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joeb

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Reply with quote  #1 


none of the links became active in my previous post


this is what I posted









https://solari.com/blog/all-you-need-to-know-about-james-comey/


All You Need to Know About James Comey
Catherine, News & Commentary on May 17, 2017 at 6:05 pm
Keep Calm and Do the Math

By Catherine Austin Fitts

James Comey, the now former head of the FBI, is also the former General Counsel of Lockheed Martin, the largest defense contractor and weapons manufacturer in America and hedge fund advisor.

Lockheed Martin used to run significant information and payment systems at the Department of Defense. They appear to have spun their subsidiary out of the company after DOD closed their fiscal 2015, with $6.5 trillion of undocumentable adjustments. I wrote about it recently in Lockheed Cuts and Runs and Crazy Man vs. Criminal: Cut and Run, Monica Lewinsky and Real Trouble Ahead.

This is all part of our ongoing coverage of the financial coup d’etat and trillions of missing money: See Financial Coup D’Etat & Missing Money: Links and Financial Coup & Missing Money: Quotes

Here is what you need to know about James Comey. Everything he said or did related to Hillary Clinton or President Trump is unimportant. The fact that James Comey did and said nothing about $6. 5 trillion missing from your government in fiscal 2015 tells you all you need to know about James Comey.

(more…)

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If You are Doing Due Diligence on Frank Keating
Catherine, News & Commentary on May 17, 2017 at 6:05 pm


“F**k ’em, Jack. By the time they win in court, we’ll be gone.” ~Frank Keating

By Catherine Austin Fitts

The White House has confirmed that Frank Keating, former Governor of Oklahoma and former General Counsel of HUD, is being interviewed as one of the candidates under consideration to serve as FBI director. That may explain some of the recent unusual attorney sign ups for the Solari Report.

If you are doing due diligence on Frank Keating when he was general counsel of HUD, you can find the small amount of pertinent information here on the public site:

Kemp Tapes – recordings of my recollections working in the Bush Administration, including with Frank Keating. These recordings where made at the request of attorneys in 1998. They became a viral hit among my employees and their network, reaching numerous investigators of HUD fraud. Tired of making cassettes, we posted on line.
Hamilton Securities Litigation – this includes links to descriptions of HUD and related fraud.
It’s Hard Out Here for a Pimp: Kemp, Cuomo, & Pedophilia in Bush I – Keating was the HUD General Counsel who talked Kemp out of making an illegal grant award to Andrew Cuomo during the Franklin Cover Up scandal.
You will need to subscribe to hear Jon Rappoport and I discuss Hamilton Securities. This should have references to Frank Keating’s role as governor during the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in downtown Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Significant HUD mortgage files were destroyed that day.

Then, there are references in various Solari Report materials to my favorite Frank Keating quote.

When Secretary Kemp was discussing how to shut down the coinsurance program in 1he 1989-90 period, one proposal required violating or abrogating FHA contracts with existing coinsured lenders. Numerous HUD senior staff felt it would create a “great headline.” The proposal was expected to quickly wipe out the coinsured lenders businesses. Arguing to proceed nonetheless, Frank as the HUD General Counsel said something I will never forget. It expressed a remarkable “commitment” on the part of a government official to embrace and enforce the rule of law: “F**k ’em, Jack. By the time they win in court, we’ll be gone.”



http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/gop-dems-trump-special-counsel-appointment-article-1.3174862


Republicans, Democrats and even Trump welcome decision to appoint ex-FBI boss as special counsel for Russia investigation
BY ELIZABETH ELIZALDE
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS Wednesday, May 17, 2017, 9:45 PM



https://theintercept.com/2017/05/16/the-bizarre-story-behind-the-fbis-fake-documentary-about-the-bundy-family/




The Bizarre Story Behind the FBI’s Fake Documentary About the Bundy




May 16 2017, 12:00 p.m.
RYAN BUNDY SEEMED uneasy as he settled into a white leather chair in a private suite at the Bellagio in Las Vegas. As the eldest son of Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy, who had become a national figure for his armed standoff with U.S. government agents in April 2014, Ryan had quite a story to tell.

Eight months had passed since Cliven and hundreds of supporters, including heavily armed militia members, faced off against the federal government in a sandy wash under a highway overpass in the Mojave Desert. Now, here in the comforts of the Bellagio, six documentary filmmakers trained bright lights and high-definition cameras on Ryan. They wanted to ask about the standoff. Wearing a cowboy hat, Ryan fidgeted before the cameras. He had told this story before; that wasn’t the reason for his nerves. After all, the Bundy confrontation made national news after armed agents with the Bureau of Land Management seized the Bundy family’s cattle following a trespassing dispute and the accumulation of more than $1 million in unpaid grazing fees. But the Bundys, aided by their armed supporters, beat back the government, forcing agents to release the cattle and retreat.




http://dailycaller.com/2017/05/16/fbi-is-being-sued-for-records-about-christopher-steeles-trump-dossier/



FBI Is Being Sued For Records About Christopher Steele’s Trump Dossier



1:41 PM 05/16/2017



Judicial Watch, the government watchdog group, is suing the FBI for records about its contacts with Christopher Steele, the former British spy who compiled the uncorroborated dossier alleging that Trump advisers colluded with the Russian government during the presidential campaign.

The suit seeks all records of communications between FBI officials and Steele, who runs the London-based consulting firm, Orbis Business Intelligence.

Judicial Watch is also seeking records of any discussions of payments from the FBI to Steele for his work compiling the dossier.

Steele’s dossier consists of 17 memos dated from between June 20 to Dec. 13.





http://nypost.com/2017/05/13/comeys-firing-is-a-gift-to-the-fbi/


Comey’s firing is a gift to the FBI



May 13, 2017 |
Let’s cut right to the chase: James Comey should have been fired immediately following his disastrous press briefing last July, in which he candidly laid out the case against Hillary Clinton over her mishandling of classified information and then refused to recommend charges. Overstepping his authority while radiating sanctimony, arrogating power while clumsily intervening in the election, Comey deserved to be sacked on the spot.

Everything since has been one long slow twist in the wind for Comey, a former US attorney in Manhattan, where his most notable accomplishment was sending Martha Stewart to jail.

Ignore for the moment Comey’s series of missteps resulting from the Clinton investigation and his increasingly erratic and unconvincing public fan dance as he sent the nation into electoral paroxysms over the past 10 months.

On his watch, the FBI continued its politically correct, see-no-evil attitude toward radical Islam and thus failed to prevent the atrocity in San Bernardino; it also investigated the Orlando nightclub shooter for 10 months before closing its case, allowing him to kill or wound 102 people. Meanwhile, the federal office of personnel management was hacked by the Chinese, resulting in a serious data breach. That’s failure on an unacceptable level.

Now the bureau’s tied up and bogged down in the almost certainly chimerical “Russian hacking” fantasy, which bubbled up out of the leftist fever swamp in the wake of Clinton’s loss in November, and for which there is exactly zero evidence.

So when President Trump finally put Comey out of his — and our — misery last week, it was the best merited cashiering since Truman fired a showboating MacArthur.

Ignore the political firestorm that’s followed. Trump could cure cancer, solve the Israeli-Palestinian crisis and appoint Oprah as his special envoy to Mars and the Beltway press corps would still howl for his head. The fires fueling this politically motivated hatefest will abate only when the Democrats accept that they lost an election they fully expected to win.

As the nation’s chief law-enforcement officer, the FBI director shouldn’t be a political figure.
And that’s the key word — political. As the nation’s chief law-enforcement officer, the FBI director shouldn’t be a political figure.

The bureau began as a financial-crimes investigatory arm of the justice department in 1908, and grew to maturity under J. Edgar Hoover, monitoring domestic Bolshevik radicalism in the early 1920s, then tackling interstate violent crime during the wild and woolly ’30s: the birth of the “G-Men.”

Yet the temptation to be a Washington player is always present. Hoover, who served under eight presidents and whose reign lasted until his death in 1972, amassed a storehouse of inside dirt on politicians, which made him essentially unfireable and which led to congressional insistence on Senate confirmation of future directors and 10-year term limits.

What’s needed now is a restoration of what should be the FBI’s primary mission, as it was in the early Hoover days: counterterrorism. Since the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it’s far less important for the bureau to be chasing bank robbers in Burlington and Butte than it is for it to function as the nation’s first line of homeland security defense.






https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/true-crime/wp/2017/05/17/in-best-buy-computer-case-judge-throws-out-child-porn-evidence-based-on-fbi-conduct-not-the-geek-squads/?utm_term=.a34762a62d6a


True Crime
FBI’s conduct in Best Buy computer case prompts judge to throw out child porn evidence
By Tom Jackman May 17 at 5:30 AM





http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2017/05/14/mcconnell-thinks-garland-as-fbi-director-fantastic-idea-ex-adviser-says.html



McConnell thinks Garland as FBI director 'fantastic idea,' ex-adviser says
Published May 14, 2017 Fox News








Da Noive! President Barack Obama has chosen to nominate United States Appeals Court Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court.

We are told he is a “moderate,” but we know how that works. The other “moderates” on the high court somehow manage to march their way in lockstep to the officially designated liberal position on every single major case. Can anyone name an exception?



But that is the least of my objections. Whatever his merits, Garland served as Deputy Attorney General Jamie Gorelick’s “principal deputy” during the two most corrupt years in American political history – the years leading up to Bill Clinton’s reelection in 1996 – and that service alone should kill his candidacy.

Although Garland has no known connection with the TWA 800 investigation, it happened during his watch, and his boss oversaw its unprecedented misdirection.

My newest book on the subject, “TWA 800: The Crash, The Cover-up, And the Conspiracy,” spells out Gorelick’s role in all its unseemly detail. The book will be published before the crash’s 20th anniversary in July, but I would be happy to share an advanced copy with any U.S. senator who wants to know the truth.

In sum, Gorelick and the Clintons pulled off the most successful cover-up in American peacetime history. As a reward, the otherwise unqualified Gorelick was named vice-president of Fannie Mae in 1997, in which job she made more than $25 million during the next six years.

In 2004, Gorelick resigned from Fannie Mae to assume one of only five Democratic seats on the 9/11 Commission, a position no one challenged until Attorney General John Ashcroft testified before the commission on April 13, 2004.

“The single greatest structural cause for the September 11th problem was the wall that segregated or separated criminal investigators and intelligence agents,” said Ashcroft. “Government erected this wall, government buttressed this wall, and before September 11th government was blinded by this wall.”

Ashcroft spoke of the memorandum that established the wall and added a detail that had gone previously unspoken, “The author of this memorandum is a member of the commission.” He was referring, of course, to Gorelick.

Thanks to a mother lode of unearthed CIA documents and one key FBI video, we now know that Gorelick breached her own “wall” to allow the CIA and FBI to work hand and glove in the subversion of the TWA 800 investigation. Senators need to ask Garland what he knew about TWA 800 and when he knew it.

Garland was deeply involved with another questionable investigation, that of the Oklahoma City bombing. In fact, he supervised the prosecutions of Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols. What someone needs to ask Garland is what happened to John Doe No. 2.

In the way of background, 20 minutes before the April 19, 1995, blast in downtown Oklahoma City, employees at a tire store spotted McVeigh and a short Mideastern-looking man, in the infamous Ryder truck, and even gave the pair directions to the Murrah building intersection.

Witness Daina Bradley cried out to the rescuers who were trying to extricate her after the blast – they had to amputate her leg to do so – “It was a Ryder truck. It pulled up, a foreign-looking man got out, and then before long, everything went black.”

