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Jose de la Trinidad of Culver City was shot seven times, all from behind, according to the coroner.
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Widow’s lawsuit: NYC police officer killed himself over supervisor’s demands for sex

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Border Patrol agents deny sex acts during circus performance

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Posted: 02/07/2013

VISTA, Calif. - Two Border Patrol agents accused of committing lewd acts in public took the stand in their own defense Wednesday claiming that no inappropriate behavior occurred during a performance of Cirque du Soleil's "Totem."

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Cop-on-cop crime in LA: American blowback

February 8, 2013

by George Ciccariello-Maher and Mike King

Yesterday was not simply a day like any other, and yet an entire system is grinding into motion to ensure that the peculiarities of the day be promptly forgotten: Another crazy person lost it and committed unthinkable acts. The act of killing stands in and speaks for the person: Look what he has done. Of course he must be crazy. Case closed.

Christopher Dorner, a Navy reservist, posed in 2006 for a picture with current Oakland Police consultant William Bratton, who was then LAPD chief, for a police newsletter story on a program honoring officers who also served in the military.
What they want you to see is just another Adam Lanza, just another inexplicable act, and when the act speaks for the assailant, words are secondary and there is no need to listen. But this is not, and has never been, a good way to understand reality.

What they want you to forget is the sheer strangeness of what is happening in Los Angeles. Christopher Dorner allegedly killed a police officer and two civilians. This was not a random shooting by a right-wing gun-nut mourning the loss of the “Real America.” Here is a man with good things to say about liberal democrats, a supporter of heightened gun control, a former LAPD officer and Navy reservist, targeting his own institution, which he accused of racism, violence and corruption.

Dorner’s ‘Last Resort’

We know all of these things because what is most peculiar about this entire case is the written testament that Dorner has left us. In a letter titled only “Last Resort” and addressed to “America,” he makes clear his grievances, his objectives and the rationale behind his actions – a chilling declaration of war on the Los Angeles Police Department.

The press is busy citing only those bits of the statement which make Dorner seem crazy: when he addresses Tim Tebow or Larry David, for example, or when he laments the fact that he will not survive to see “The Hangover 3.” (See, for example, Buzzfeed’s “Everything You Need to Know,” which conspicuously says very little.)

In a letter titled only “Last Resort” and addressed to “America,” he makes clear his grievances, his objectives and the rationale behind his actions – a chilling declaration of war on the Los Angeles Police Department.

But the vast majority of the letter paints a picture of someone who, while clearly undergoing some sort of mental break, is astonishingly lucid as to the causes and candid as to what he intends to do about it. These causes and these intentions, regardless of what you may hear on MSNBC or Entertainment Tonight – both will essentially carry the same message – begin and end with the LAPD.

The LAPD has long played a vanguard role in white supremacist policing in the United States. Whether it be the conscious recruitment of racist cops from the South in the 1960s under William Parker – sparking the 1965 Watts Rebellion – or the continuity of well-worn brutal methods under Darryl Gates – sparking the massive 1992 L.A. Rebellions – there has been little new under the sun.

Even after 1992, when change seemed for a moment inevitable and when the Bloods and Crips had, themselves, laid down arms and put forth a plan to rebuild the city, this long-needed transformation didn’t materialize. Instead, South Central became South L.A., Gates was canned and the LAPD forcibly destroyed the gang truce. Nothing had changed.

It wasn’t long before the next scandal. Toward the end of the 1990s, what many had already known became public knowledge: that the LAPD, and especially the Rampart Division, routinely brutalized suspects and planted evidence. As a result of this revelation, the LAPD was charged under the RICO Act (as a Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization) and placed under the federal oversight of a consent decree that would only be lifted in 2009.

The bullet-ridden coin mailed to Anderson Cooper by Christopher Dorner had been given to Officer Dorner by then LAPD Chief Bill Bratton. – Photo: CNN
Not coincidentally, “Globocop” Bill Bratton, currently en route to advise the Oakland Police Department amidst widespread public opposition, is credited with cleaning up the LAPD, and Dorner’s statement appears on many websites alongside a picture of the former officer beaming alongside Bratton. It has emerged that Dorner mailed evidence to Anderson Cooper last week, including a gift from Bratton, on which he wrote, “Thanks, but no thanks Will Bratton.”

