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Posts: 8,736
Reply with quote  #1 
Looks like Philadelphia is #1 choice
for a FBI hit next Saturday!


Posts: 8,736
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25th Anniversary of El Salvador Jesuit Murders


Declassified Documents from 1989 Show Initial U.S. Unwillingness to Consider Salvadoran Military's Responsibility

As Evidence Grew, State Department Advised U.S. Ambassador: "Please Hold This Information Very Closely"

Spanish Court Moves Closer to Prosecution of Surviving Defendants

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 492
Posted November 16, 2014

Edited by Kate Doyle
Research Assistance by Alexandra Smith

For more information contact:
Kate Doyle 202/994-7000, kadoyle@email.gwu.edu

Related Links

Clear voices, silenced: Remembering the murder of six Jesuits
By Mary Jo McConahay, National Catholic Reporter, November 14, 2014

The Yellow Book
September 28, 2014

"Learn from History", 31st Anniversary of the Assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero
March 23, 2011

Notes from the Evidence Project: El Salvador Ex-Military Pleads Guilty to Immigration Fraud
December 9, 2012

Wikileaks El Salvador: Cables Report Salvadoran Disapproval of International Investigations
June 13, 2011

The Right to Information is the Right to Justice: Declassified Documents and the Assassination of the Jesuits in El Salvador
November 16, 2009

Washington, DC, November 16, 2014 – Twenty five years have passed since the horrifying murders in El Salvador of six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her daughter, during a rampage by Salvadoran security forces in the early morning hours of November 16, 1989, on the campus of the University of Central America (UCA) in the country's capital. It has been twenty five years of grieving by the victims' families and the Jesuit community; and twenty five years of waiting for justice to identify and prosecute the killers.

As they have done on so many other anniversaries of the brutal crime, thousands of Salvadorans and international visitors gathered in San Salvador to commemorate the lives of Father Ignacio Ellacuría Bescoetxea, UCA's rector at the time of his assassination; Father Ignacio Martín-Baró; Father Segundo Montes; Father Armando López; Father Juan Ramón Moreno; Father Joaquín López y López; Julia Elba Ramos and her 13-year-old child Celina Maricet Ramos.

But this year's anniversary is a little different. Although the perpetrators have yet to be brought to trial for their role in planning and ordering the crime, human rights lawyers at the San Francisco-based Center for Justice and Accountability (CJA) believe they are closer than ever to achieving some measure of justice. A case that CJA opened in 2008 before the Spanish National Court under the principle of universal jurisdiction is inching forward, with presiding Judge Eloy Velásquez ruling just over a month ago to continue prosecuting the Jesuit killings , despite the reluctance of the Spanish Parliament to allow Spain to pursue international human rights cases. Velásquez has indicted twenty senior members of El Salvador's military for planning, ordering, or participating in the crime .

The National Security Archive has spent the past quarter of a century collecting declassified US documents on El Salvador, including the Jesuit murders. Hundreds of those documents have been entered as evidence into CJA's Spanish case . Thousands are published in two Digital National Security Archive collections. Today, in commemoration of the deaths, the Archive posts ten documents written by US officials on the day of the murders and during the week that followed.

Taken together, the documents indicate the striking initial unwillingness on the part of the United States to acknowledge the possibility that its closest Central American ally — the Salvadoran armed forces — may have been behind the atrocity. Despite overwhelming evidence of the Army's bitter hostility toward the Jesuits — as documented by the UN Truth Commission report — the first reaction of United States officials on the day of the murders was the imprecise speculation that often served as a default US setting whenever political violence struck in El Salvador: that "extremists on either the right or the left may be responsible," as Ambassador William G. Walker wrote in his earliest cable to Washington about the crime.

The theory was expanded in a lengthy CIA memorandum the following day that dwelled on indications that the killers could have been from the guerrilla forces of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), citing such evidence as, "Civilians reported the presence of 100 insurgents eating and resting on the highway behind the Hoescht factory [near] Ciudad Merliot … two kilometers southwest of the University of Central America …. " On the other hand, wrote the Agency, the killers might have been "rightist extremists," an encoded reference to polarizing rightwing politicians such as Roberto D'Aubuisson — a leading member of the ruling party ARENA — who reportedly made threatening comments about the priests in a talk given hours after they had already been killed. Nowhere in the CIA's analysis was the military mentioned as a possible perpetrator.

