refusing to submit to the DNA test , despite the insistence and subsequent order by the judicial authorities.
According to the Panamanian Attorney General’s report, Law 80 “anticipates a grave indication” against those guilty of
such behavior.
The explanation is simple of course. Posada and his accomplices are terrified that this simple laboratory test would
establish, beyond all doubt, that they are the owners of the black bag bearing The Miami Herald logo.
And that they do indeed deserve a long stay behind bars not just for this conspiracy but for their numerous and atrocious
past crimes, and the danger represented by these international terrorists financed and directed by the Miami mafia.
Source: http://insidecostarica.com/specialreports/panama_posada.htm


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #491 

OLIVER NORTH WORKED WITH COCAINE TRAFFICKERS TO ARM TERRORISTS. NOW HE’LL BE PRESIDENT OF THE NRA.


https://theintercept.com/2018/05/12/oliver-north-nra-iran-contra/
It seems odd, then, that the next president of the NRA will soon be Oliver North, who spent years in the 1980s working together with large-scale cocaine traffickers and protecting a notorious narco-terrorist from the rest of the U.S. government.
(....)




Oliver North’s Checkered Iran-Contra Record

[image]

Oliver North on the day of his indictment, March 16, 1988. (U.S. National Archives and Records Administration)

Published: May 16, 2018
Briefing Book #628

Edited by Malcolm Byrne

For more information, contact:
Malcolm Byrne at 202-994-7000 or nsarchiv@gwu.edu

Pattern of Deception, Personal Corruption, Deals with Narco-Traffickers Bueso and Noriega Highlighted in Declassified Documents




DEA AGENT Celerino Castillo III;
IRAN-CONTRA's Oliver North listed in 8 DEA files as late as 1994. Walter Grasheim listed in 7 DEA files.  Grasheim displayed FBI, DEA and CIA Credentials in a DEA office. He Demanded to have his seized weapons returned.
http://powderburns.org/north.html

Carlos Alberto Amador, "a Nicaraguan pilot mentioned in six (6) DEA files....The DEA was advised by a source at the U.S. embassy in San Salvador that personnel from the CIA had allegedly obtained a U.S. visa for Amador." Amador, Castillo discovered, kept four planes at Ilopango, and a frequent companion of his was was Jorge Zarcovick who "is mentioned in twelve (12) DEA files.
http://powderburns.org/north.html



OLIVER NORTH & CO. BANNED FROM COSTA RICA 
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias received a signed letter (14 Congressmen, including LEE HAMILTON, Head of The Iran-Contra Committee)  threatening AID CUT OFF if drug suspects were not freed.

https://fair.org/extra/censored-news-oliver-north-amp-co-banned-from-costa-rica/


Costa Rica’s Oscar Arias: ‘Oliver North and the NRA deserve each other’

[image]
Oscar Arias May 10, 2018
http://www.ticotimes.net/2018/05/10/costa-ricas-oscar-arias-oliver-north-and-the-nra-deserve-each-other



Cover Story – Ollie’s World or How a secret airstrip in Costa Rica fueled a global scandal
KARL KAHLER - MAR 02, 2018

https://howlermag.com/2018/03/cover-story-ollies-world-secret-airstrip-costa-rica-fueled-global-scandal/









__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

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Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #492 

Tom Cruise's 'American Made' Nixed Scene With Bill Clinton Getting Lap Dance (Exclusive)

David James/Universal Studios
'American Made'

The film draws from a conspiracy theory that implicates both Clinton and George H.W. Bush in a massive operation that involved cocaine smuggling, money laundering and illegal arms exporting




Why Bill Clinton And George W. Bush Are Portrayed In A Tom Cruise Movie About An Infamous Drug Smuggler
"I just wanted to just sort of say, 'We're not ignorant of those allegations,’” said American Made director Doug Liman. Warning: This story contains SPOILERS.

Posted on September 20, 2017, at 2:14 p.m.
Adam B. Vary
BuzzFeed News Reporter


https://www.buzzfeed.com/adambvary/bill-clinton-george-w-bush-american-made



NY Post
https://nypost.com/2017/10/25/american-made-sheds-light-on-shady-arkansas-airfield-deals/

Slashfilm
http://www.slashfilm.com/tom-cruises-american-made-almost-had-a-scene-featuring-bill-clinton-getting-a-lap-dance/








A racy scene involving Bill Clinton was cut from the new Tom Cruise movie

http://nordic.businessinsider.com/bill-clinton-lap-dance-cut-from-tom-cruise-movie-american-made-2017-9



__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #493 
https://www.arktimes.com/arkansas/whos-afraid-of-barry-seal/Content

Who's afraid of Barry Seal? 