According to Dorner’s statement: “The department has not changed since the Rampart and Rodney King days. It has gotten worse. The consent decree should never have been lifted. The only thing that has evolved from the consent decree is those officers involved in the Rampart scandal and Rodney King incidents have since promoted to supervisor, commanders, and command staff, and executive positions … Are you aware that an officer… seen on the Rodney King videotape striking Mr. King multiple times with a baton on 3/3/91 is still employed by the LAPD and is now a Captain on the police department? … As a commanding officer, he is now responsible for over 200 officers. Do you trust him to enforce department policy and investigate use of force investigations on arrestees by his officers?”

According to Dorner’s statement: “The department has not changed since the Rampart and Rodney King days. It has gotten worse. … Are you aware that an officer… seen on the Rodney King videotape striking Mr. King multiple times with a baton on 3/3/91 is still employed by the LAPD and is now a Captain on the police department? … As a commanding officer, he is now responsible for over 200 officers.”

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Details of suspended police inspector Doel's hearing to stay secret

P Feb 11, 2013 3:47 PM ET



The presiding officer ruled Monday to keep hearings closed in a high-profile case regarding suspended Hamilton Police inspector David Doel.

“I'm critically aware of the public interest,” said presiding officer Robert Fitches, a retired OPP superintendent, during a pre-hearing motion. “On the other hand, there is ... responsibility of retaining information on Ms. Y.”

Lawyer Gary Hopkinson, representing the female complainant referred to as Ms. Y, said neither he nor his client want to be subjected to public scrutiny, and that any information released would be damaging to her personal and professional life.

“I can't sit here and presume to be Yoda [and open and close the door to the public],” Fitches said during the public portion of the hearing. “The danger is far too great.”

David Doel faces a total of 14 charges of misconduct under the Police Services Act.

Monday was the first day of proceedings for Doel, whose offences date as far back as 2006.

Doel faces a total of 14 charges of misconduct under the Police Services Act, including allegedly having sex while on duty, keeping pornography on his work computer, using police phone and video equipment for personal use, and using the national criminal database for personal use.

Doel, a high earner from the police service, has been suspended with pay for the past three years. He is listed on the province's Sunshine List as earning $140,725.94 in 2011.

Fitches first ruled in December that the hearings would be closed to the public in order to protect to privacy of the female complainant.

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Maryland Today — Police trainee remains critical after shooting

  February 13, 2013
 police trainee remains critical after shooting

The Baltimore police commissioner has suspended some training academy staff after a campus police trainee was shot in the head by an instructor.

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NYPD Sergeant Alberto Randazzo, 36, is arrested after cops find child porn on his computer: police

Randazzo is a 15 year veteran of the NYPD

Tuesday, February 19, 2013, 12:18 AM
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Raid Of The Day: Robin Pratt, Shot And Killed In Front Of Her Daughter


In March 1992, police in Snohomish County, Washington conducted six simultaneous raids on members of the same extended family. An informant had implicated the targets of the raids for the robbery of an armored car and the murder of its driver a year earlier.

One of the raids was on the home of Larry and Robin Pratt. The informant had implicated Larry Platt. Though police knew there were likely to be innocent people and possibly children in the house, they decided on the pre-dawn, no-knock raid instead of confronting Pratt as he was coming or going to work. The police had also obtained a key to the apartment from a landlord, but decided instead to enter the residence by slamming a 50-pound battering ram through a sliding glass door.

As they executed the raid, shards of glass flew out toward the Pratts' six-year-old daughter and five-year-old niece sleeping nearby. The police confronted 28-year-old Robin Pratt as she came out of her bedroom to see what was wrong. She immediately dropped to her knees. She briefly raised her head, looked at Dep. Anthony Aston, and said, "Please don't hurt my children." Aston then fired a single bullet into Pratt's neck. She bled out and died in front of her daughter.