Islamic terrorism didn’t start in the U.S. in 2001 — Read the jaw-dropping account of OKC attack: “The Third Terrorist: The Middle Eastern Connection to the Oklahoma City Bombing”

Five minutes before the blast, printing operator Jerry Nance noticed an unusual car in the downtown Oklahoma City parking lot near where he worked. It was a dilapidated yellow Mercury Marquis. Behind the wheel was a dark-skinned, Middle Eastern-looking man in a ball cap.

When Nance walked back towards the car, after getting some stuff from his own car, the Mercury Marquis almost ran him over. The Middle Eastern man was now sitting in the passenger seat, and a tall white man was driving the car out of the parking lot, recklessly at that.

Two minutes later, the Murrah building blew. Nance informed the FBI of this incident before anyone knew McVeigh was apprehended in a yellow Mercury Marquis.

A week later, the FBI quoted Nance and the tire store employees in its request before a federal judge to hold McVeigh over for trial. One of the tire store employees picked McVeigh out of a lineup of look-alikes even before he saw McVeigh on TV.

According to the Washington Post of April 28, 1995, a federal judge ordered McVeigh to be held after an FBI agent “described eyewitness accounts of a yellow Mercury with McVeigh and another man inside speeding away from a parking lot near the federal building.” (Italics added.)

For the next six weeks, John Doe No. 2 was the most hunted man in the world until, without explanation, he just kind of went away, again without the media even commenting on his disappearance. Perhaps Garland could shed some lights on his whereabouts.

Garland was also involved with the Olympic Park bombing. As the reader may recall, security guard Richard Jewell was patrolling the grounds of Centennial Park in Atlanta.

Right around midnight he spotted a large olive-green military-style backpack under a bench. He immediately shared this info with the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. Jewell and the GBI agent then started to clear an area around the pack.

Soon afterward, the pack exploded. Two people died, and more than a hundred were injured. If Jewell had not seen this 40-pound bomb, it might have killed hundreds.

Likely fearing an Islamic connection as they did in Oklahoma City, the Clinton people turned on the transparently innocent Richard Jewell and hounded him all the way to the November election. Our senators might want to ask who authorized the hounding.


Read more at http://www.wnd.com/2016/03/obama-court-pick-tied-to-twa-800-okc-bombing/#T5ddxJ2RHxqHKRfb.99




recent film about Garland coverup of OKC bombing

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=vHDIhxeMOcI








https://www.lewrockwell.com/2016/08/william-norman-grigg/merrick-garland-kenneth-trentadue-murder/





Merrick Garland and the Kenneth Trentadue Murder - LewRockwell
Lew Rockwell › william-norman-grigg
Aug 3, 2016 - Merrick Garland, Richard W. Roberts, and the Kenneth Trentadue Murder: The Deep State Takes Care of Its .... The Oklahoma City bombing was the result of a PATCON operation – most likely a security ...


“You have to trust the government,” Justice Department attorney Richard Roberts unctuously told Jesse Trentadue. Seeking to understand why his younger brother Kenneth had died while in federal custody, Jesse, a trial attorney in Salt Lake City, had asked to see the findings of a federal grand jury investigation of the case.

In an incandescent response to Roberts’s patronizing dismissal, Trentadue reminded the Justice Department functionary that the proper relationship between citizens and the government is not one of “trust,” but rather of “accountability from that government to the citizens.”

“The Department of Justice has yet to account to the family for the death of my brother,” Trentadue pointed out. “There is no love between us, and there certainly is no trust.”




By the time Jesse had sent that October 16, 1997, letter to Roberts – who was Chief of the Justice Department’s Criminal Section – more than two years had passed since his brother Kenneth had died in a federal prison cell in Oklahoma City. In the August 22, 1995, phone call notifying Kenneth’s mother Wilma about her son’s death, the warden casually mentioned that the body was scheduled for cremation within hours.

Wilma demanded to know if Kenneth’s wife had authorized the disposition of his body. The warden replied that she hadn’t been aware that Kenneth was married. After making it clear that her son’s remains were not to be cremated, Wilma joined Jesse in Oklahoma City, where they took custody of Kenneth’s body.



After carefully scraping away several layers of ineptly applied makeup, Wilma and Jesse understood why authorities had been determined to dispose of Kenneth’s body. The official story was that he had committed suicide by hanging himself in what was described as a suicide-proof cell. This wouldn’t explain why his face and torso were mottled with bruises testifying of a severe beating inflicted by several people, or why his throat appeared to have been cut and his scalp was split open.

By the time Kenneth’s family had collected his body, all of the evidence in the crime scene had been destroyed. In violation of Oklahoma state law, the floors and walls of the cell had been sanitized, erasing fingerprints and wiping away blood and DNA evidence. The victim’s clothing and bedding had been confiscated by FBI Special Agent Jeff Jenkins, who kept this evidence hidden in the trunk of his car until putrefaction set in, rendering it useless to the FBI Crime Lab.

One witness in a nearby cell testified that he heard the sounds of a struggle shortly before Kenneth’s lifeless body was “discovered” by a guard. Several other witnesses reported seeing bloody riot gear, uniforms, and batons belonging to the facility’s SORT (Special Operations Response Team) unit.

The Bureau of Prisons designated “suicide by asphyxia” as the cause of Kenneth’s death,insisting that his other injuries were “self-inflicted.”

Dr. Fred Jordan, Oklahoma’s Chief State Medical Examiner, was pressured to validate the official story that Kenneth was a suicide victim, despite the fact that his body was “covered in blood … soaked in blood, covered with bruises,” as Jordan would later recall. He was forbidden by federal officials to have access to the death scene until five months after the death. An application of Luminol, a blood reagent, left the cell “lit up like a candle because of the blood still present on the walls after four or five months.”

Rather than acceding to federal demands, Jordan listed the cause of Kenneth’s death as “unknown.” Kevin Rowland, chief investigator for the ME’s office, filed a complaint with the FBI describing the incident as “murder.” He also consulted with Col. William T. Gormley of the United States Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, who concurred with Dr. Jordan’s findings.

Rowland, intriguingly, was recently subjected to the pointless torment over a “sexual battery” charge arising from an incident in which he allegedly twisted a male co-worker’s nipple. That alleged incident, furthermore, occurred decades ago. Bear in mind the nature of that charge, and the institutional memory that led to it being filed against this whistleblower; this will become relevant anon.

All of the pertinent facts about Kenneth’s murder were exhumed by Trentadue and his colleagues long after the Justice Department had concluded what Criminal Section Chief Richard Roberts claimed was a “flawless” and “thorough” investigation – one that began on August 21, 1995, and was closed the following day. The findings of that one-day “investigation” were submitted to a federal grand jury – not one on Oklahoma City – which ratified the Justice Department’s official story.

When Trentadue requested access to the federal grand jury’s findings, Roberts parried that petition with a patronizing admonition to “trust the government.” The following year, Roberts was selected by Bill Clinton to serve on the District Court for the District of Columbia, an appointment that could be seen as a reward for his role in consummating a vital cover-up.

Kenneth Trentadue, Jesse learned from an anonymous caller shortly after his brother’s death, was “murdered by the FBI” in a lethal case of mistaken identity. In appearance, body type, distinguishing features (including, however implausibly, tattoos), age, and criminal background, Kenneth was a near-twin of Richard Lee Guthrie – who was in the custody of the federal prison system when Kenneth was arrested for an alleged parole violation shortly after the April 1995 Oklahoma City bombing.

For several years, Guthrie was involved in an FBI-protected gang called the Aryan Republican Army (ARA), which staged bank robberies to fund white supremacist activities across the country. The ARA was an asset of the FBI’s PATCON (Patriot Conspiracy) program, which seeded “radical right” groups with informants and provocateurs. The Oklahoma City bombing was the result of a PATCON operation – most likely a security theater production that went badly off-script. Guthrie is one of the several very good candidates for the enigmatic “John Doe #2” whom many witnesses saw in the company of Timothy McVeigh on the morning of the bombing – and whose identity the government has sought to conceal ever since. Just a few months after Kenneth’s traumatized body was “found” dangling in a cell at the Federal Transfer Center in Oklahoma, Guthrie died in a similarly unconvincing “suicide.”Shortly before he was killed, Guthrie had somewhat imprudently announced his intention to write a memoir disclosing critical secrets regarding the Oklahoma City bombing.

The source who told Jesse that Kenneth had been killed by the FBI described the murder as “an interrogation gone wrong.” Before his parole, Kenneth had been a bank robber, albeit one not affiliated with the alpha gang of the criminal underworld, the FBI. He couldn’t answer any PATCON-related questions, and so he was tortured to death. His captors may have really believed that he was Guthrie. They may have realized that he wasn’t, but decided that it would be compromising to let him live. In either case, the objective was to tie up a loose end quickly. Fortunately, enough of a thread was left dangling for Jesse to find it. He has been tugging on it for more than twenty years.

Learning the identity of “John Doe #2” is necessary to solve the mystery of his brother’s murder, Jesse believes, and the identity of that PATCON asset remains a protected state secret.

In response to a July 2009 Freedom of Information Act request by Jesse, the FBI turned over six DVDs that supposedly contained all of the video recordings collected after the bombing. Missing from that collection – and pointedly ignored in the FBI’s response to Jesse’s request – is a video captured by the exterior surveillance camera located in the Regency Tower

Apartments near the ill-fated Murrah Building. In May 2011, a federal judge ordered the FBI to conduct additional searches and turn over all video records collected, from whatever source, of the Oklahoma City bombing. The bureau has refused to comply with that order, claiming that if the video exists it is irretrievably lost in a long-forgotten evidence vault.

The existence of that video is proven by the testimony of FBI Special Agent Jon Hersley during McVeigh’s April 27, 1995, preliminary hearing. Hersley, who was among those agents tasked “to further identify and locate other individuals who may have been involved in the bombing,” testified that within “two or three days” of the bombing he had been shown “still photos” culled from a video captured by the Regency Tower surveillance system. The film itself, he explained, was in the control of other agents within the bureau.

During cross-examination, defense counsel John Coyle, challenging the foundation for video evidence implicating his client, asked Agent Hersley, “who are those agents that are tasked with the responsibility of reviewing photographs and film footage?” That entirely reasonable question prompted an objection by the lead prosecutor, a Justice Department attorney named Merrick Garland. The objection being overruled, Hersley identified the agent in question as Walt Lamar. As Coyle continued to pursue this line of inquiry, Garland objected a second time, protesting that “we are going in the area of discovery now.”

The second objection was sustained, the matter was dropped, and potential “discovery” of evidence that could have revealed the identity of John Doe #2 was foreclosed by the man who, two decades later, would be chosen to fill a critical vacancy on the Supreme Court.

Assuming that the Senate holds confirmation hearings on the Garland nomination, some senators reportedly plan to ask why he recused himself in a judicial misconduct case involving a colleague – none other than Richard Roberts, who resigned a few days later for “health” reasons. Roberts was under investigation by the Utah Attorney General’s Office and both the House and Senate oversight committees regarding allegations that he had raped a 16-year-old witness during a civil rights case in Utah in 1980.

At the time, the 27-year-old Roberts was an attorney with the Justice Department’s civil rights division. He was dispatched to Salt Lake City to head the federal civil rights prosecution of Joseph Paul Franklin, a white supremacist serial killer who murdered two African-American joggers, Ted Fields and David Martin from an ambush in August 1980.

Terry Mitchell (whose last name at the time was Elrod) had accompanied the two men and a girlfriend during the jog. She was hit by shrapnel but survived. Two months earlier she had been raped by a man named Philip George Moore, which was merely the latest of several such assaults she had endured since childhood. As if the cumulative trauma of those events hadn’t been sufficient, Terry and her family were subjected to hostility and suspicion owing to the fact that the father was involved in a local motorcycle club called the Barons, a fact seized on by some to suggest that Terry had lured the victims into an ambush.