The 'true lie' behind Tom Cruise's new film on the notorious drug-trafficker-turned-federal-informant who operated out of Arkansas.

click to enlargeBARRY SEAL: He imported drugs and laundered money while working for the federal government. - BRYAN MOATS
  • BRYAN MOATS
  • BARRY SEAL: He imported drugs and laundered money while working for the federal government.

The poster for the movie "American Made," to be released Friday, Sept. 29, shows a grinning, cocky Tom Cruise as the drug smuggler Barry Seal, hauling a duffle bag bursting with cash. "It's not a felony if you're doing it for the good guys," the poster teases. The film's trailer has Seal casually boasting about his simultaneous work for "the CIA, the DEA and Pablo Escobar."

One critic was led to ask: "So, was Seal a triple agent?" Perhaps. The producers say this swaggering story, based mostly in Arkansas, is all "based on a true lie."

"American Made" is Hollywood's second film about Seal, the trafficker-turned-government-informant who is fast becoming America's most intriguing outlaw. HBO released the first, "Doublecrossed," starring Dennis Hopper as Seal, in 1991, five years after Seal's controversial murder.

When Cruise's film was announced, its title was going to be "Mena," after the town in Arkansas where a local company hid Seal's aircraft and modified them for drug drops. I was a reporter focusing on drugs in the 1980s, but I learned of Seal's three-year presence at Mena only after the night in 1986 when Colombian assassins gunned him down in Baton Rouge, La.

I became one of many reporters who tried to untangle Seal's story and, though that task ultimately proved impossible, I did learn a lot about him. But now, the bits and pieces collected about Seal have provided enough material — enough "true lies" — for Hollywood to weave into films that enlarge his legend.

But his actual story is littered with dead ends — secrets that are still being carefully kept — especially in Arkansas. And here, I'm sorry to say, some police records that were open to the public 20 years ago are apparently no longer available.

I wouldn't know this if it weren't for Cruise's film. When it was announced with a planned release in 2016, Rod Lorenzen, the manager of Butler Center Books, a division of the Butler Center for Arkansas Studies, asked me to write a history of Seal's time in Arkansas to correspond with the movie's release. I was honored. The Butler Center is part of the highly respected Arkansas Studies Institute, a creation of the Central Arkansas Library System and the University of Arkansas at Little Rock.

I'm a huge admirer of the ASI and consider its staff my friends. Yet I declined. I told Lorenzen that the book he proposed would be too hard to write; that there were still too many people in power — in both political parties — who did not want Seal's full story told.

But Lorenzen persisted. I began to waver, recalling the words of some Arkansans who'd known Barry Seal.

"I can arrest an old hillbilly out here with a pound of marijuana and a local judge and jury would send him to the penitentiary," a former sheriff at Mena in 1988 had said, "but a guy like Seal flies in and out with hundreds of pounds of cocaine and he stays free."

The prosecuting attorney there had avowed: "I believe that the activities of Mr. Seal came to be so valuable to the Reagan White House and so sensitive that no information concerning Seal's activities could be released to the public. The ultimate result was that not only Seal but all of his confederates and all of those who worked with or assisted him in illicit drug traffic were protected by the government."

And this, by the Internal Revenue Service agent who'd found evidence of money laundering at Mena: "There was a cover-up."

Nothing had changed with regard to Seal since those men spoke those words, except that the savage war on drugs had ground on, while Seal — whatever he was — remained a hidden but important part of its history. Finally, I told Lorenzen I would write the book; I would document as much as I could of Seal's secretive Arkansas years.

We agreed that the book would be called "The Mena File: Barry Seal's Ties to Drug Lords and U.S. Officials." Lorenzen commissioned a cover while I began my research by contacting the Arkansas State Police. I knew the agency had an extensive file on Seal because I'd read it decades earlier, shortly after Seal's murder. In fact, I still had a letter from the former director advising me, in case I'd planned to make copies, that the file held some 3,000 pages.