The police then went to the bedroom, where they confronted Larry Pratt and put a gun to his temple. When he asked if he could move, the officer said if he did, he'd blow Pratt's head off.

Police later learned that the informant had been lying -- he admitted as much. Every one of the raids conducted that morning were waged against innocent families. The police never bothered to check the informant's statements with the accused before confronting them and their families with violence. If they had, they'd have found that every one of the people he had implicated -- including Larry Pratt -- had solid alibis disproving the informant's story.

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Cop Says He Was Fired For Reporting Officers Who Threatened President Obama and First Lady


A policeman in Richmond, Virginia says he fired for telling a local news stations about threats that other officers made against President Obama and Michelle Obama.


WTVR reports:

The whistleblower told CBS 6 last year that the inappropriate comments were made by a 20-year police veteran who was talking on the phone to an officer assigned to provide outside security for the president and first lady. The whistleblower reported that the veteran suggested the officer “take a couple of shots . . .” and that another voice in the background talked about planting a bomb under the stage.

The Secret Service investigated and found no criminal act, but the two officers were fired amidst the furor. The fired officers have been fighting to get their jobs back.

The officer  told a CBS 6 reporter that he was terminated from his job because of the interview he gave CBS, which his supervisors say was a violation of the police department’s policy.

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How Our Romanticizing of Police Creates a Constant Monster

The LAPD’s Frankenstein


The most striking fact about ex cop Christopher Dorner’s rampage against his brothers in blue is that it stems from the LAPD’s apparent cover-up of a single, minor excessive force incident of the kind we seldom talk about, ubiquitous though it is.

Beyond that, the story intersects so many contemporary issues it reads like a morality play: A seething police mob hunts a renegade black cop who declared war on them and their families for firing him for reporting his training officer’s use of excessive force. They go on a rampage themselves, shooting several innocent people along the way before cornering their quarry in a cabin and, it appears, deliberately setting it ablaze – all amid a national debate about whether anyone other than the military and police should be allowed to keep assault weapons under the Second Amendment, which some are arguing was drafted to protect the power of militias to hunt fugitive slaves and crush revolts. You might say the Dorner story takes a manifesto to understand it properly.

Pundits across the spectrum, from former Portland and D.C. Police Chief Charles Moose to civil rights activist Van Jones, say don’t examine Dorner’s motives; doing so only dignifies the actions of a cop killer and domestic terrorist. Despite their command, though, a healthy riot of discussion has sprung up in the blogosphere and social media among citizens exasperated with perpetual police brutality, racism, and lying. Dorner is not a hero, he is a wanton murderer who targeted not only those he claimed wronged him, but their families and random officers. But the notion that he forfeited his grievance because he resorted to violence robs us, not him, of the lessons to be learned.

Whether or not Dorner’s training officer unnecessarily kicked a mentally ill man in the head and chest and covered up the incident in 2007, there is no question the LAPD fired Dorner for violating the police officer code of silence by accusing his trainer, not because he lied, as the Department absurdly found. First, it is virtually unheard of for police departments to terminate officers for false reporting. Lying is not a disqualifier but a virtual criterion for the job of police officer, as former Seattle Police Chief Norm Stamper observed in his memoir, Breaking Rank. Second, there was ample evidence the brutality in fact occurred, including Dorner’s several pained inquiries to confidantes about what to do before he officially reported it. He had no incentive to breach the code of silence, and everything to lose by doing so.

But even if the evidence had not fully supported Dorner’s allegation, there was no basis for concluding he lied, let alone firing him for reporting it, a move which is also contrary to the basic principle of encouraging whistleblowers to step forward. As such, at least part of Dorner’s gripe is valid on its face, namely that despite the LAPD’s success in diversifying its ranks since the Rodney King and Rampart scandals of the 1980s and 90s exposed a culture of bigotry, brutality, and dishonesty, it has not remedied the second and third items on that list – problems which are endemic to police forces.