A few weeks after the shooting, Terry fled to Arizona to live with grandparents. She returned the following October to testify in the trial.

During the following January and February, the 27-year-old Roberts sexually exploited the 16-year-old, beginning with an episode in which he lured her into his office on the pretext of reviewing her testimony. Once he had separated the teenager from her mother, Roberts quickly disposed of the fiction that they were going to discuss the case and invited her to dinner.

While Terry was puzzled and concerned and wanted to go home to fix dinner for her younger sisters, “she complied because … Roberts was an authority figure and she had learned to comply with those in positions of authority,”recounts a lawsuit she recently filed against the former judge. With the practiced, methodical patience of a veteran sexual predator, Roberts lured the intimidated girl into his hotel room, where he compelled her to service him sexually, “then raped her twice.”

While maintaining the pretense that he and his victim were engaged in a consensual “affair,” Roberts made it clear that Terry couldn’t disclose what was going on. A mistrial would have resulted, and Franklin – who had yet to be tried for the murders – may have been let loose. If this were to happen, Roberts told his victim, it would be her fault.

After securing Franklin’s conviction, Roberts left, and Terry rarely heard from him again. In 2013, after the serial killer wasexecuted for a murder committed in Missouri, Roberts contacted Terry anew. Terry recorded the phone call and submitted it to investigators for the Utah Attorney General’s office, which verified the substance of her story.

Roberts has admitted to preying upon the then-sixteen-year-old witness, but continues to characterize the matter as a “consensual” affair and a regrettable “lapse in judgment.” Under current state law, the conduct to which Roberts confesses would be statutory rape or perhaps even child molestation. At the time, however, the age of consent was sixteen. Roberts never faced the prospect of serious criminal charges arising from his calculated exploitation of a traumatized and vulnerable girl.



http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2015/04/okc.html


Twenty Years Later: Facts About the OKC Bombing That Go Unreported
Posted on April 12, 2015 by Kevin Ryan
Next week will mark the 20th anniversary of the terrorist bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, which killed 168 people including 19 children. The mainstream media will undoubtedly focus its attention on Timothy McVeigh, who was put to death in June 2001 for his part in the crime. They might also mention Terry Nichols, who was convicted of helping McVeigh plan the bombing and is serving a life sentence without parole.

OKC MurrahThere will be less discussion about how the FBI spent years hunting for a man who witnesses say accompanied McVeigh on the day of the bombing. They called this accomplice John Doe #2 and theories about his identity range from an Iraqi named Hussain Al-Hussaini, to a German national described below, to a neo-nazi bank robber named Richard Guthrie. The Justice Department finally gave up its search and said it was all a mistake— that there was never any credible evidence of a John Doe #2 being involved.

That reversal demonstrates a pattern of cover-up by authorities and limited media coverage in the years since the crime. This week, accounts will not repeat early reports of secondary devices in the building, or reports of the involvement of unknown middle-eastern characters. There will also be little if any mention of the extensive independent investigation into the crime that was conducted by leading members of the OKC community. Here are seven more facts that will probably not see much coverage on the 20th anniversary.

Attorney Jesse Trentadue began investigating the case after his brother Kenney was killed in prison, apparently having been tortured to death by the FBI in its search for John Doe #2. Trentadue’s investigation led to a federal judge nearly finding the FBI in contempt of court for tampering with a key witness. Trentadue now says, “There’s no doubt in my mind, and it’s proven beyond any doubt, that the FBI knew that the bombing was going to take place months before it happened, and they didn’t stop it.”
Judge Clark Waddoups, who presided over the case brought by Jesse Trentadue, ruled in 2010 that CIA documents associated with the case must be held secret. These documents show that the CIA was involved in the OKC bombing investigation and the prosecution of McVeigh. This means that foreign parties were involved because the CIA is prohibited from interfering in purely domestic investigations.
Andreas Strassmeir, a former German military officer, was suspected of being John Doe #2. Strassmeir became close friends with McVeigh and they were both associated with a neo-nazi organization located in Elohim City, OK. A retired U.S. intelligence official claimed that Strassmeir was “working for the German government and the FBI” while at Elohim City. Mainstream reports about the OKC bombing typically avoid reference to Strassmeir.
Larry Potts was the FBI supervisor who was responsible for the tragedies at Ruby Ridge in 1992, and Waco in 1993. Potts was then given responsibility for investigating the OKC bombing. Terry Nichols claimed that McVeigh—who allegedly had been recruited as an undercover intelligence asset while in the Army—had been working under the supervision of Potts.
Terry Yeakey, an officer of the OKC Police Department, was among the first to reach the scene and he was heralded as a hero for rescuing many victims. Yeakey was also an eyewitness to conversations and physical evidence that convinced him that there was a cover-up of the bombing by federal agents. Yeakey was committed to getting to the truth about what happened but a year after the bombing he was found dead off the side of a rural road. His death was ruled a suicide despite overwhelming evidence that he was murdered. Authorities reported that Yeakey, “slit his wrists and neck… then miraculously climbed over a barbed wire fence… walked over a mile’s distance, through a nearby field, and eventually shot himself in the side of the head at an unusual angle.” No weapon was found, no investigation was initiated, no fingerprints were taken, and no interviews were conducted. His family continues to fight for the truth about his death.
Gene Corley, the engineer who was hired by the government to support its claims about the structural fire at the Branch Davidian complex in Waco, was brought in to investigate the destruction of the Murrah Building. Corley brought along three other engineers: Charles Thornton, Mete Sozen, and Paul Mlakar. Their investigation was conducted from half a block away—where they could not observe any of the damage directly—yet their conclusions supported the pre-existing official account. A few years later, within 72 hours of the 9/11 attacks, these same four men were on site leading the investigations at the Word Trade Center and the Pentagon.
There are many other links between OKC and 9/11. For example, the alleged hijackers visited the OKC area many times and even stayed in the same motel that was frequented by McVeigh and Nichols. After both the OKC bombing and 9/11, building monitoring videos went missing, FBI harassment of witnesses was seen, and officials ignored evidence that did not support the political story. Additionally, numerous oddities link the OKC area to al Qaeda. In 2002, OKC resident Nick Berg was interrogated by the FBI for lending his laptop and internet password to alleged “20th hijacker” Zacarias Moussoui. Two years after this interrogation, Berg became world famous as a victim of beheading in Iraq. Investigators looking for clues about these connections will be particularly interested in two airports in OKC, the president of the University of Oklahoma, and the CIA leader who both monitored the alleged hijackers in Germany and was hired at the university just before 9/11.
On April 19, 2015, at the 20th anniversary of one of the worst terrorist attacks in history, citizens should be reminded that we don’t know what happened that day. We don’t know because officials have covered-up the crime for unknown reasons and most media sources will not challenge that cover-up.








https://theintercept.com/2017/05/16/how-an-undercover-fbi-agent-ended-up-in-jail-after-pretending-to-be-a-journalist/


HOW AN UNDERCOVER FBI AGENT ENDED UP IN JAIL AFTER PRETENDING TO BE A JOURNALIST
Trevor Aaronson
May 16 2017, 12:36 p.m.
Image: Glendale Police
WORD TRAVELED FAST in tiny Glendale, Colorado, when an undercover FBI agent identifying himself as Charles Johnson began knocking on doors and asking questions.

For nearly a year, as a part of the FBI’s investigation of the armed standoff between a Nevada rancher named Cliven Bundy and Bureau of Land Management agents in 2014, Johnson pretended to be a documentary filmmaker. At one point, he assured Bundy’s suspicious son Ryan, “I want a truthful documentary.” The more than 100 hours of video and audio recordings that Johnson and his team produced while posing as journalists are being used as evidence in criminal trials against Bundy and his supporters. While Johnson was finished with the fake documentary production by the time he arrived in Colorado, he wasn’t done with pretending to be a member of the news media.

It was February 2016, just a couple of weeks after members of the Bundy family and their supporters were arrested following the standoff at Malheur National Wildlife Refuge. At the time, Glendale’s civic life was dominated by debate over a $175 million development proposal, called Glendale 180, to create a new nightlife and entertainment district. Glendale Mayor Mike Dunafon has led the campaign to remake the city. An eccentric politician who lives in a home that looks like a castle — it has its own website — Dunafon ran as an independent for Colorado governor in 2014. Wyclef Jean even produced his official campaign song.

But Dunafon’s plans for remaking Glendale have been stalled by a local businessman named Mohammad Ali Kheirkhahi, who runs a Persian rug store on land he owns that would be a centerpiece of Glendale 180. Glendale wanted to purchase the land for the entertainment district, but Kheirkhahi had proposed developing a high-rise condominium tower on the site. The city’s tiny newspaper, the Glendale Cherry Creek Chronicle, opposed the condo development proposal, referring to it as the “Tehranian Death Star.” The newspaper quoted several citizens in its pages expressing opposition to Kheirkhani’s residential development. For reasons that remain obscure, Johnson started door-stopping people who were quoted in the newspaper, according to police records obtained by The Intercept.

On February 20, 2016, Johnson showed up at the apartment of Sherry Frame, the Glendale city clerk. Johnson didn’t identify himself as an FBI agent. Instead, he said he was an “investigative consultant” who was hired to look into an ethics complaint. As part of that inquiry, Johnson said he needed to talk to Frame.

Feeling threatened by the unannounced visit to her home, Frame called police. Detectives soon discovered that Johnson had also stopped by the homes of two people who worked at Shotgun Willie’s, a local strip club owned by Mayor Dunafon’s wife. A police officer called Johnson’s number and left a message. Johnson returned the call and left another message. Nothing more happened, until the undercover FBI agent returned to town on March 15, 2016, and contacted Douglas Stiff, a disc jockey at Shotgun Willie’s. Stiff agreed to meet with Johnson at a local restaurant, and then he too called the Glendale police.

In this Feb. 10, 2016 photo, a large roadside sign marks the entrance of longtime strip club Shotgun Willie's, and Smoking Gun Apothecary, the new marijuana dispensary, in Glendale, Colo. Smokin Gun Apothecary is on a site formerly occupied by the Denver area’s best known strip club, Shotgun Willie’s. The strip club hasn’t gone away, it’s moved just across the parking lot. Both businesses have the same owner, who envisions pot shoppers getting discounted drinks at the strip club and is outfitting the roof of the pot shop for a future lounge in case Colorado changes its law banning on-site marijuana consumption.(AP Photo/Brennan Linsley) A roadside sign marks the entrance of the Shotgun Willie’s strip club and Smoking Gun Apothecary, the new marijuana dispensary, in Glendale, Colo., on Feb. 10, 2016. Photo: Brennan Linsley/AP
Detective Shaun Farley, suspecting that Johnson was working as a private investigator without a state license, suggested setting up a sting. The case became a game of spy versus spy, an undercover cop trying to catch an undercover FBI agent.
According to audio obtained by The Intercept, on the drive to the restaurant, Farley and Stiff worked on their cover story. “Let’s just say we know each other from CU-Denver,” Farley said.

“CU-Denver?” Stiff said. “All right, cool.”

“Just say we had some class together and been friends ever since, for fucking business degrees,” Farley added. “So we share common interest in business degrees, chicks with titties, and music, because you’re a DJ, right?”

“Yep,” Stiff said.

Farley slipped the recording device under his clothing. “I can’t just walk in and set it on the table. Be like, ‘What’s up, dude? Here’s my recorder. Say some stupid shit.’”