In addition to ignoring signs that members of the armed forces had carried out the crime, US officials sought to bolster Salvadoran President Alfredo Cristiani as he prepared to face the possibility that his own party's leadership was responsible for what Walker called "a barbarous and incredibly stupid action." On November 19, Ambassador Walker sent an impassioned (and profoundly wrong) telegram to the State Department focusing on the alleged responsibility of ARENA extremists and proposing that he tell Cristiani that "with the USG [US Government], the leadership and majority of the armed forces officer corps, and the decent forces of Salvadoran society on his side, he can and must once and for all separate himself from those responsible for this barbarism." Meanwhile, Secretary of State James Baker asked his ambassador in Madrid to urge Spain not to cut aid to El Salvador, which it had announced it would do in response to the murder of the Spanish-born priests.

As evidence began to emerge pointing to the Army's role in the killings, the US documents reflected the alarm felt in Washington about its implications. Secretary Baker wrote directly to the Director of the CIA William Webster to request his agency's assistance. "We would appreciate on an urgent basis information regarding the military units present in the area at the time of the killings, and the orders issued to such units." US Assistant Secretary of State Bernard Aronson warned Ambassador Walker to hurry the investigations, arguing that allowing them to become drawn out would likely lead to stonewalling on the part of the Salvadoran government and impunity for the killers. Aronson evidently feared the consequences of publicly airing US suspicions about military responsibility for the killings, pressing Walker to keep his findings secret.

"I cannot stress enough the importance of building as solid a case as possible and then working closely with Cristiani on a strategy. We may be asking Cristiani to do what has never been done, actions which may involve moving against elements of his own party and perhaps even divide the Army. Please hold this information very closely."

By the following year, in 1990, the US could no longer hide what its own investigation had uncovered: that the Salvadoran armed forces "at the highest levels" made the decision to kill the Jesuits.

Now, 25 years later, the United States has a decision to make. Although the Salvadoran government has so far rejected Spain's request for the extradition of suspects in the crime, one of the indicted officers — Col. (Ret.) Inocente Orlando Montano — pled guilty in 2012 to charges of immigration fraud and perjury in a Boston courtroom and was sentenced in 2013 to 21 months in federal prison. Spanish Judge Velásquez is seeking the extradition of Montano to Madrid following completion of his jail term. A US ruling in favor of extradition would permit the Spanish case to proceed to trial and offer families of the eight victims a chance at justice in what has been a long and painful odyssey.


Document 1: Jesuit Rector of UCA Shot Dead; Seven Others Killed
DNSA No. EL01044
U.S. Embassy in El Salvador
Confidential Cable
November 16, 1989

This confidential cable represents the U.S. Embassy's first reaction to the assassination of Father Ignacio Ellacuria and five other Jesuit priests, along with a housekeeper and her daughter, at the Central American University. The cable includes the names and positions of each of the victims, and summarily describes information collected by the Country Team regarding events at the University prior to the murders.

Document 2: Situation Report As of 1430 Hours Local Time
DNSA No. EL00278
Central Intelligence Agency
Cable, Classification Excised
November 16, 1989

This cable from the Central Intelligence Agency illustrates the early understanding that the murders of Father Ignacio Ellacuria and his colleagues could have been perpetrated by the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN). The news is buried in a general summary of FMLN activities, including the takeover of Police Detachment headquarters in Cuscatancingo, and discussion of the armed forces' "slow" progress in battling insurgents.

Document 3: Movement of 1,000 Fresh FMLN Troops to San Salvador; Planned Role of Ellacuria in Effecting New Negotiations Between the FMLN and the Government
DNSA No. EL00279
Central Intelligence Agency
Cable, Classification Excised
November 17, 1989

This CIA cable summarizes talks between Father Ignacio Ellacuria and members of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front regarding negotiations with the government of El Salvador. The cable states that Ellacuria approved of the idea, and suggests that he was acting as a go-between for the two groups.