But now, three decades after Seal's murder, State Police spokesman Bill Sadler reported that he could locate no files on Seal. None. Arkansas's Freedom of Information Act requires the release of public records, but Sadler said that, in Seal's case, the agency was unable to do that. I protested, and after weeks of back-and-forth, Sadler reported that a file on Seal had been discovered. He eventually provided a packet of 409 pages. He said this was all the agency could release after duplicates and documents that are exempt from public disclosure were removed.

Even allowing for duplicates and legal exemptions, I would find the reduction of publicly available records, from 3,000 pages 20 years ago to just over 400 now, disturbing. My concern increases when the case is one of national interest that's also replete with political connections. As Sadler suggested, the state police in the past may have made too much available. On the other hand, if the grip on information about Seal has been tightened, the reason for this extra control might be traced to his earliest days in Arkansas.

By late 1982, when Seal moved his aircraft to Mena from his home base in Baton Rouge, federal agents had already identified him as "a major international narcotics trafficker." Police watching Mena's airport notified federal authorities that a fat man from Louisiana had begun frequenting an aircraft modification company there called Rich Mountain Aviation.

That same year, President Ronald Reagan appointed Asa Hutchinson, already a tough, anti-drug crusader, as U.S. attorney for the Western District of Arkansas. Wanting to keep tabs on Seal, Hutchinson ordered William Duncan, an investigator for the IRS, to watch for signs of money laundering around Mena resulting from Seal's presence.

Another investigator, Russell Welch of the State Police, was assigned to look for evidence of cocaine arriving there. Duncan and Welch both told me that being assigned to Seal ended up ruining their careers.

Welch said he began to suspect that something was amiss one night in December 1983, when he and several other law enforcement officers had staked out the airport, watching for Seal. He said they'd seen the smuggler and his co-pilot land and taxi to a hangar at Rich Mountain Aviation, where workers installed an illegal, extra fuel tank in the plane.

Welch said that Seal had taken off into the wintry night, fast and without lights. But what he remembered most was how surprised he, the FBI agents and the Arkansas Game and Fish officer who'd joined them had been that, although officers for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration had met them at a motel in Mena, none had gone with them to the stakeout.

click to enlargeTHE FAT MAN AND THE FAT LADY: Seal and his C-123 airplane, both nicknamed for their girth. - BRYAN MOATS
  • BRYAN MOATS
  • THE FAT MAN AND THE FAT LADY: Seal and his C-123 airplane, both nicknamed for their girth.

Seal had no criminal convictions at the time, but he did have a puzzling record. Ten years earlier, federal agents in Louisiana had caught him attempting to take off from an airport in Shreveport with a planeload of plastic explosives bound for Cuban ex-patriots in Mexico. Seal was charged with being part of a plot to overthrow Fidel Castro. But prosecutors abruptly dropped the case at the start of his trial. That event, relatively early in Seal's career, would later prompt speculation — unquestioned in Cruise's film — that he performed contract work for the Central Intelligence Agency.

From later court records, we know that in April 1981, before Seal moved to Mena, DEA agents in Florida had caught him in a drug sting. We know that while his case there was pending, Seal agreed to become an informant for the DEA — but that the circumstances of that deal were also strange. In the summer of 1984, facing possible life in prison if convicted, he'd flown his Lear jet to Washington, D.C., where, in a meeting with top DEA officials, he'd established the terms that would allow him to remain free.

Duncan and Welch were not informed of Seal's change of status as they pursued their respective investigations. Throughout 1984, they had no idea that Seal was supposedly working for an agency of the U.S. Department of Justice. So far as they could tell, he was a drug-runner continuing to run drugs, while the DEA remained, as both officers put it, "conspicuously absent" from Mena. The Arkansas lawmen, along with their peers in Louisiana, could scarcely have imagined all that Seal was up to that year.

From a variety of surviving court records, we know that DEA officials in Florida cooked up a plan for him to help them round up the leaders of Colombia's Medellín cartel in one dramatic sting. Suffice it to say that the plan turned into a catastrophic failure — one that exposed Seal's status as an informant to his former associates in the cartel.

With Seal's usefulness in that regard ended, he was put to another use. This time it was a political one — on behalf of Reagan's White House. Reagan wanted evidence that officials of Nicaragua's Sandinista government, which he opposed, were shipping cocaine into the U.S. After allowing CIA technicians to install hidden cameras in his C-123, Seal flew to Nicaragua and returned with photographs that he said showed Sandinista leaders helping load cocaine onto the plane.

But again, Seal was compromised. Someone who knew of the flight leaked word of it to a Washington newspaper. Seal's status as an informant was confirmed, placing his life at still greater risk.