Stiff laughed. Then they walked into the restaurant and greeted Johnson, who explained that he was investigating the proposed condo project and community opposition to it. As part of that work, he said he was contacting people who, like Stiff, had been quoted in the local newspaper as opposing the project. Stiff told Johnson that he didn’t like being tracked down and having a stranger show up at his home.

“I didn’t track you down,” Johnson said.

“You came to my front door,” Stiff replied.

“But I didn’t track you down. The person I work for —”

“Who is?” Stiff interrupted.

“She’s a writer,” Johnson answered.

“Who is?” Stiff asked again.

Johnson refused to answer. He explained that he had been hired by a journalist to investigate claims that were made in the local newspaper.

After nearly an hour of talking, with Johnson repeatedly refusing to disclose who had hired him, Farley piped up: “It still seems like you need a license to do this kind of stuff.”

Johnson demurred, saying he was not acting as a private investigator. The undercover cop and the strip club DJ then walked back to the car.

“How often do you have to waste your time like this?” Stiff asked. “Probably a lot.”

“No, it’s not a waste of time,” Farley answered. “He’s about to get pulled over and get arrested.”

“Badass,” Stiff said, excited. “What crime did he commit?”

Farley explained that in Colorado, as of July 2015, anyone doing contract investigations work needed to be licensed as a private investigator in the state.

“Holy shit!” Stiff said.

Another uniformed Glendale police officer then pulled over Johnson, and they agreed to talk at a nearby Starbucks. After interviewing Johnson, the officer let him go, believing that he needed to review the law concerning private investigators before he felt justified in making an arrest. Glendale police officers then reviewed the law, contacted state regulators, and concluded that Johnson was indeed violating state law. They knew from running his plate that he had a rental car that was due back early the next morning. As Johnson dropped off his car, the police approached him. “So I am being placed under arrest?” the undercover agent said.

When he was arrested, Johnson was carrying three different state identification cards, from Tennessee, Hawaii, and Florida, as well as expensive camera equipment. He also had a business card identifying himself as an “investigative consultant” and listing the same Nashville, Tenn., address and phone numbers as Longbow Productions, the fake documentary company the FBI set up to film the Bundys and their supporters. Glendale police booked Johnson and escorted him to an interrogation room, where a camera recorded their conversation. Dressed in blue jeans and a green parka, Johnson maintained his innocence, pointing out that there was an exemption in Colorado law for journalists and that a journalist had hired him to ask questions in Glendale.

“If it was a journalist, what journalist did hire you?” Farley asked.

Johnson shook his head. “And I’m not getting into that because I’m not — because what happened to me, I’m not saying anything about anybody else,” he answered.

The detective followed up: “How did this person reach out to you? How did they even know to contact you?”

“I didn’t know them. From a friend, from a friend who knows what I do,” Johnson said.

None of it added up to Glendale police. So they charged Johnson with unauthorized practice of private investigations and issued a summons to appear in court. Local prosecutors dropped the charges after receiving a letter from the FBI asking them not to prosecute.

It’s unclear what the goal of Johnson’s Glendale undercover operation was or why the FBI’s Denver office decided to use a journalistic cover. “We are not able to comment on the questions you have posed,” said Special Agent Amy Sanders, a spokesperson for the FBI’s Denver office.

In June 2016, four months after this incident, the FBI adopted an interim policy that requires undercover operations involving the impersonation of news media to be approved by the deputy director of the FBI in consultation with the deputy attorney general. As FBI director, James Comey defended the practice of impersonating journalists in criminal investigations but described it as “rare.”

Johnson testified in March in the jury trial of six defendants who had supported the Bundys during the 2014 standoff with federal agents. The trial ended in convictions against two defendants and a hung jury for the other four. Johnson is also expected to testify in the trial of Cliven Bundy and his sons, which is scheduled to begin June 26. The trial may include as evidence video that Johnson produced while impersonating a documentary filmmaker.

The FBI did not respond to questions about Johnson’s arrest in Colorado, including whether it was disclosed to the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Nevada.

Bret Whipple, the lawyer representing Cliven Bundy, had been unaware of Johnson’s arrest in Colorado. “I think it’s absolutely material that could impeach the witness and should have been turned over to us,” Whipple said. “He was breaking local law while acting surreptitiously.”

Top photo: This screen grab made from video released by the Glendale Police shows Charles Johnson during an interrogation.

RELATED
The Bizarre Story Behind the FBI’s Fake Documentary About the Bundy Family
More Than 400 People Convicted of Terrorism in the U.S. Have Been Released Since






http://www.csindy.com/coloradosprings/13-authoritarian-jokes-on-america/Content?oid=5522810


13 authoritarian jokes on America


Trump Tracker

1) FBI Director James Comey was speaking to federal agents when news of his firing flashed across the television behind him.

The regime blamed new Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and cited Comey's treatment of the Clinton email investigation — as if daring us to pretend they are telling the truth.

2) More than 200 people arrested en masse on Inauguration Day are now facing decades in jail. Authorities issued search warrants and slapped others, like Dylan Petrohilos, with conspiracy charges after the fact. "Prosecuting people based on participation in a public protest," Petrohilos said, "seems like something that would happen in an authoritarian society."

3) Attorney General Jeff Sessions recused himself from anything having to do with the investigation into Russian collusion with the Trump campaign after he was caught lying to the Senate about his meetings with Sergei Kislyak, a Russian ambassador widely considered to be a spy. But Sessions still wrote a letter recommending Comey's canning. He is also involved in hiring the new FBI director, who will be expected to lead the investigation of the Trump campaign.

4) Trey Gowdy, the South Carolina congressman best known for heading up the endless Benghazi hearings, has been floated as a candidate for FBI chief.

If you can't get Rudy Giuliani or the anti-immigrant former sheriff of Arizona's Maricopa County, Joe Arpaio, Gowdy is perfect. Not only did he direct the 11-hour grilling of the ever-hated Hillary Clinton, but when the House Intelligence Committee questioned Comey in March, Gowdy demonstrated no interest in finding out how Russia had influenced the election. He was, however, quite interested in prosecuting journalists who publish leaked materials.

5) The rest of the Republicans, meanwhile, have been busy stripping healthcare from people with pre-existing conditions.

When Dan Heyman, a reporter in West Virginia, repeatedly asked Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price if domestic violence would count as a pre-existing condition, he was arrested. He faces up to six months in jail for disrupting the work of government. Price commended the police on the arrest.

6) Desiree Fairooz, an activist with Code Pink, was found guilty of disorderly and disruptive conduct and parading or demonstrating on Capitol grounds — for laughing when Sen. Richard Shelby, a Republican from Alabama, said that Sessions' record of "treating all Americans equally under the law is clear and well-documented."

Sessions sent a memo ordering federal prosecutors to seek the stiffest possible penalties in all of their cases, reversing an Obama-era policy that steered away from "enhanced" penalties and mandatory minimums for minor or nonviolent drug crimes.

7) Former acting Attorney General Sally Yates was fired when she refused to enforce President Donald Trump's Muslim ban. She was supposed to testify to the House Intelligence Committee about Russia back before its chair, Rep. Devin Nunes, R- California, flipped out and jumped from an Uber at midnight for a mysterious White House meeting. Finally, Sen. Lindsey Graham, no fan of Trump or Russia, called her to testify before the Senate, where she said that she had warned the Trump team 18 days before he was fired that then-National Security Advisor Mike Flynn had been compromised by Russia. During that time, Flynn sat in on a call with Russian President Vladimir Putin.






http://www.unionleader.com/article/20170517/NEWS21/170519407/-1/mobile?template=mobileart



DeLemus backers outraged by ruling



Granite Staters supportive of Jerry DeLemus expressed outrage that he was denied a chance to withdraw a guilty plea in connection with the Cliven Bundy standoff in 2014.

“She should be wearing orange, not black,” friend Jack Kimball said of the judge on the case. “The whole system is ridiculous.”

Kimball, a former state Republican Party chairman, views DeLemus as a “political prisoner.”

DeLemus, a local Tea Party leader from Rochester, served as a co-chairman of Donald Trump’s New Hampshire veterans coalition during the 2016 campaign.

He now awaits a sentencing May 31 in Nevada. Per the plea deal he originally struck last August, he may serve up to six years in federal prison.

His supporters, who gathered at a rally at the State House in late April, have written letters to Attorney General Jeff Sessions with a request for some intervention for those facing charges related to the Bundy standoff. DeLemus’ friends have previously expressed hope that the President would weigh in, possibly with a pardon.

State Rep. Fred Doucette, R-Salem, one of Trump’s three campaign co-chairmen in the state, said Tuesday he planned to write the attorney general about the case.

“Give the guy a fair hearing, at least,” said Doucette, who also sat on Trump’s veterans coalition. “It doesn’t make sense. It’s just plain wrong.”

FBI agents stormed DeLemus’ house and arrested him on March 3, 2016. The indictment called him a “mid-level leader and organizer of the conspiracy” at the Bundy ranch. The standoff there escalated after the rancher’s long-held defiance of federal court orders to remove his cattle from public lands.

DeLemus first traveled to Nevada on April 10, 2014, and he was the first of 19 defendants in the case to accept a plea. Kimball told the Union Leader late last year that DeLemus told him he signed the plea deal out of coercion, or threat that federal agents would come after his family.

Kimball said Tuesday that DeLemus said in court last year that the charges related to his plea deal were a lie.

The bid to withdraw his plea agreement came after seven people who took over a national wildlife refuge in Oregon were found not guilty in that standoff.

Late last month, Judge Gloria Navarro, the same judge presiding over DeLemus’ case, declared a mistrial in a case against four men accused of conspiracy in connection with the 2014 Bundy ranch standoff. A new trial for those four, and a trial for Cliven Bundy, is scheduled to begin in late June.

dtuohy@unionleader.com






https://www.thenation.com/article/the-threat-of-political-policing-in-the-trump-era/


POLICE AND LAW ENFORCEMENTPROTESTDONALD TRUMP
The Threat of Political Policing in the Trump Era
Trump will brook no protest.




https://robertscribbler.com/2017/05/17/april-of-2017-was-the-second-hottest-in-137-year-climate-record/


April of 2017 was the Second Hottest in 137 Year Climate Record
According to measurements by NASA’s GISS global temperature monitoring service, April of 2017 was considerably warmer than all past Aprils in the climate record with the single exception of 2016.

The month came in at 0.88 degrees Celsius above NASA’s 20th Century baseline and fully 1.1 degrees Celsius above 1880s averages. This measure was just 0.01 C warmer than now third warmest 2010 and 0.18 C shy of last year’s record. All of the top ten hottest Aprils on record have occurred since 1998 and six of the top ten hottest Aprils have occurred since 2010.



(During April of 2017, and with only a few moderate exceptions, most of the world experienced above normal to considerably above normal surface temperatures. Image source: NASA GISS.)

The first four months of 2017 now average around 1.21 degrees Celsius warmer than 1880s ranges. This number is about tied with 2016’s overall record warmth which was spurred by a combined strong El Nino and the incredible buildup of greenhouse gasses in the Earth’s atmosphere that we have seen for over more than a century. It is also a warming that is now strong enough to start bringing on serious geophysical changes to the Earth System. The longer readings remain so warm or continue to increase, the more likely it is that instances of global harm in the form of glacial melt, sea level rise, ocean health decline, severe storms and other extreme weather will worsen or emerge.

This year, ENSO neutral conditions trending toward the cooler side of average during the first quarter should have helped to moderate global temperatures somewhat. As is, though a slight cooling vs the first quarter of 2016 is somewhat evident, the broader, more general counter-trend cooling that we would expect following a strong El Nino is practically non-apparent.