The reality, too well known to the marginalized and dispossessed, but little known to their affluent fellow citizens on the other side of town, is that modern paramilitary police operate with virtual impunity, in a vacuum of both institutional accountability and societal ignorance and apathy. They patrol the urban streets with a siege mentality, regularly harassing and administering street justice to people they know wouldn’t dare complain, or whose word wouldn’t stack up against theirs anyway.

There is a degree of alienation which stems from having your complaints fall on the deaf ears of people in the hierarchy of repression, such as captains, district and city attorneys, judges, and mayors. But a different and more explosive kind of alienation builds from watching members of your own supposed community coddle and worship the oppressor, deny there’s a problem because it isn’t part of their experience, and at regular intervals negate your own experience as jurors of your so-called peers. As a former cop, Dorner is not the typical victim of a police gang up. But when his fellow officers walled him off for trying to do the right thing, it festered in him like a regular victim of police abuse, as he made clear in trying to wake us up with his manifesto.

Those who would lay this tragedy exclusively at Dorner’s feet and table further inquiry play into the hands of people who prescribe more social control as a panacea for all that ails us domestically, including more laws, more police, and more powerful police arsenals. To such fortress Americans, the blue line will always be too thin, because they hide themselves and their wealth behind it. They start from the anti-historical notion that every act, or mere utterance, of anti-government violence or rhetoric is necessarily the product of a diseased mind which must be neutralized. Yet they thrill to the truly insane spectacle of thousands of cops in military tech fanning out over hundreds of square miles in vague pursuit of one armed assailant, all itching to be the gunslinger to put a bullet in his skull, menacing the public in countless untelevised ways along the path on top of shooting several innocent people. In cheering for such demented drama, we also help produce it, collateral damage and all. Like in war. The real disease is systemic apathy to the plight of others making us all complicit but detached drone pilots. Whatever lip service we pay to the nostrum that violence is a last resort, we want and expect it like a Hollywood ending, so much so that we have confused reason and patience for a boring plot.

This is the point where the journalist is virtually conscripted to say: Dorner was a lunatic who clearly was not going to let himself be taken alive. But that conclusion is really code for, he deserved to die, and we experienced collective catharsis by killing him. The question isn’t whether anyone will miss him. The question is, what so constrained his choices that he so constrained ours, spilling so much blood? Because government is far mightier than the individual, it has more choice and greater responsibility to pause, reflect, and avoid an emotional responses. Instead, we’ve spiraled into a vortex of emotional responses. We’re more bravado and cowboy swagger, more shoot first ask questions later, than we were when those frontier myths were getting made. Our romantic fascination with police makes us practical extensions of their viscera, causing us to over-feel and under-question their behavior. In so doing, we helped to write both Dorner’s violent beginning and his violent end.

The San Bernardino County Sheriff denies deliberately torching the cabin where Dorner made his last stand by deploying pyrotechnic tear gas canisters known for their propensity to start fires. But intercepted police audio reveals an officer yelling early in the shootout, “Burn that fucking house down…Fucking burn that motherfucker.” Later, another officer exclaims, “burn it down.” The Sheriff and various spinmeisters dismiss this as the emotional upwelling of a few individuals unrelated to the tactical decision to smoke Dorner out, not burn him out, after he refused to surrender. They add condescendingly that the gas canisters are called ‘burners,’ hence our confusion. But the grammar doesn’t make sense. “Tear gas that fucking house down?” Numerous police experts question the decision and the explanation. It certainly wouldn’t be the first time police intentionally set fire to an occupied structure. Witness the FBI’s execution by fire of white supremacist Robert Mathews on Whidbey Island, the Philadelphia police firebombing of the MOVE house, and of course, Waco. The Sheriff is promising an inquiry – not into the decision, but into the cops’ careless utterances. Already, the cover-up has begun. But given the public’s apparent comfort with assassination, it might not be long before police can openly embrace ‘the tactical use of fire.’ From an online troll’s lips (burn that motherfucker) to a policymaker’s ear. So progresses American democracy.