After that, the justice department found yet another use for Seal, as U.S. attorneys began calling him to testify about his experiences with major drug dealers whom they were prosecuting. From Seal's testimony at some of those traffickers' trials, we know that he claimed to have grossed $750,000 per flight while he was smuggling for the cartel; that he continued to fly in drugs after becoming an informant; that he had smuggled about 6,000 pounds of cocaine into the U.S. during that period; and that for one of those flights alone the DEA had allowed him to keep the $575,000 he'd been paid.

But it's clear that by late 1984, Seal was getting worried. A man who had lived by secrets suddenly made the unthinkable move of agreeing to be interviewed by a reporter. Seal flew Louisiana TV reporter Jack Camp to Mena, where he allowed Camp to film him inside the C-123 as he talked about his work for the DEA, while pointing out the places where the CIA technicians had hidden their cameras.

It was only after Camp's interview aired on Baton Rouge television in late 1984 that law enforcement in Louisiana — and, quickly enough, Arkansas — accidentally learned of Seal's dual roles. But even now his status remained unclear, and federal officials weren't trying to help. Seal was still flying, apparently free, in both states, while ground crews, including workers at Rich Mountain Aviation, continued to work with him. Duncan and Welch focused their own investigations on the period before Seal became an informant.

In mid-1985, Duncan told Hutchinson that he had sworn statements from employees at Rich Mountain Aviation and Mena bankers about illegal cash deposits being made into area banks. With what he called this "direct evidence of money laundering," Duncan asked Hutchinson to subpoena 20 witnesses, all of whom, he said, wereready to testify before a federal grand jury. But Duncan said that Hutchinson balked and, in contrast to his conduct in other cases where Duncan had requested subpoenas, in this case the U.S. attorney subpoenaed only three. Later, when Duncan was asked under oath in a deposition whether he believed there was a cover-up, he replied, "It was covered up."

In August 1985, shortly after Duncan's request for subpoenas, U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese flew to Fort Smith to meet with Hutchinson. DEA Administrator John C. Lawn was with him. While the nation's two drug officials were in town, they held a press conference with Hutchinson to announce a series of raids dubbed "Operation Delta-9," which they said were meant to eradicate home-grown marijuana. Although Fort Smith sits just 70 miles north of Mena, nobody mentioned Seal. No one even mentioned cocaine.

By then, though local investigators still did not know it, Seal had become a darling of the Department of Justice. In October 1985, the President's Commission on Organized Crime invited him to be the featured speaker at a symposium in the capital attended by several top U.S. law enforcement officers. The following month Hutchinson announced that, having decided to run for Congress, he would be resigning as U.S. attorney.

At first, it looked like Hutchinson's successor, J. Michael Fitzhugh, was ready to act on the cases related to Seal. In December 1985, Fitzhugh announced that he had subpoenaed Seal to testify at a grand jury session to be held in Hot Springs. In preparation, he sent Duncan to Baton Rouge to interview Seal, and the State Police sent Welch.

When I interviewed the investigators for my book, they told me that Seal seemed weary. He and his attorney fretted that Seal's deals from Florida would not protect him in Arkansas. But, after some dickering, Seal agreed to be sworn in. "I don't want to waste these men's time," he told his attorney, Lewis Unglesby. "They have come a long way in bad weather and it's Christmas."

In the recorded interview that followed, Seal acknowledged some, if not all, of his business with Rich Mountain Aviation. He told Duncan and Welch that he had warned the company's owner that he stood "a good chance of going to jail" for the illegal modifications Rich Mountain Aviation had performed on his planes and that the owner had "better get himself a lawyer and be ready to look at pleading guilty."

But five days before the grand jury was set to convene, Fitzhugh suddenly canceled Seal's appearance, due to what he termed Seal's "lack of credibility." Duncan and Welch were incredulous. By now they knew that Seal had been invited to the Washington symposium largely because of the respect he'd won from U.S. attorneys for his testimony at high-profile trials. Duncan and Welch could not understand — and Fitzhugh never explained — why, at the last minute, he'd suddenly deemed Seal's "credibility" insufficient in Arkansas.

Seal may not have intended to show up, anyway. The pressures on him had intensified since he'd agreed to testify against Jorge Ochoa, a cartel leader who was soon to be extradited to the U.S. To prevent that from happening, the cartel had placed a half-million-dollar contract on Seal's head.