(A mildly warm Kelvin Wave forming in the Equatorial Pacific brings with it the chance of a weak El Nino by summer of 2017. This warming of such a broad region of surface waters may combine with atmospheric CO2 and CO2e in the range of 405 and 493 ppm respectively to keep global temperatures near record highs of around 1.2 C above 1880s averages during 2017. Image source: NOAA EL Nino.)

Very strong Northern Hemisphere polar warming during the winter months appears to be a primary driver pushing overall global temperatures higher during recent months. Meanwhile, southern hemisphere polar amplification is becoming more and more apparent over time.

In April, the trend of Northern Hemisphere polar amplification/warming was readily apparent in the NASA measure despite a seasonal relative cooling. Under global warming related heat forcing, we would expect to see the highest temperature departures during late fall through winter. And as 2016 transitioned into 2017, this kind of warming was amazingly evident.



(Only the very far north and the very far south saw below average temperatures in NASA’s zonal measure. Meanwhile, temperatures in the lower Arctic were particularly warm. Image source: NASA GISS.)

Anomalies during April in the higher latitudes did cool somewhat to 2 to 2.6 C above average in the key 65 to 75 N Latitude zone. Highest departures continued to be very considerable for April — ranging from 4 C to as much as 7.5 C above average over Northeastern Siberian, the East Siberian Arctic Shelf, the Bering Sea and parts of Northwest Alaska. Meanwhile, temperatures over the Central Arctic dipped to slightly below average as polar amplification in the southern hemisphere appeared to take a break before warming again in March.

Globally, according to GFS model reanalysis data, temperatures appeared to cool through the end of April. However, by early May another warm-up was underway and, if the GFS measure is any guide, it appears that May will likely be about as warm as April overall. This track would tend to make it 1rst to 4th warmest on record if this trends analysis bears out.

Links:

NASA GISS

NOAA EL Nino

Global and Regional Climate Anomalies


0
joeb

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I am at a public library reviewing my posts.
1/2 of my links are dead not highlighted.
What gives?
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admin

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We have no idea why the links did not become active try editing and reposting the links
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joeb

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tried posting tonight none of my links became active

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admin

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We just did a test and the links that we posted did become active so maybe you posted at a time of day or night when the server was rebooting or something like that.
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joeb

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Posts: 8,186
Reply with quote  #6 
just tried again no active links




Link du jour

http://www.nydailynews.com/news/world/underwater-robot-unveils-melted-fuel-fukushima-nuclear-plant-article-1.3347998



https://wikispooks.com/wiki/Daniel_Hopsicker


https://www.boston.com/news/food/2017/07/17/mayo-or-butter-that-is-the-question-for-lobster-roll-enthusiasts

http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nyc-body-painting-day-gallery-1.3347783



https://www.boston.com/culture/local-news/2017/07/22/the-sand-sculptures-at-revere-beach-look-amazing


http://www.heatisonline.org/contentserver/objecthandlers/index.cfm?ID=8842&Method=Full




http://www.independent.ie/irish-news/courts/bizarre-process-of-picking-jury-gets-martens-trial-off-to-a-dramatic-start-35956181.html


Prosecutor drops involuntary manslaughter charges against FBI agent.

The fix is in?



Bizarre process of picking jury gets Martens trial off to a dramatic start
Court spends four days probing potential jurors before murder case can finally begin, writes Ralph Riegel








https://whowhatwhy.org/2017/07/22/meet-trumps-pick-fbi-director-chris-wray/

VIDEO
JULY 22, 2017 | CHRISTINE CAPOZZIELLO
MEET TRUMP’S PICK FOR FBI DIRECTOR, CHRIS WRAY




FBI Octopus


Limestone Ledger for 7/22/17
News Courier-
Guest speaker is Steve Brandon, retired FBI special agent. Breakfast will be served. More information: Dean Morgan at 256-233-0248. • Ladies Civitan. Athens ...





https://whowhatwhy.org/2017/07/19/social-security-may-bust-federal-budget-not-think/


CATEGORIES: THREATS TO DEMOCRACY
JULY 19, 2017 | MALCOLM MITCHELL
Social Security May Bust the Federal Budget — But Not How You Think
As President Franklin D. Roosevelt said, “We put those payroll contributions there to give the contributors a legal, moral, and political right to collect their pensions… With those taxes in there, no damn politician can ever scrap my Social Security program.” But what about the Federal budget?


24/7 FBI Media Specialists bombard you with non news in radio,tv and print

https://www.fbi.gov/news/pressrel/press-contacts/fbi-national-press-office


http://www.nwaonline.com/news/2017/jul/22/fbi-report-shows-barrow-gang-stole-suit/?latest


FBI report shows Barrow gang stole suits in Fort Smith
Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette
While speaking to FBI Special Agents E.J. Dowd and C.B. Winstead at the Dallas Division Office from Dec. 6-7, 1933, about the automobiles he and the Barrows ...





http://www.cnn.com/2017/04/20/politics/fbi-media-leaks/index.html

FBI restricts contact between its employees and media

By Evan Perez and Pamela Brown, CNN
Updated 3:55 PM ET, Thu April 20, 2017




https://fbileeda.org/page/MediaPubRel_Landing


Media and Public Relations - FBI-LEEDA
fbi-leeda › page › MediaPubRel_Landing
FBI-LEEDA is pleased to present a 4 1/2-day course on media and public relations. Police cannot succeed without the support of the community they are sworn to protect. The image of an agency as a professional and ...




https://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2010-01-22-harvey-fbi_n.htm



Broadcaster Paul Harvey had close ties to FBI - USATODAY.com
USA Today › 2010-01-22-harvey-fbi_n
Jan 22, 2010 - Paul Harvey's FBI file, released to USA TODAY under a Freedom of Information Act request, shows how ... The 1,375 pages also illuminate how the FBI cultivated one of the nation's most popular media ...



https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Bureau_of_Investigation_portrayal_in_media

Federal Bureau of Investigation portrayal in media
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has been a staple of American popular culture since its christening in 1935. That year also marked the beginning of the popular "G-Man" phenomenon that helped establish the Bureau's image, beginning with the aptly titled James Cagney movie, G Men. Although the detective novel and other police-related entertainment had long enthralled audiences, the FBI itself can take some of the credit for its media prominence. J. Edgar Hoover, the Bureau's "patriarch", took an active interest to ensure that it was not only well represented in the media, but also that the FBI was depicted in a heroic, positive light and that the message, "crime doesn't pay", was blatantly conveyed to audiences. The context, naturally, has changed profoundly since the 1930s "war on crime", and especially so since Hoover's death in 1972.[2]





http://www.fbicover-up.com/press/

The Press.

The following excerpts are from Failure of the Public Trust.

Patrick was harassed beginning October 26, 1995, and the harassment obviously involved the FBI. Five months later, we completed Patrick's Report of Witness Tampering, detailing and proving the harassment (which you read portions of above), and gave it to almost all the major newspapers. No articles appeared.
On October 24, 1996, just under a year after the harassment (before the one-year statute of limitations for the assault count expired), Patrick filed his civil rights lawsuit. Because the timing was on the eve of the Presidential election, the suit was filed under seal in anticipation of attacks that the suit was politically motivated. On November 12, 1996, one week after the election, it was unsealed and distributed at a press conference held on the steps of the federal courthouse in Washington. Many representatives of the press attended. There was almost no coverage.
A year later, October 10, 1997, Patrick's 20-page submission wasattached as an Appendix to Mr. Starr's Report on Mr. Foster's death, by order of the Special Division for the Purpose of Appointing Independent Counsels of the United States Court of Appeals. The media received the Report and its Appendix, much of which is reprinted above. Despite the obvious historical significance of evidence of the FBI cover-up in the case being ordered attached to the Independent Counsel's Report, the media suppressed its existence. Some of the articles even mentioned Patrick's name, but not his Court-ordered Appendix. On the evening of October 10, 1997, Peter Jennings announced that Starr's report should "satisfy even the most ardent conspiracy theorists." (Only three out of ten Americans believed him. )
In October of 1998, Patrick's Amended Complaint was filed (before the expiration of the three-year statute of limitations period for the civil rights violation). It names as defendants United States Park Police Sergeant Robert Edwards, Deputy Chief Medical Examiner James Beyer and his unknown assistant, Deputy Director of the FBI Robert Bryant, FBI agents Lawrence Monroe and Russell Bransford, unknown FBI Lab technicians, Scott Bickett, and the group of men who harassed Patrick: Ayman Alouri, Abdel Alouri, and 24 John Does. The press ignored it.
Those are the developments in the case, each of which occurred in October of the last four years. They were the harassment in October of 1995, the filing of the suit in October of 1996, the Court-ordered Appendix to the OIC's Report in October of 1997, and the filing of the Amended Complaint in October of 1998. The media still fails to apprise the public of these facts.
We cannot explain it, but, despite the fact that evidence of the cover-up is obvious, no major news organization has ever assigned a single reporter to the case. Our efforts to apprise members of the press have been steadfastly rebuffed. The press has acted mostly as a conduit for the official announcements and conclusions of the executive branch, like a public relations department, or the press in countries that do not enjoy the same guarantees of free speech as we do. By its attacks on doubters as conspiracy theorists, the media has a record of turning questions of fact in the case into questions of the motives of those who question the official conclusion, and even into questions of mental stability.
Besides repeating the official conclusions, the media's reporting of the facts of the case is generally limited to the verdict of depression. In light of the physical evidence in the case, the facts of which the press has yet to report, the print on the depression verdict could be the basis of a study on the role of the press during the progress of the cover-up.
Here we simply point out what is now manifest. After six years of anobvious cover-up under the nose of the Washington press corps, the media has a powerful interest in keeping the facts of the case from public view. Mike Wallace remarked on 60 Minutes that some people even accused him of being "a part of the conspiracy." He is not. But his most valuable professional asset, his credibility, as well as the credibility of his industry, will be diminished when the existence of the conspiracy is no longer a secret. Today, suppressing the truth of Mr. Foster's death is a matter of professional self-preservation for numerous members of the news media.
Immediately after this filing is unsealed, it will have been delivered to every major news organization in America. Every day that goes by without its being reported makes the point that much stronger. The media just will not inform the public what it knows of the truth in the case.
End excerpt pages 440-442