Document 4: Killing of Dr. Ignacio Ellacuria
DNSA No. EL00281
Central Intelligence Agency
Intelligence Memorandum, Classification Excised
November 17, 1989

An intelligence summary suggesting possible perpetrators of the UCA murders, this CIA cable indicates: "deaths could have been perpetrated by extremists of left or right." The military is not mentioned in this document, despite their prevalence in other sources.

Document 5: Ellacuria Murder Et Al: Request for FBI Assistance
DNSA No. EL01046
U.S. Embassy in El Salvador
Limited Official Use Cable
November 18, 1989

In this official use cable reporting President Cristiani's request for assistance from the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the investigation of the recent murders, Ambassador Walker insists that this crime should not go the way of all the other human rights crimes that had occurred in the 1980's, and presses for a "credible investigation."

Document 6: Ellacuria Assassination
DNSA No. EL01047
U.S. Embassy in El Salvador
Secret Cable
November 19, 1989

Ambassador Walker reports finding the "first substantive evidence" that members of the Nationalist Republican Alliance "might have triggered events which led to [the] murder" of the Jesuit priests at UCA. The Ambassador calls on President Cristiani to recognize the truth about "the right" in his party, and stand up for democracy.

Document 7: [Letter from Secretary of State to CIA Director Requesting Help with Investigation of Jesuit Murders]
DNSA No. EL01048
Department of State, Office of the Secretary
Secret Letter
November 20, 1989

Secretary of State Baker requests help from the Central Intelligence Agency in "developing information" about the perpetrators of the murder of Father Ellacuria and his colleagues. This request shows that the State Department was beginning to understand that the Army of El Salvador was involved in the crime.

Document 8: Government Investigation of Killings in El Salvador
DNSA No. EL00282
Central Intelligence Agency
Intelligence Memorandum, Classification Excised
November 21, 1989

This CIA intelligence memorandum examines political constraints on President Cristiani as he decides how to move against the perpetrators of the Jesuit murders. The document focuses on the "circumstantial evidence" against Roberto D'Abuisson and the ARENA party. The memo states that Cristiani is "highly sensitive to international criticism of human rights abuses in El Salvador."

Document 9: Demarche on Spanish Policy Toward El Salvador
DNSA No. 01049
Department of State
Confidential Cable
November 22, 1989

This State Department demarche requests that Ambassador Walker counsel Spain to take caution in steps against El Salvador, after reports of suspended aid and the potential for further "retaliatory actions" in response to the murder of the Spanish-born Jesuit priests. The cable includes talking points that emphasize the idea that "too much pressure at this delicate moment could play into the hands of the FMLN guerillas."

Document 10: Ellacuria Assassination
DNSA No. EL01050
Department of State
Secret Cable
November 22, 1989

Assistant Secretary of State Bernard Aronson urges Ambassador Walker to work with President Cristiani to move the case of the Jesuit murders hastily to its next stage. He states: "drawing it out will give those involved the chance to abort our efforts as they did in Romero assassination," referring to the 1980 murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero by killers associated with ARENA leader Roberto D'Aubuisson. Aronson goes on to say that this may involve asking the president to "do what has never been done, actions which may involve moving against elements of his own party." Aronson closes his note with the addendum: "Please hold this information very closely."


Posts: 8,736
Reply with quote  #3 

Couple of stories


Newspapers Snub the Specter of Assassination:

Was Walter Reuther murdered?

In this paper I am going to discuss the death of Walter Reuther and the
suspicious way that the newspapers covered it. My interest in Walter
Reuther arose in part from my experiences as a member of the United Auto
Workers. While at the Walter and May Reuther Educational and Recreational
Center at Black Lake, I saw a film that depicted much about the life of
Walter Reuther and I was fascinated. I wanted to know more about him and
this paper gave me the opportunity to do just that. After completing my
research, I feel that the newspapers engaged in a conspiracy of silence
while reporting on the death of Walter Reuther: they presented information
about the plane crash along with biographical data, but only one paper
addressed the possibility that he may have been murdered.