And it worked. On Feb. 19, 1986, a group of Colombian gunmen murdered Seal in the parking lot of a halfway house in Baton Rouge, where a federal judge had ordered Seal to spend nights while on court-imposed probation.

Barely four weeks later, Reagan appeared on national television to explain his opposition to Nicaragua's Sandinista government. As part of that explanation, the president held up one of Seal's photographs from inside the C-123. The image was grainy but Reagan said that it showed officials of Nicaragua's Communist government loading cocaine onto a plane that was headed to the United States.

Reagan never mentioned Seal, and the photo's authenticity was soon challenged. Nevertheless, that televised moment captured the whirlwind into which Seal flew after his move to Arkansas: the intersection of drugs, Central American politics, the DEA, the CIA and the U.S. president.

click to enlargeKILLED IN BATON ROUGE: Colombian gunmen murdered Seal outside a halfway house on Feb. 19, 1986. - BRYAN MOATS
  • BRYAN MOATS
  • KILLED IN BATON ROUGE: Colombian gunmen murdered Seal outside a halfway house on Feb. 19, 1986.

We might never have known about any of that except for what happened on Oct. 5, 1986, less than eight months after Seal's murder. The C-123 cargo plane he'd kept at the airport at Mena was once again flying over Central America when a Nicaraguan soldier shot it down. Papers found with the downed aircraft linked it to members of Reagan's White House staff and with that, the political upheaval known as the Iran-Contra scandal burst into world news. Questions about the plane led to questions about Seal, and, inevitably, some of the fallout reached Hutchinson. The former U.S. attorney had lost his initial race for Congress, and by 1996, when he was running again, many Arkansans were trying to sort out his connection to Seal.

When someone at a campaign appearance asked the candidate if there'd been a cover-up at Mena, Hutchinson replied: "All I can tell you is I started the investigation. I pursued the investigation, and I was called to run for office. And after that I was out of the loop." Hutchinson won his 1996 congressional race and two subsequent elections. He resigned from Congress in 2001 to accept an appointment by President George W. Bush as head of the DEA.

After a subsequent appointment at the Department of Homeland Security, Hutchinson returned to Arkansas, where he became the state's governor in 2015.

Soon after taking office, Hutchinson installed veteran DEA agent Bill Bryant as head of the State Police. I came along a few months later, asking to see the agency's file on Seal. When I learned how much less was available than reportedly had been in the past, I wrote to Hutchinson, hoping to ask about the difference, but he did not respond.

Bill Clinton, who was governor throughout Seal's time at Mena, has also had little to say about the smuggler's presence. While governor, Clinton was drawn uncomfortably close to questions relating to cocaine after police arrested his half-brother, Roger Clinton, on charges of distributing cocaine, and Roger Clinton reported that he'd gotten the drug from his boss, Dan Lasater, a Little Rock bond trader and financial supporter of Clinton.

Seal was dead by late 1986, when Lasater was indicted, but the FBI's investigation of Lasater produced at least one intriguing connection between the two. Billy Earle Jr. had been in the co-pilot's seat on that night in December 1983 when Seal flew into Mena to have an extra fuel tank installed. The following year, when Earle was arrested in Louisiana, Welch went there to interview him.

Earle told Welch that immediately after "the new plumbing" was installed, Seal planned to fly "to a place in southern Colombia, bordering Peru, and pick up 200 kilos of cocaine." He said the trip was for an "operation to be staged out of Carver Ranch in Belize." But, Earle said, that plan had fallen through.

In the fall of 1986, when FBI agents were investigating Dan Lasater, they questioned his personal pilot. That man reported that he had flown Lasater and his business partner, Patsy Thomasson, "to Belize to look at a horse farm that was for sale by a Roy Carver." He said that flight had taken place on Feb. 8, 1984, within weeks of the aborted trip Seal had reportedly planned to the same location. Lasater and Roger Clinton both pleaded guilty to drug charges and served time in prison. After Bill Clinton's election as president, he placed Thomasson in charge of the White House Office of Administration.

Though accusations abound, no link has ever been established between Clinton and Seal. Still, on the few occasions when the smuggler's name has come up, Clinton has sounded as "out of the loop" as Hutchinson.

At one point, while Clinton was governor, the local prosecuting attorney for Mena had attempted to act where U.S. attorneys Hutchinson and Fitzhugh had not. Deputy Prosecuting Attorney Charles E. Black wanted to impanel a state grand jury to consider evidence that people at Rich Mountain Aviation had abetted Seal's drug-trafficking operation. Realizing that such a case would cost more than his district could afford, Black had asked the governor's office for a grant of $25,000. But Black said he never received a response.