Endnote 33: The media
March, 1996, Report of Witness Tampering provided to: Sarah Fritz & Tom McCarthy, LA Times; Robert Hohler, Boston Globe; R.W. Apple, New York Times; Marilyn Rauber, John Crudele, & Steve Dunleavy, N.Y. Post; Jerry Seper, Wash. Times; Anne Devroy, Wash. Post; Michael Isikoff, Newsweek; Micah Morrison, Wall Street Journal; Lou Kilzer, Denver Post; editor, Chicago Tribune; editor, Philadelphia Inquirer; Jack Loftis, Houston Chronicle; Charles Zehren, Newsday; Jamie Dettmer, Insight on the News; Washington editor, Reuters News Agency; Pete Yost, Associated Press; Brian Gaffney, Dateline NBC; Ted Koppel; Julia Malone, Cox News; Lisa Tutman, Cox Broadcasting; HardCopy; Unsolved Mysteries; Inside Edition.
Representatives from the following media organizations present at a November 12, 1996 press conference on the steps of federal District Court in Washington, unsealing Patrick Knowlton's civil rights lawsuit: CNN, Insight on the News, Wash. Post, N.Y. Times, Wash. Times, ABC News, NBC News, CBS News, Fox News, Time Magazine, N.Y. Observer, Cox News, among others.
Media accounts of the October, 1997 release of the OIC's Report on Mr. Foster's death, mentioning Patrick Knowlton's name but failing to report the existence of his Court-ordered Appendix:
S. Labaton, Report of Foster's Suicide portrays a
depressed man, N.Y. Times, October 11, 1997: The report also dismisses the testimony of Patrick Knowlton, a witness who says he was at the park the day Foster died and did not see his car but did see a person who stared at Knowlton menacingly. The report concludes that there is no reliable evidence that anyone at the park "had any connection to Foster's death."
B. York, Vince Foster, In the Park, with the Gun, The Weekly Standard Magazine, October 27, 1997: Byron York is an investigative writer with the American Spectator *** [C]onspiracy theorists... have already begun to complain about Starr's treatment of Patrick Knowlton, a motorist who says that on July 20 he stopped in Fort Marcy to relieve himself and saw a man in a car who stared at him menacingly... But Starr found no other evidence to support Knowlton's story, and the report mentions the incident only briefly.
M. Morrison, In Re: Vincent Foster, Wall Street Journal, November 25, 1997: "Most of the other allegations, including the recollections of much-touted witness Patrick Knowlton, represent the confusions inevitable in any large investigation of a dramatic event."
Some responses from journalists when asked by the authors whether they are interested: George Will, Feb., 1996: "We're not interested in that [Foster case]; Fred Barnes, Feb. 23, 1996: "Conservatives should ignore the death of Vincent Foster and stick to the real issues... It was a suicide... No, I don't want to meet Patrick Knowlton;" Tim Russert, Feb. 29, 1996: "I appreciate your taking the time... It is important to have your input;" James Stewart, March 20, 1996: "Now I think it is too much of a coincidence that he [Foster] would be that depressed and then that somebody would somehow move in and fake some kind of crime. Life just doesn't work like that;" Haynes Johnson, May 28, 1996: "You have raised provocative questions;" Ted Gest, 1996: "Our magazine [Newsweek] covers consumer issues, that is not the kind of story we cover, try one of the daily papers;" James Whalen (St. Paul Journalism Prof.), "If there was anything suspicious about Foster's death the Washington press would cover it;" Paul Gigot (Wall St. J.), July 23, 1996: "Foster committed suicide. Everything points to that... No, I don't want to meet him [Patrick Knowlton] and you probably think I am part of the conspiracy;" Michael Barone, July 30, 1996: "I'm not going to defend the coverage of Vincent Foster by U.S. News & World Report, I do not know enough about the Foster story;" Jerry Seper (Wash. Times), Oct. 17, 1996: "I don't cover Foster, I'm covering Whitewater. Ask George Archibald, he has been assigned the Foster story;" George Archibald, Oct. 24, 1996: "Foster is dead. I don't cover Foster... My time is limited;" Eugene Meyer (Wash. Post), Nov. 5, 1996: "No, it's not my job... I don't care about your friend;" Karen Ballard (Wash. Times), Nov. 5, 1996: "Why don't you write the story;" William Kristol, Nov. 8, 1996: "Amazing... What kind of work does Mr. Knowlton do?" Candy Crowley (CNN), Kwame Holman, Peter Kenyon (NPR), Nov. 19, 1996: "If it was reported I would cover it... I have to cover other news, it's not my job;" Carl Stern, Michael McCurry, Marlin Fitzwater, & Charles Bierbauer (CNN), Feb. 13, 1997: "We don't know anything about it;" Cokie Roberts, April 13, 1997: "Thousands of reporters have looked into the death of Vincent Foster and everyone including the numerous investigations have concluded that his death was a suicide;" Paul Harvey, July 16, 1997: "The death of White House counsel Vincent Foster has now been investigated four times including Kenneth Starr's most recent one and all four have reached the same conclusion. There was no conspiracy, no cover-up, it was suicide;" Mike Wallace, July 23, 1997: "Just wait until Ken Starr's report is released, then you can apologize to me;" Tom Sherwood, WRC-DC, July 31, 1997: "I can't believe there would be a cover-up... Why don't you contact Mike Isikoff;" Michael Isikoff, Aug. 13, 1997: "[I] do not have enough evidence to go with the story about Patrick Knowlton's allegations;" Martha Malan, (St. Paul Press), Oct. 12, 1997: "We don't have the resources to cover the Foster story... No, I don't want to talk to Patrick Knowlton;" John Crudele (N.Y. Post), Nov., 1997: "I don't believe there is a cover-up;" Steve Labaton, (N.Y. Times), Nov., 1997: "The court had to attach your submission;" Bob Zelnick, May 30, 1998: "[There isn't] any credible evidence that Vincent Foster was murdered. Can I ask to change the subject?" Harold Hostetler, June 25, 1998: "Mr. Knowlton does appear to be an honest and forthright person who is sticking up for his principles and beliefs. However, I do not see this as a potential story for Guideposts;" Sam Fullwood (L.A. Times) at Sanford Ungar AU forum (with L. Brent Bozell III, Karen DeYoung & Bill Plante), Sept. 8, 1998: "It's not my kind of story... Why don't you post it on the Internet then everyone will know... Why don't you write a book, you could make lots of money;" Matt Drudge, "I'll read this [written materials] but I was just about ready to believe the body was moved and now you're saying he was murdered;" Frank Sesno, Sept. 24, 1998: "I'll look at this;" Helen Thomas, Oct. 7, 1998: "[T]his should be reported to the American people;" Helen Thomas, April 9, 1999: "Q. I gave you the addendum to Starr's Report. Will you write about Patrick Knowlton? A. No... I don't have time. Q. Can I quote you? A. No. Q. You said then that his story should be reported. A. It is very unfair of you to do this to me. Just forget it."

Attacks on Patrick Knowlton's mental stability: Excerpt from Knowlton v. Edwards et al, USDC, DC, CA No. 96-2467:
170. Defendants also accomplished their object of publicly discrediting Plaintiff. On November 24, 1997, a book review entitled The Secret Life of Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, written by Michael Isikoff, appeared in the widely circulated Weekly Standard Magazine. In it, Isikoff wrote:

* * *
Evans-Pritchards' work, such as it is, consists of little more than wild flights of conspiratorial fancy coupled with outrageous and wholly uncorroborated allegations offered up by his "sources" - largely a collection of oddballs... and borderline psychotics.
* * *
Back in Washington, Evans-Pritchard breaks one of his big stories: Patrick Knowlton, a construction worker who stopped to urinate at Fort Marcy Park on the afternoon of Vince Foster's death and -- here's the key part -- recalls seeing a mysterious "Hispanic-looking" man lingering around the parking lot. No sooner has Evans-Pritchard popped this bombshell in the Telegraph than, Knowlton reports, menacing-looking men in business suits begin following him and staring really hard at him...
* * *
But for the moment I prefer my own conspiracy theory: Evans-Pritchard doesn't believe a word he has written... designed to discredit critics of the Clinton White House by making them look like a bunch of blithering idiots.


* * *
The next day, November 25, 1997 another book
review, entitled Conspiracy Central, authored by Jacob
Cohen, appeared in the widely circulated National
Review Magazine. In it, Cohen wrote:

* * *
...Patrick Knowlton, who claims that he came to the park at 4:30 on the afternoon of July 20 to relieve himself, and at that time saw in the parking lot a brown Honda with Arkansas plates...
* * *
He insists that a very sinister-looking man was hovering around the parking lot and may have monitored his peeing... Knowlton seems to have a penchant for seeing the sinister in the glances of those he meets... Mysterious cars follow him, he says. Carefully organized teams of men constantly pass him and his girlfriend on the streets, giving them very menacing stares... Apparently, they are present during every walk Knowlton takes, so that any experimental stroll will reveal them. One wonders, is there a school that teaches federal agents this methodology of intimidation?

An analysis of the use of the media during the progress of the cover-up could include:
(1) A comparison of the initial published accounts of Mr. Foster's demeanor (no noticeable signs of distress) to the accounts that suddenly began appearing upon the "discovery" of torn note six days after the death (rapid weight loss and other symptoms consistent with severe depression);
(2) The alliance between the Washington press corps and the Justice Department -- permanent institutions of government;
(3) The chilling effect on witnesses of the steady
stream of press leaks that the OIC was soon to issue a report validating earlier official conclusions (see January 1995 Scripps-Howard wire reporting Starr's suicide conclusion appearing the same day that the OIC began grand jury proceedings into the death, February, 1995 Wall Street Journal feature quoting sources close to Starr as saying the case had been closed as a suicide, October, 1995 60 Minutes piece declaring that Starr's suicide report would be out shortly, December, 1995 Fox News report that Starr's Washington office was to issue a suicide report within six weeks, July, 1996 60 Minutes piece declaring that Starr had concluded the death was a suicide and that a report would be issued that summer, November, 1996, Newsweek cover story by M. Isikoff quoting unidentified sources as saying that the suicide report was to be released imminently);
(4) Years of repeating of the official suicide
conclusion in stories about other matters, like
the OIC's Supreme Court litigation of its
subpoena of attorney James Hamilton's notes of a
consultation he had with Mr. Foster shortly
before the death;
(5) Pulitzer Prize winning journalists who
misreported the Foster story: Haynes Johnson,
David Broder, Bob Woodward, Anthony Lewis, Mary
McGrory, James Stewart, and Mike McAlary;
(6) The accounts of the death in virtually every book written on the Clinton Presidency: Bob Woodward, The Agenda, Simon & Schuster, 1994; David Brock, The Seduction of Hillary Clinton, Free Press, 1996; Haynes Johnson & David Broder, The System, Little & Brown, 1996; James Stewart, Blood Sport, Simon & Schuster, 1996; Gary Aldrich, Unlimited Access, Regnery, 1996; R. Emmett Tyrrell, Boy Clinton, Regnery, 1996; HowardKurtz, Spin Cycle, The Free Press, 1998; Ann Coulter, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, Regnery, 1998; Michael Isikoff, Uncovering Clinton, Crown Publishing, 1999; George Stephanopoulos, All Too Human, Little Brown & Company, 1999; Lanny J. Davis, Truth To Tell, Free Press, 1999; Joyce Milton, The First Partner, William Morrow & Company, 1999; Helen Thomas, Front Row At The White House, Scribner, 1999;
(7) Unpublished accounts of witnesses -- in addition to Patrick Knowlton -- who contacted members of the news media to report what they know of the cover-up.
W. Barret, Freedom to Steal, Why Politicians Never go to Jail, New York Magazine, February 4, 1980: Crooked politicians have nothing to fear in New York. Contrary to much of the post-Watergate anti-corruption ballyhoo, the three United States attorneys who have served in Foley Square for the last ten years have failed to make a single case against a crooked politician within their jurisdiction. As astounding as it may seem, not since the legendary Carmine DeSapio was convicted back in 1969 for bribery has a top politician or any of the thousands of public officials in the Southern District's territory -- Manhattan, the Bronx, and Westchester -- found himself in handcuffs. It is uncertain whether this pattern of timidity on the part of the politically appointed prosecutors will change now that John S. Martin has been designated by Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan to replace Robert B. Fiske in the prestigious post... The failure on the part of the federal prosecutors in the Southern District to involve themselves in political-corruption cases is one of the most fascinating, if unspoken, mysteries in city government. The end of Fiske's term, in March will, in fact, conclude a ten-year period in which Nixon- and Ford-appointed U.S. Attorneys have presided over the transformation of the Southern District into a red-light district for political corruption. *** The description of all political-corruption cases handled during the first three years of Fiske's term consumes only 6 of the 187 pages enumerating major cases in the U.S. attorney's annual reports. *** [T]he former WNEW-TV reporter who broke much of the Velez story, recalls numerous meetings with Weinberg and Fiske. "Once I know I brought them absolute, cold evidence of a crime," he said... but nothing happened. *** Charges of campaign-finance irregularities had been made [against Al DelBello] ...Fiske closed it [the grand jury] four months after he opened it... [and] sharply limited this inquiry... *** Fiske's office terminated an eight-month probe of the city's most political bank. Jack Newfield's recent piece on Staten Island Congressman Murphy in the Village Voice centers on an alleged $50,000 bribe *** [It] has now been quietly closed without result. *** Then U.S. Senator James Buckley delayed Fiske's appointment for several weeks because of his concern that Fiske's long-standing connections to Morgan Guaranty, one of the city's six major banks... Fiske did not "recuse" - the legal term for withdrawing... *** Nonetheless, six months after the SEC final report, Fiske released a one-page statement closing the securities case... There are a number of other cases, reported in the media, that have been covered by Southern District silence and inactivity... *** Agents from various federal departments say they prefer to work with assistants from other offices where assistants are closer to the streets and more willing to work with agents as partners... Fiske, for example, has a hard-and-fast rule that assistants are not to do field work with agents, a rule that has no parallel in other, neighboring federal districts. The price we all pay for these relationships and priorities is a federal jurisdiction where official corruption appears legally impenetrable.
Compare Now You Know..., Wash. Post June 22, 1998: President and Hillary Rodham Clinton fed the hands that bite them Friday night, hosting more [than] 1,000 White House reporters, spouses and progeny at a South Lawn carnival.*** But tickled reporters jammed the Ferris wheel, arcade, merry-go-round and Twister, a stomach-churning pendulum. Nothing could kill the horde's locust like appearance for children, sausages, ice cream and cotton candy.
End excerpt pages 504-510 from Failure of the Public Trust