Walter Reuther died at the age of 62 in a plane crash. He was the dynamic
and charismatic leader of the United Auto Workers (UAW). This second son of
a German immigrant couple was born on September 1, 1907, in Wheeling, West
Virginia. Walter Reuther was born into the labor movement and during his 35
years as a labor leader, he was instrumental in bringing it to its greatest
expansion in American History. His father, Valentine, a socialist, trained
Walter early in trade unionism and encouraged his natural bent for debate.
Walter Reuther was first and foremost a labor organizer, with an
overpowering sense of social justice that shaped his controversial,
temperamental, combustible, and at times unrelenting character. Reuther
developed his passion for social justice from his father. By nature shrewd
and brilliant, he developed a fiery oratorical style that captured the
imagination of millions of supporters. It was not uncommon for Reuther to
hold an audience mesmerized for three or more hours1. As a member of the
UAW, I now enjoy many of the same benefits that Reuther obtained for its

There are some who believe that Reuther was murdered, most especially his
family. It was a dark and rainy night on May 9, 1970 near Pellston,
Michigan. Walter Reuther, his wife May, the architect Oscar Stonorov, a
bodyguard, the pilot and co-pilot were killed in a chartered Lear jet while
en route to the union’s recreational and educational facility at Black Lake.
This new facility had been designed by Oscar Stonorov and was due to be
opened to the membership within a few weeks of the crash. There were three
witnesses who heard the plane before it crashed and then were subsequently
at the scene. Manuel Suarez, a farmer, said “He (the pilot) came over the
house and sounded awful low. It was right above the house, then the sound
stopped and I looked out the window.” Suarez was the first to reach the
crash site and was soon joined by Donald and Sharon Bonter. Sharon Bonter
said “I saw a huge light from our house. I heard a couple of small booms
before the light.”2

In October of 1968, a year and a half before the fatal crash, Reuther and
his brother Victor were almost killed in a small private plane as it
approached Dulles Airport. Luckily for the Reuther brothers, the sky was
clear and the pilots realized the plane was too low and the altimeter was
malfunctioning. The pilots managed a crash landing that allowed all on
board to walk away without injury. Both incidents are amazingly similar;
the altimeter in the fatal crash was believed to have malfunctioned. When
Victor Reuther was interview many years after the fatal crash he said “I
and other family members are convinced that both the fatal crash and the
near fatal one in 1968 were not accidental.”3

There was only one article in the Detroit Free Press that detailed some of
the previous murder attempts on the lives of Walter and Victor Reuther. I
found it strange that only one of the five newspapers discussed the murder
attempts. This article was printed on May 11, 1970. It concentrates on
the murder attempts that occurred in 1948 and 1949, the investigation, and
the reward for information raised by the union. I believe that the murder
attempt in 1938 had been retribution for his union activities at Ford Motor
Company. The article suggests that the two incidents in 1948 and 1949, were
similar because they had been committed by hidden assailants who stood
behind house-side bushes, and fired shotgun blasts through a window. Some
details of the attempts are:

1) In April 1938, two masked gunmen forced their way into Walter Reuther’s
home and tried to abduct him. One of the dinner guests managed to escape
and call for help. The assailants were caught and acquitted in a trial that
was a sham. One of the defendants provided security for Ford Motor Company.
The jury was packed with Ford supporters and the lawyer for the defense
claimed that Ruether had staged the event.4
2) In April 1948, they tried to kill Walter Reuther with shotgun blasts in
his home. Reuther said: “I went to the icebox to get a bowl of fruit salad,
my wife was just a foot from me. I had just made that step and the dish in
my hand just flew into a thousand pieces. In fact, the impact of the thing
knocked me down on the floor, and I tried to get up and I got my arm tangled
up as thought it had been torn off. I couldn’t get up, and I lay there flat
on my back for a second or two. They shot through the both the regular
window and the storm window in the kitchen, and I just lay there on the
floor until they came and took me to the hospital.” He suffered chest and
arm wounds that never allowed him to recover the full use of his right arm
and hand.
3) Victor Reuther was almost killed in 1949 by what appeared to be law
enforcement officials. The Detroit Police claimed that neighbors had been
complaining about his barking dog. The next evening after Victor had given
the dog to family friends, he was shot in the head while in his home. He
suffered the loss of part of his right eye and parts of his jaw.
4) There was an attempt in 1949 to bomb the UAW’s headquarters in Detroit.
The Detroit Police nor J. Edgar Hoover’s Federal Bureau of Investigation
attempted to discover who the perpetrators were.5
Why doesn’t anyone seem to find it strange that this article was not enough
to spur local or national attention nor any debate in the other newspapers?