Bill Alexander, one of Arkansas's long-term Democratic congressmen, supported Black's idea. Alexander told me that he wrote to Clinton personally, repeating Black's request and explaining that questions about Seal needed to be "resolved and laid to rest." But he, too, said that he did not recall receiving a response.

Yet, later on, when a reporter asked Clinton what he had known about Seal, the governor had a somewhat different recollection. He said that, although he had authorized payment of $25,000 to fund the grand jury Black had requested, "Nothing ever came of that."

On the subject of Seal, the usually astute governor had come across as unusually uninformed. A citizens' group called the Arkansas Committee suspected that state and federal authorities had agreed to protect Seal in Arkansas. Disturbed by Clinton's apparent disinterest, members of the group at one point unfurled a 10-foot-long banner at the state Capitol that asked: WHY IS CLINTON PROTECTING BUSH? In 1992, when Clinton and George H.W. Bush opposed each other for president, neither candidate mentioned Seal.

After Clinton's election as president, when White House correspondent Sarah McClendon asked him what he knew about Mena, he remained adamant but vague as he mischaracterized Black's investigation. "It was primarily a matter for federal jurisdiction," he said. "The state really had next to nothing to do with it.

"The local prosecutor did conduct an investigation based on what was in the jurisdiction of state law. The rest of it was under the jurisdiction of the United States attorneys who were appointed successively by previous administrations. We had nothing — zero — to do with it, and everybody who's ever looked into it knows that."

Almost a decade after Seal's death, U.S. Rep. James A. Leach (R-Iowa) took an interest in what one of the people he questioned, CIA Director John Deutch, later described as "allegations of money laundering and other activities" in Mena. As chairman of the House Banking Committee, Leach was well positioned to investigate such claims. He told reporters: "We have more than sufficient documentation that improprieties occurred at Mena. This isn't a made-up issue. There are grounds to pursue it very seriously."

In a letter to the DEA, Leach asked the agency to provide all documents relating to "possible ties between activities at Mena Airport and the use of a private airstrip at a similarly remote location near Taos, New Mexico, at a ski resort called Angel Fire" — a resort owned by Lasater. Leach wrote: "Published reports indicate that DEA conducted at least two separate investigations of alleged money laundering and drug trafficking in or around Angel Fire, the first in approximately 1984, and the second in 1988-1989." He said the second investigation was triggered by allegations from former Angel Fire employees "that the resort was the focal point for 'a largecontrolled substance smuggling operation and large-scale money laundering activity.' "

click to enlargeTOM CRUISE AS BARRY SEAL: In "American Made," opening Friday.
  • TOM CRUISE AS BARRY SEAL: In "American Made," opening Friday.

Leach added: "The alleged activity at Angel Fire was roughly contemporaneous with the money laundering and narcotics trafficking alleged to have taken place in or around Mena Airport during the period 1982-1986."

Leach sent congressional investigators to Arkansas. And he asked the U.S. Customs Service what it knew about "the disposition of potentially ill-gotten gains by Seal or his associates," especially with regard to "a piece of property in Belize known variously as the Cotter, Cutter or Carver Ranch," because, "Barry Seal allegedly used this property in his narcotics trafficking operations and attempted to buy it in 1983."

Little more was heard of Leach's investigation for the next three years. Finally, in 1999, a reporter for The Wall Street Journal inquired about its status. Leach's spokesman responded that investigators were "putting the finishing touches" on their report.

But that was the last the public heard. The House Banking Committee's investigation into what Leach called the "improprieties" relating to Mena has never been released.

And my book, "The Mena File?" It was not published, either. I'd completed the manuscript, with hundreds of supporting notes, by this time last year. Lorenzen, who had prepared the index, was pleased. The book was listed in the University of Arkansas Press catalog and for presale on sites such as Amazon.com.

It was time for an attorney to read the manuscript to make sure it contained nothing libelous. This vetting process is standard for books of contemporary nonfiction, especially those involving crimes. Having been through the process with publishers of my other books, I understood the need and was ready. I was also unconcerned, in part because I'd been careful, but also because the most serious allegations — those concerning Rich Mountain Aviation — had already been vetted years ago for a section about Seal in my book, "The Boys on the Tracks."