The Press.

The following excerpts are from Failure of the Public Trust.

Patrick was harassed beginning October 26, 1995, and the harassment obviously involved the FBI. Five months later, we completed Patrick's Report of Witness Tampering, detailing and proving the harassment (which you read portions of above), and gave it to almost all the major newspapers. No articles appeared.
On October 24, 1996, just under a year after the harassment (before the one-year statute of limitations for the assault count expired), Patrick filed his civil rights lawsuit. Because the timing was on the eve of the Presidential election, the suit was filed under seal in anticipation of attacks that the suit was politically motivated. On November 12, 1996, one week after the election, it was unsealed and distributed at a press conference held on the steps of the federal courthouse in Washington. Many representatives of the press attended. There was almost no coverage.
A year later, October 10, 1997, Patrick's 20-page submission wasattached as an Appendix to Mr. Starr's Report on Mr. Foster's death, by order of the Special Division for the Purpose of Appointing Independent Counsels of the United States Court of Appeals. The media received the Report and its Appendix, much of which is reprinted above. Despite the obvious historical significance of evidence of the FBI cover-up in the case being ordered attached to the Independent Counsel's Report, the media suppressed its existence. Some of the articles even mentioned Patrick's name, but not his Court-ordered Appendix. On the evening of October 10, 1997, Peter Jennings announced that Starr's report should "satisfy even the most ardent conspiracy theorists." (Only three out of ten Americans believed him. )
In October of 1998, Patrick's Amended Complaint was filed (before the expiration of the three-year statute of limitations period for the civil rights violation). It names as defendants United States Park Police Sergeant Robert Edwards, Deputy Chief Medical Examiner James Beyer and his unknown assistant, Deputy Director of the FBI Robert Bryant, FBI agents Lawrence Monroe and Russell Bransford, unknown FBI Lab technicians, Scott Bickett, and the group of men who harassed Patrick: Ayman Alouri, Abdel Alouri, and 24 John Does. The press ignored it.
Those are the developments in the case, each of which occurred in October of the last four years. They were the harassment in October of 1995, the filing of the suit in October of 1996, the Court-ordered Appendix to the OIC's Report in October of 1997, and the filing of the Amended Complaint in October of 1998. The media still fails to apprise the public of these facts.
We cannot explain it, but, despite the fact that evidence of the cover-up is obvious, no major news organization has ever assigned a single reporter to the case. Our efforts to apprise members of the press have been steadfastly rebuffed. The press has acted mostly as a conduit for the official announcements and conclusions of the executive branch, like a public relations department, or the press in countries that do not enjoy the same guarantees of free speech as we do. By its attacks on doubters as conspiracy theorists, the media has a record of turning questions of fact in the case into questions of the motives of those who question the official conclusion, and even into questions of mental stability.
Besides repeating the official conclusions, the media's reporting of the facts of the case is generally limited to the verdict of depression. In light of the physical evidence in the case, the facts of which the press has yet to report, the print on the depression verdict could be the basis of a study on the role of the press during the progress of the cover-up.
Here we simply point out what is now manifest. After six years of anobvious cover-up under the nose of the Washington press corps, the media has a powerful interest in keeping the facts of the case from public view. Mike Wallace remarked on 60 Minutes that some people even accused him of being "a part of the conspiracy." He is not. But his most valuable professional asset, his credibility, as well as the credibility of his industry, will be diminished when the existence of the conspiracy is no longer a secret. Today, suppressing the truth of Mr. Foster's death is a matter of professional self-preservation for numerous members of the news media.
Immediately after this filing is unsealed, it will have been delivered to every major news organization in America. Every day that goes by without its being reported makes the point that much stronger. The media just will not inform the public what it knows of the truth in the case.
End excerpt pages 440-442




Endnote 33: The media
March, 1996, Report of Witness Tampering provided to: Sarah Fritz & Tom McCarthy, LA Times; Robert Hohler, Boston Globe; R.W. Apple, New York Times; Marilyn Rauber, John Crudele, & Steve Dunleavy, N.Y. Post; Jerry Seper, Wash. Times; Anne Devroy, Wash. Post; Michael Isikoff, Newsweek; Micah Morrison, Wall Street Journal; Lou Kilzer, Denver Post; editor, Chicago Tribune; editor, Philadelphia Inquirer; Jack Loftis, Houston Chronicle; Charles Zehren, Newsday; Jamie Dettmer, Insight on the News; Washington editor, Reuters News Agency; Pete Yost, Associated Press; Brian Gaffney, Dateline NBC; Ted Koppel; Julia Malone, Cox News; Lisa Tutman, Cox Broadcasting; HardCopy; Unsolved Mysteries; Inside Edition.
Representatives from the following media organizations present at a November 12, 1996 press conference on the steps of federal District Court in Washington, unsealing Patrick Knowlton's civil rights lawsuit: CNN, Insight on the News, Wash. Post, N.Y. Times, Wash. Times, ABC News, NBC News, CBS News, Fox News, Time Magazine, N.Y. Observer, Cox News, among others.
Media accounts of the October, 1997 release of the OIC's Report on Mr. Foster's death, mentioning Patrick Knowlton's name but failing to report the existence of his Court-ordered Appendix:
S. Labaton, Report of Foster's Suicide portrays a
depressed man, N.Y. Times, October 11, 1997: The report also dismisses the testimony of Patrick Knowlton, a witness who says he was at the park the day Foster died and did not see his car but did see a person who stared at Knowlton menacingly. The report concludes that there is no reliable evidence that anyone at the park "had any connection to Foster's death."
B. York, Vince Foster, In the Park, with the Gun, The Weekly Standard Magazine, October 27, 1997: Byron York is an investigative writer with the American Spectator *** [C]onspiracy theorists... have already begun to complain about Starr's treatment of Patrick Knowlton, a motorist who says that on July 20 he stopped in Fort Marcy to relieve himself and saw a man in a car who stared at him menacingly... But Starr found no other evidence to support Knowlton's story, and the report mentions the incident only briefly.
M. Morrison, In Re: Vincent Foster, Wall Street Journal, November 25, 1997: "Most of the other allegations, including the recollections of much-touted witness Patrick Knowlton, represent the confusions inevitable in any large investigation of a dramatic event."
Some responses from journalists when asked by the authors whether they are interested: George Will, Feb., 1996: "We're not interested in that [Foster case]; Fred Barnes, Feb. 23, 1996: "Conservatives should ignore the death of Vincent Foster and stick to the real issues... It was a suicide... No, I don't want to meet Patrick Knowlton;" Tim Russert, Feb. 29, 1996: "I appreciate your taking the time... It is important to have your input;" James Stewart, March 20, 1996: "Now I think it is too much of a coincidence that he [Foster] would be that depressed and then that somebody would somehow move in and fake some kind of crime. Life just doesn't work like that;" Haynes Johnson, May 28, 1996: "You have raised provocative questions;" Ted Gest, 1996: "Our magazine [Newsweek] covers consumer issues, that is not the kind of story we cover, try one of the daily papers;" James Whalen (St. Paul Journalism Prof.), "If there was anything suspicious about Foster's death the Washington press would cover it;" Paul Gigot (Wall St. J.), July 23, 1996: "Foster committed suicide. Everything points to that... No, I don't want to meet him [Patrick Knowlton] and you probably think I am part of the conspiracy;" Michael Barone, July 30, 1996: "I'm not going to defend the coverage of Vincent Foster by U.S. News & World Report, I do not know enough about the Foster story;" Jerry Seper (Wash. Times), Oct. 17, 1996: "I don't cover Foster, I'm covering Whitewater. Ask George Archibald, he has been assigned the Foster story;" George Archibald, Oct. 24, 1996: "Foster is dead. I don't cover Foster... My time is limited;" Eugene Meyer (Wash. Post), Nov. 5, 1996: "No, it's not my job... I don't care about your friend;" Karen Ballard (Wash. Times), Nov. 5, 1996: "Why don't you write the story;" William Kristol, Nov. 8, 1996: "Amazing... What kind of work does Mr. Knowlton do?" Candy Crowley (CNN), Kwame Holman, Peter Kenyon (NPR), Nov. 19, 1996: "If it was reported I would cover it... I have to cover other news, it's not my job;" Carl Stern, Michael McCurry, Marlin Fitzwater, & Charles Bierbauer (CNN), Feb. 13, 1997: "We don't know anything about it;" Cokie Roberts, April 13, 1997: "Thousands of reporters have looked into the death of Vincent Foster and everyone including the numerous investigations have concluded that his death was a suicide;" Paul Harvey, July 16, 1997: "The death of White House counsel Vincent Foster has now been investigated four times including Kenneth Starr's most recent one and all four have reached the same conclusion. There was no conspiracy, no cover-up, it was suicide;" Mike Wallace, July 23, 1997: "Just wait until Ken Starr's report is released, then you can apologize to me;" Tom Sherwood, WRC-DC, July 31, 1997: "I can't believe there would be a cover-up... Why don't you contact Mike Isikoff;" Michael Isikoff, Aug. 13, 1997: "[I] do not have enough evidence to go with the story about Patrick Knowlton's allegations;" Martha Malan, (St. Paul Press), Oct. 12, 1997: "We don't have the resources to cover the Foster story... No, I don't want to talk to Patrick Knowlton;" John Crudele (N.Y. Post), Nov., 1997: "I don't believe there is a cover-up;" Steve Labaton, (N.Y. Times), Nov., 1997: "The court had to attach your submission;" Bob Zelnick, May 30, 1998: "[There isn't] any credible evidence that Vincent Foster was murdered. Can I ask to change the subject?" Harold Hostetler, June 25, 1998: "Mr. Knowlton does appear to be an honest and forthright person who is sticking up for his principles and beliefs. However, I do not see this as a potential story for Guideposts;" Sam Fullwood (L.A. Times) at Sanford Ungar AU forum (with L. Brent Bozell III, Karen DeYoung & Bill Plante), Sept. 8, 1998: "It's not my kind of story... Why don't you post it on the Internet then everyone will know... Why don't you write a book, you could make lots of money;" Matt Drudge, "I'll read this [written materials] but I was just about ready to believe the body was moved and now you're saying he was murdered;" Frank Sesno, Sept. 24, 1998: "I'll look at this;" Helen Thomas, Oct. 7, 1998: "[T]his should be reported to the American people;" Helen Thomas, April 9, 1999: "Q. I gave you the addendum to Starr's Report. Will you write about Patrick Knowlton? A. No... I don't have time. Q. Can I quote you? A. No. Q. You said then that his story should be reported. A. It is very unfair of you to do this to me. Just forget it."