If Walter Reuther was indeed murdered or assassinated, there are others with
political enemies and bents toward social justice who have preceded him.
Consider the assassinations of the following individuals:
1) John Fitzgerald Kennedy our 35th president was murdered on November 22,
1963 while visiting Dallas, Texas. Although he and his brother were from a
very wealthy and affluent family, he sought to promote social change and
justice for the victims of discrimination in this country.6
2) Malcolm X was murdered on February 21, 1965. He was labeled a radical
black civil rights activist with ties to the Nation of Islam. He felt that
violence towards those that would do him and his supporters harm was
3) Martin Luther King was murdered on April 4, 1968. He was a black civil
rights activist who advocated change through non-violent means.8
4) Senator Robert Francis Kennedy former Attorney General under JFK’s
administration died on June 6, 1968, one day after he was shot at point
blank range to the head. He had recently announced his candidacy for
president on March 16, 1968 and had just finished giving a speech to his
All of these men were heavily involved in civil rights and the move toward
social justice for all Americans. Why is it that no one seems to find it
curious that some of the major voices for social change were silenced within
such a short span of time?


Father Charles Coughlin FBI Files
Posted June 7th, 2010 by drice
in National Union of Social Justice Radio sermons Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945 United States--Federal Bureau of Investigation Urban Affairs
‹ previous301 of 1574next ›
Accession Number:
.5 linear feet (1 MB)
Father Charles Coughlin was an outspoken Roman Catholic priest at the Shrine of the Little Flower Church in Royal Oak, MI. He founded a weekly publication entitled “Social Justice” and shared his political views during his weekly radio show, broadcast every Sunday. Father Coughlin created a political party, the National Union of Social Justice, in opposition to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and in the late 1930s even called for his impeachment, due to what he viewed as socialist or communist leanings. Sympathy for the fascist politics of Adolph Hitler and Benito Mussolini resulted in security investigations by the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI). His papers consist of photocopies, obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, of communications produced by the FBI during these investigations.
1936-1974, bulk 1942-1944
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Posts: 8,736
Reply with quote  #4 

Posts: 8,736
Reply with quote  #5 
Aug 22, 2010 - Lockerbie is about heroin. More than one group was involved in smuggling heroin out of Lebanon and into the USA using PanAm flights.
aangirfan: Lockerbie links to Franklin, Dutroux, Mossad, McKee
Aug 14, 2009 - The Lockerbie bomb has links to: 1. Mossad 2. Iran-Contra 3. The Dutroux and Franklin child abuse scandals 4. Major Charles McKee.
Jul 5, 2013 - Reportedly, the CIA brought down Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, in order to destroy evidence of their heroin smuggling. aangirfan: LOCKERBIE ...
Aug 14, 2009 - Megrahi, the man convicted of the Lockerbie bombing, has applied to abandon his second appeal against his conviction, his lawyers said on ...
May 20, 2012 - A total of 270 people were killed when a Boeing 747 jumbo jet, Pan Am flight 103, exploded over the Scottish town of Lockerbie in December ...
Aug 24, 2009 - What links Lockerbie and 9 11 and heroin? Image from: http://www.madcowprod.com/02212006.html 1. In the Lockerbie case, all the evidence ...
Jun 13, 2013 - 'We could see the flames as we arrived in Lockerbie... I cried buckets'. "We should be thankful that we get something to eat and are not gassed ...
aangirfan: Operation Ringwind and Lockerbie | Lockerbie bombing
Jun 10, 2013 - aangirfan: Operation Ringwind and Lockerbie: When Pan Am flight 103 came down over Lockerbie, one of those killed was Major Charles ...
CIA FELL OUT WITH SYRIA OVER HEROIN?... - We will fight for you ...
In 1988, the CIA allegedly brought down PanAm 103 over Lockerbie. The CIA reportedly .... aangirfan: LOCKERBIE AND THE FINANCING OF 9 11. aangirfan: ...
Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up ...
forum.prisonplanet.com › ... › 9/11 Material & Research › Hijackers / Patsies
Aug 15, 2009 - 40 posts - ‎7 authors
http://aangirfan.blogspot.com/2009/08/lockerbie-links-to-franklin-dutroux.html. The Lockerbie bomb has links to: 1. Mossad 2. Iran-Contra 3.