But I was in for a shock. Lorenzen told me that his boss, David Stricklin, the ASI's director, had suddenly expressed some "concerns" about the book. Lorenzen further reported that, while these concerns were legal in nature, Stricklin had said the ASI could not afford to have the manuscript vetted.

Neither the decision nor Lorenzen's explanation that "we're just a shoestring press" made sense. From the start, the book was intended to be a solid work of Arkansas history buoyed by a major Hollywood film. What's more, Random House had already contracted to buy its audio rights and paid an advance.

From a business point of view, the ASI's position defied logic. I asked Lorenzen if the newly arisen concerns might be political rather than financial, but was told nothing more. Lorenzen proposed rescinding our contract. Seeing no reasonable way forward, I agreed. As I'd written the book without an advance, the deal's undoing was simple.

•••

By now I've had a year to reflect on my experiences in writing about Seal, as well as those of Duncan, Welch, Black, Alexander, members of the Arkansas Committee, and others who've tried to shed light on his time in Arkansas. None of us much succeeded.

So I'm glad that at least Hollywood has found Seal's "true lies" worth exploring. Too many secrets have been kept for too long; too much important history has been hidden, lost or destroyed. Let's hope that Cruise's high-powered version of Seal prompts an equally high-powered demand for disclosure of all government records on him, especially after his move to Mena.

Mara Leveritt is author of "The Boys on the Tracks," "Devil's Knot" and "Dark Spell."


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #494 
Reporter Bob Parry = Dead at age 68. He Exposed The Contra Drug operation in 1985. Ten years before Gary Webb.
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/29/obituaries/robert-parry-investigative-reporter-dies.html

https://fair.org/home/a-tribute-to-robert-parry-independent-journalism-at-its-best/
“Journalism lost one of its most valuable investigators when Robert Parry died from pancreatic cancer on January 27, at the age of 68. He was the first reporter to reveal Oliver North’s operation in the White House basement (AP, 6/10/1985), and the co-author of the first report on Contra drug-smuggling (AP, 12/21/1985). 
https://consortiumnews.com/2018/04/27/a-celebration-of-the-life-of-robert-parry/     (Video)

Please salute the family of Robert Parry. Make a contribution to http://www.consortiumnews.com




Robert Parry;  How John Kerry exposed the Contra-cocaine scandal  (Barry Seal's C-123, sold to Southern Air Transport, crashed 6 months after his death, exposing the Iran-Contra Affair)
https://www.salon.com/2004/10/25/contra/
Meanwhile, in Kerry's Senate office, witness Wanda Palacio was waiting for a meeting when she noticed Sawyer's photo flashing on a TV screen. Palacio began insisting that Sawyer was one of the pilots whom she had witnessed loading cocaine onto a Southern Air Transport plane in Barranquilla, Colombia, in early October 1985


Oliver North's Notebook And Drug Trafficking (Former DEA Agent Mike Levine)


CitizenInvestigator
Published on Mar 23, 2008
On February 4, 1998 Amy Goodman interviewed former DEA Agent, Mike Levine, about the CIA's report on allegations the agency was involved in drug trafficking. In this clip, Mike Levine discusses an entry in Oliver North's notebook. The entire interview is available at http://www.democracynow.org/1998/2/4/....

https://www.democracynow.org/1998/2/4/analysis_of_c_i_a_report

Oliver North's Notebooks-- "14 M to finance [the arms in the warehouse] came from drugs."
The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations
https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/index.html




You can’t keep a good culture warrior down: The return of Oliver North
By Dan Zak    May 9, 2018


https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/you-cant-keep-a-good-culture-warrior-down-the-return-of-oliver-north/2018/05/09/9891b114-522e-11e8-abd8-265bd07a9859_story.html




Oliver North: Cocaine Trafficker, 'Terrorism Sponsor'...and New NRA Chief  May 14, 2018

https://sputniknews.com/analysis/201805141064442862-oliver-north-cocaine-nra/


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #495 

JANUARY 26, 2018
Meet the CIA: Guns, Drugs and Money
by JEFFREY ST. CLAIR - ALEXANDER COCKBURN
https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/01/26/meet-the-cia-guns-drugs-and-money/



DECEMBER 1, 2017
The US Opium Wars: China, Burma and the CIA
by JEFFREY ST. CLAIR - ALEXANDER COCKBURN

https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/12/01/the-us-opium-wars-china-burma-and-the-cia/

 

Did Trump’s New Anti-Drug Policy Prompt the CIA to Move Against Him?
By Mark H. Gaffney | Feb 21, 2017

https://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2017/02/21/did-trumps-new-anti-drug-policy-prompt-the-cia-to-move-against-him/



Drug lord Pablo Escobar 'worked for CIA' to peddle narcotics — son's bombshell claims
PABLO Escobar's son claims the notorious drug lord "worked for the CIA" in a bombshell new expose.