Attacks on Patrick Knowlton's mental stability: Excerpt from Knowlton v. Edwards et al, USDC, DC, CA No. 96-2467:
170. Defendants also accomplished their object of publicly discrediting Plaintiff. On November 24, 1997, a book review entitled The Secret Life of Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, written by Michael Isikoff, appeared in the widely circulated Weekly Standard Magazine. In it, Isikoff wrote:

* * *
Evans-Pritchards' work, such as it is, consists of little more than wild flights of conspiratorial fancy coupled with outrageous and wholly uncorroborated allegations offered up by his "sources" - largely a collection of oddballs... and borderline psychotics.
* * *
Back in Washington, Evans-Pritchard breaks one of his big stories: Patrick Knowlton, a construction worker who stopped to urinate at Fort Marcy Park on the afternoon of Vince Foster's death and -- here's the key part -- recalls seeing a mysterious "Hispanic-looking" man lingering around the parking lot. No sooner has Evans-Pritchard popped this bombshell in the Telegraph than, Knowlton reports, menacing-looking men in business suits begin following him and staring really hard at him...
* * *
But for the moment I prefer my own conspiracy theory: Evans-Pritchard doesn't believe a word he has written... designed to discredit critics of the Clinton White House by making them look like a bunch of blithering idiots.


* * *
The next day, November 25, 1997 another book
review, entitled Conspiracy Central, authored by Jacob
Cohen, appeared in the widely circulated National
Review Magazine. In it, Cohen wrote:

* * *
...Patrick Knowlton, who claims that he came to the park at 4:30 on the afternoon of July 20 to relieve himself, and at that time saw in the parking lot a brown Honda with Arkansas plates...
* * *
He insists that a very sinister-looking man was hovering around the parking lot and may have monitored his peeing... Knowlton seems to have a penchant for seeing the sinister in the glances of those he meets... Mysterious cars follow him, he says. Carefully organized teams of men constantly pass him and his girlfriend on the streets, giving them very menacing stares... Apparently, they are present during every walk Knowlton takes, so that any experimental stroll will reveal them. One wonders, is there a school that teaches federal agents this methodology of intimidation?

An analysis of the use of the media during the progress of the cover-up could include:
(1) A comparison of the initial published accounts of Mr. Foster's demeanor (no noticeable signs of distress) to the accounts that suddenly began appearing upon the "discovery" of torn note six days after the death (rapid weight loss and other symptoms consistent with severe depression);
(2) The alliance between the Washington press corps and the Justice Department -- permanent institutions of government;
(3) The chilling effect on witnesses of the steady
stream of press leaks that the OIC was soon to issue a report validating earlier official conclusions (see January 1995 Scripps-Howard wire reporting Starr's suicide conclusion appearing the same day that the OIC began grand jury proceedings into the death, February, 1995 Wall Street Journal feature quoting sources close to Starr as saying the case had been closed as a suicide, October, 1995 60 Minutes piece declaring that Starr's suicide report would be out shortly, December, 1995 Fox News report that Starr's Washington office was to issue a suicide report within six weeks, July, 1996 60 Minutes piece declaring that Starr had concluded the death was a suicide and that a report would be issued that summer, November, 1996, Newsweek cover story by M. Isikoff quoting unidentified sources as saying that the suicide report was to be released imminently);
(4) Years of repeating of the official suicide
conclusion in stories about other matters, like
the OIC's Supreme Court litigation of its
subpoena of attorney James Hamilton's notes of a
consultation he had with Mr. Foster shortly
before the death;
(5) Pulitzer Prize winning journalists who
misreported the Foster story: Haynes Johnson,
David Broder, Bob Woodward, Anthony Lewis, Mary
McGrory, James Stewart, and Mike McAlary;
(6) The accounts of the death in virtually every book written on the Clinton Presidency: Bob Woodward, The Agenda, Simon & Schuster, 1994; David Brock, The Seduction of Hillary Clinton, Free Press, 1996; Haynes Johnson & David Broder, The System, Little & Brown, 1996; James Stewart, Blood Sport, Simon & Schuster, 1996; Gary Aldrich, Unlimited Access, Regnery, 1996; R. Emmett Tyrrell, Boy Clinton, Regnery, 1996; HowardKurtz, Spin Cycle, The Free Press, 1998; Ann Coulter, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, Regnery, 1998; Michael Isikoff, Uncovering Clinton, Crown Publishing, 1999; George Stephanopoulos, All Too Human, Little Brown & Company, 1999; Lanny J. Davis, Truth To Tell, Free Press, 1999; Joyce Milton, The First Partner, William Morrow & Company, 1999; Helen Thomas, Front Row At The White House, Scribner, 1999;
(7) Unpublished accounts of witnesses -- in addition to Patrick Knowlton -- who contacted members of the news media to report what they know of the cover-up.
W. Barret, Freedom to Steal, Why Politicians Never go to Jail, New York Magazine, February 4, 1980: Crooked politicians have nothing to fear in New York. Contrary to much of the post-Watergate anti-corruption ballyhoo, the three United States attorneys who have served in Foley Square for the last ten years have failed to make a single case against a crooked politician within their jurisdiction. As astounding as it may seem, not since the legendary Carmine DeSapio was convicted back in 1969 for bribery has a top politician or any of the thousands of public officials in the Southern District's territory -- Manhattan, the Bronx, and Westchester -- found himself in handcuffs. It is uncertain whether this pattern of timidity on the part of the politically appointed prosecutors will change now that John S. Martin has been designated by Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan to replace Robert B. Fiske in the prestigious post... The failure on the part of the federal prosecutors in the Southern District to involve themselves in political-corruption cases is one of the most fascinating, if unspoken, mysteries in city government. The end of Fiske's term, in March will, in fact, conclude a ten-year period in which Nixon- and Ford-appointed U.S. Attorneys have presided over the transformation of the Southern District into a red-light district for political corruption. *** The description of all political-corruption cases handled during the first three years of Fiske's term consumes only 6 of the 187 pages enumerating major cases in the U.S. attorney's annual reports. *** [T]he former WNEW-TV reporter who broke much of the Velez story, recalls numerous meetings with Weinberg and Fiske. "Once I know I brought them absolute, cold evidence of a crime," he said... but nothing happened. *** Charges of campaign-finance irregularities had been made [against Al DelBello] ...Fiske closed it [the grand jury] four months after he opened it... [and] sharply limited this inquiry... *** Fiske's office terminated an eight-month probe of the city's most political bank. Jack Newfield's recent piece on Staten Island Congressman Murphy in the Village Voice centers on an alleged $50,000 bribe *** [It] has now been quietly closed without result. *** Then U.S. Senator James Buckley delayed Fiske's appointment for several weeks because of his concern that Fiske's long-standing connections to Morgan Guaranty, one of the city's six major banks... Fiske did not "recuse" - the legal term for withdrawing... *** Nonetheless, six months after the SEC final report, Fiske released a one-page statement closing the securities case... There are a number of other cases, reported in the media, that have been covered by Southern District silence and inactivity... *** Agents from various federal departments say they prefer to work with assistants from other offices where assistants are closer to the streets and more willing to work with agents as partners... Fiske, for example, has a hard-and-fast rule that assistants are not to do field work with agents, a rule that has no parallel in other, neighboring federal districts. The price we all pay for these relationships and priorities is a federal jurisdiction where official corruption appears legally impenetrable.
Compare Now You Know..., Wash. Post June 22, 1998: President and Hillary Rodham Clinton fed the hands that bite them Friday night, hosting more [than] 1,000 White House reporters, spouses and progeny at a South Lawn carnival.*** But tickled reporters jammed the Ferris wheel, arcade, merry-go-round and Twister, a stomach-churning pendulum. Nothing could kill the horde's locust like appearance for children, sausages, ice cream and cotton candy.
End excerpt pages 504-510 from Failure of the Public Trust
a





https://books.google.com/books?id=TrRvqYQL_soC&pg=PA99&lpg=PA99&dq=fbi+media+paul+harvey&source=bl&ots=mZi55tlTn8&sig=R9_3cKoSzRZOi1roICqBz6ufO-E&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiS353Q2Z3VAhUo_IMKHXeeAbsQ6AEIODAJ

Surveillance in America: Critical Analysis of the FBI, 1920 to the ...
https://books.google.com › books
Ivan Greenberg - 2012 - ‎History
Critical Analysis of the FBI, 1920 to the Present Ivan Greenberg ... a Black Panther-styled organization.17 The popular radio commentator Paul Harvey worked in concert with the FBI for about 20 years (1952-1972).





https://muse.jhu.edu/article/223510/summary


Project MUSE - Media Manipulation - muse.jhu.edu - Johns Hopkins University
Johns Hopkins University › muse
by T Osborne - ‎2007
As Bob Herzberg's The FBI and the Movies details, Hoover was a master of media manipulation. ... He hired a PR man to publicize the Bureau and cultivated the country's top columnists, Walter Winchell, Drew Pearson, ...





http://www.marquette.edu/library/archives/Mss/FBI/FBI-sc.shtml

FBI Investigation and Surveillance Records - Scope and Content Note | Marquette Archives | Raynor Memorial Libraries | Marquette ...
Marquette University › Mss › FBI › FBI-sc
These documents also depict the relationship between the FBI and the media and the FBI and Congress. Series 20, Senate ... Journalist Walter Winchell was a friend of J. Edgar Hoover for over thirty years. This ...




https://books.google.com/books?id=POYyBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA15&lpg=PA15&dq=fbi+media+walter+winchell&source=bl&ots=4qMYKdP5Qk&sig=LOIRW1hTA2VWuTLdTD564hWTWus&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjap8aM253VAhXnz4MKHfpEAz04ChDoAQgtMAY#v=onepage&q=fbi%20media%20walter%20winchell&f=false


The FBI and the Movies: A History of the Bureau on Screen and ...
https://books.google.com › books
Bob Herzberg - 2006 - ‎Performing Arts
Even this colorful collection of Bureau characters pales besides the media hotshots who worked to promote the Bureau. The most famous of them all was, of course, Walter Winchell. From the ¡920s to the ¡950s, it was ...




http://www.globalresearch.ca/how-the-media-conned-the-public-into-loving-the-fbi/5377247

How the Media Conned the Public into Loving the FBI | Global Research - Centre for Research on Globalization
Global Research › ca › how-the-media-c...
Apr 9, 2014 - A review of “Hoover's FBI and the Fourth Estate: The Campaign to Control the Press and the .... Foes were denied access to FBI information, while friends, like famed columnist Walter Winchell, got ...



http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/5142-operation-mockingbird/?page=4

Operation Mockingbird - Page 4 - JFK Assassination Debate - The ...
Invision Power Services › educationforum › ...
The FBI most important media asset was Walter Winchell. According to Sullivan: “ Winchell was probably the first nationally known radio commentator developed ...
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