Posts: 8,736
Reply with quote  #6 
Fort Campbell Officials Live Up to Negative Expectations in Response to Freedom of Information Act Request


Two weeks after I submitted a Freedom of Information Act request to Army officials at Fort Campbell, Ky., I received a response today that shows officials at the home of the vaunted 101st Airborne Division lived up to my negative expectations.

The reply to my FOIA request lived up to my low expectations for the Army.

Shown above, the response letter from Freedom of Information and Privacy Act Officer Valerie M. Florez contained the following paragraph:

The US Army does not have jurisdiction and does not control prosecutions in Hopkinsville or Christian County, Kentucky Courts where [name of Major Martin’s accuser redacted] is facing charges. Perhaps Hopkinsville or Christian County courts may be able to assist you in contacting the correct party or [name of Major Martin’s accuser redacted]‘s attorneys. Any documents or correspondence from or between the military attorneys mentioned are part of an ongoing case involving Major Martin (US vs Martin). Any of this correspondence is exempt from release and would be withheld under Freedom of Information Act Exemption Five, attorney-work product and/or attorney-client privilege.

The letter from Ms. Florez — and particularly the paragraph above — runs 180 degrees counter to what I included in my Oct. 12 FOIA request, the “meat” of which appears below:

To Whom It May Concern:

In accordance with the Freedom of Information Act (5 USC, and Public Law 106-554), I would like to request copies of the following documents from the Staff Judge Advocate at Fort Campbell, Ky:

Any and all print and/or electronic communications — including, but not limited to handwritten and computer-generated notes, letters, email messages and text messages — between any individual(s) assigned to the Staff Judge Advocate staff at Fort Campbell, Kentucky — including but not limited to Major Jacob D. Bashore, Captain James P. Garrett, Major Jenny S. Whyte-Schlack — and any civilian attorney(s) and/or their associates representing accused bigamist [name of Major Martin’s accuser redacted] in legal matters in Christian County, Ky.

Please do not attempt to avoid fulfillment of this request by contending that the items requested are not releasable because they concern

Posts: 8,736
Reply with quote  #7 


Chhota arrest a big risk for India?
October 31,2015, 02.49 AM IST | |

Knowing the level of corruption in our prisons, it might be foolish to expect that the underworld don, Chhota Rajan, could be given foolproof security when he is finally sent to jail

The first indication that Chhota Rajan's arrest in Bali might have been the result of a three-nation cooperation came from Gurjit Singh, India's ambassador to Indonesia who told a national daily on October 27: "It is obvious that such an arrest was possible due to the deep cooperation between the security agencies of India, Indonesia and Australia."

It is not clear whether he knew about this personally or was authorised to speak publicly as local missions are never informed about any such secret intelligence cooperation…

The media has assessed that he might be able to divulge more details about Dawood's activities. Was it because he was not found cooperating with them from foreign locations? What more information could he give us on Dawood when he has been on the run all these years from Dawood's wrath?

To me, our intelligence agencies are taking a very big risk if they are responsible for bringing Rajan back to India. Knowing the level of corruption in our prisons, it might be foolish to expect that Chhota Rajan could be given foolproof security when he is finally sent to jail. He is involved in about 72 cases of crime according to the Mumbai Police.

He could be kept in police custody only for a limited period. After that he will have to be sent to the magisterial custody and produced frequently at the concerned courts. In between, he will have to be sent for medical treatment also. That is where he will be most vulnerable. Another risk is legal action by Chhota Rajan's victims' families.

I hope our intelligence agencies have read about the 84-year-old James "Whitey" Bulger, whose "Winter Hill Gang" had terrorised South Boston waterfront for years even while he was an FBI informer. He went into hiding in 1995 when Boston Police arraigned him for murder.

Later it became known that he had committed 19 cases of murder and 32 counts of racketeering and extortion even when he was an FBI informer.

After his arrest in 2011, the FBI is facing 20 suits by Bulger's victims' families, each for multi-million dollar compensation, since they hold the FBI responsible for his crimes for not supervising his work as an informer.

Could we not expect such a thing happening in India when there is confirmed evidence
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