By Jess Bell / Published 21st February 2017

https://www.dailystar.co.uk/news/latest-news/590207/narcos-pablo-escobar-worked-for-cia-bombshell-claims




Once a fugitive, Gustavo Falcon imprisoned 11 years for past as 'Cocaine Cowboy'
BY JAY WEAVER

jweaver@miamiherald.com

April 24, 2018 03:55 PM

http://www.miamiherald.com/latest-news/article209718889.html
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4425888/Inside-Cocaine-Cowboy-s-hiding-place.html



Venezuela, a Mafia State?
https://www.insightcrime.org/investigations/venezuela-mafia-state/
https://www.insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Venezuela-a-Mafia-State-InSight-Crime-2018.pdf






New Shows Examine CIA’s Past Role in Latin America’s Drug Trade
ANALYSISWritten by Patrick Corcoran - AUGUST 22, 2017

https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/new-shows-examine-cia-past-in-latin-america-drug-trade/

https://www.nbcnews.com/news/nbcblk/new-docuseries-aims-factcheck-america-s-war-drugs-n773796

__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #496 
"Narcopols": Medellín Cartel “Financed” Senate Campaign of Former President Álvaro Uribe, Colombian Senators Told U.S. Embassy

https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/colombia/2018-05-26/narcopols-medellin-cartel-financed-senate-campaign-former

Published: May 26, 2018
Briefing Book #631
Edited by Michael Evans, Director, Colombia Documentation Project, National Security Archive

For more information, contact:
202-994-7000 or nsarchiv@gwu.edu


Uribe Feared “for His Life” Because He Was “Unable to Deliver for His Medellin Cartel Mentors”

U.S. Embassy Was “Leary” [sic] of Uribe’s “Possible Drug Connections,” Believed There Was “Substance to the Rumors”






The CIA Drug Smuggling Myth



https://medium.com/@JSlate__/the-cia-drug-smuggling-myth-80d3f66156c4



U.S. Congresswoman Maxine Waters:


* Several informed sources have told me that an appendix to this Report was removed at the instruction ofthe Department of Justice at the last minute. This appendix is reported to have information about a CIAofficer, not agent or asset, but officer, based in the Los Angeles Station, who was in charge of Contra relatedactivities. According to these sources, this individual was associated with running drugs to South CentralLos Angeles, around 1988. Let me repeat that amazing omission. The recently released CIA Report Volume IIcontained an appendix, which was pulled by the Department of Justice, that reported a CIA officer in the LAStation was hooked into drug running in South Central Los Angeles.
* I have not seen this appendix. But the sources are very reliable and well-informed. The Department of Justice mustrelease that appendix immediately. If the Department of Justice chooses to withhold this clearly vital information, theoutrage will be severe and widespread.* We have finally seen the CIA admit to have knowingly employed drug dealers associated with the Contramovement. I look forward to a comprehensive investigation into this matter by the Permanent Select Committee onIntelligence, now that the underlying charges have finally been admitted by the CIA




__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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maynard

Registered:
Posts: 1,163
Reply with quote  #497 


Download the History Channel Drug War series here:

Featuring CELE Castillo III and Mike Levine (DEA-Ret.)

https://mega.nz/#F!IHZnkDpB!ddeoX28sKi9NkiBqrRoBsA

America's “War on Drugs”: History Channel 

No software required to download!


__________________
A TAINTED DEAL ALLOWED DRUG FLOW
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/tainted-deal

DEA Chief Robert Bonner said CIA Smuggled Drugs


L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
http://www.laweekly.com/news/how-a-dogged-la-dea-agent-unraveled-the-cias-alleged-role-in-the-murder-of-kiki-camarena-5750278


"There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, on the payroll of, and carrying the credentials of,the CIA were involved in drug trafficking while involved in support of the contras."—Senator John Kerry (1996)


We live in a dirty and dangerous world ... There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows. -1988 speech by Washington Post owner Katharine Graham, CIA Headquarters
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