Those who clamor for unfettered police power to confront the Dorners of the world are oblivious that Dorners are also the products of state violence and control, which expects total obeisance in the midst of widening structural inequality, and puts you down on the ground – or in it – just for questioning authority. You don’t have to be a political scientist to understand that this combination produces quiescence in the masses for only so long before it ignites rebellion.

Had Dorner’s narrative not culminated in such tragedy, it might be a thing of allegorical beauty. The LAPD created a monster who, fueled by rage and unbridled by reason, set out on a rampage to avenge the sin of his twisted creation. Had the LAPD sincerely investigated the claims of a whistleblower, nine fewer people would be dead or injured. What goes around comes around. We’re all in this together.

Ben Rosenfeld is a civil rights attorney in San Francisco, and a Board Member of the Civil Liberties Defense Center based in Eugene, Oregon.

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Haiti’s Nightmare: The Cocaine Coup and the CIA Connection
By Global Research News
Global Research, March 01, 2013
The Shadow and Global Research 25 February 2004
Region: Latin America & Caribbean
In-depth Report: HAITI
 4  2

by Paul DeRienzo

Originally published by The Shadow no. 32, April/June 1994, published on Global Research 4 days before the February 29, 2004 Coup d’Etat

It was a day before the scheduled return of Haiti’s exiled president Jean Betrand Aristide, and it was clear that the October 30, 1993 deadline for a return to democratic rule in the western hemisphere’s poorest nation could not occur. Aristide, a Roman Catholic priest who had been elected nearly three years before with 70 percent of the vote in Haiti’s first free election, was speaking to a packed session of the United Nations General Assembly.

In a dramatic move, Aristide told the diplomats that the military government of Haiti had to yield the power that was to end Haiti’s role in the drug trade, a trade financed by Colombia’s Cali cartel, that had exploded in the months following the coup. Aristide told the UN that each year Haiti is the transit point for nearly 50 tons of cocaine worth more than a billion dollars, providing Haiti’s military rulers with $200 million in profits.

Aristide’s electrifying accusations opened the floodgate of even more sinister revelations. Massachusetts senator John Kerry heads a subcommittee concerned with international terrorism and drug trafficking that turned up collusion between the CIA and drug traffickers during the late 1980s’ Iran Contra hearings.

Kerry had developed detailed information on drug trafficking by Haiti’s military rulers that led to the indictment in Miami in 1988, of Lt. Col. Jean Paul. The indictment was a major embarrassment to the Haitian military, especially since Paul defiantly refused to surrender to U.S. authorities. It was just a month before thousands of U.S. troops invaded Panama and arrested Manuel Noriega who, like Col. Paul, was also under indictment for drug trafficking in Florida.

In November 1989, Col. Paul was found dead after he consumed a traditional Haitian good will gift—a bowel of pumpkin soup. Haitian officials accused Paul’s wife of the murder, apparently because she had been cheated out of her share of a cocaine deal by associates of her husband, who were involved in smuggling through Miami.

The U.S. senate also heard testimony in 1988 that then interior minister, Gen. Williams Regala, and his DEA liaison officer, protected and supervised cocaine shipments. The testimony also charged the then Haitian military commander Gen. Henry Namphy with accepting bribes from Colombian traffickers in return for landing rights in the mid 1980’s.

It was in 1989 that yet another military coup brought Lt. Gen. Prosper Avril to power. Under U.S. pressure Avril, the former finance chief under the 30-year Duvalier family dictatorship, fired 140 officers suspected of drug trafficking. Avril, who is currently living in Miami, is being sued by six Haitians, including Port-au-Prince mayor Evans Paul, who claim they were abducted and tortured by the Haitian military under Avril’s orders in November 1989. According to a witness before Senator John Kerry’s subcommittee, Avril is in fact a major player in Haiti’s role as a transit point in the cocaine trade.

Four years later, on the eve of Aristide’s negotiated return as Haiti’s elected president, a summary of a confidential report prepared for Congress and leaked to the media says that "corruption levels within the (Haitian military-run) narcotics service are substantial enough to hamper any significant investigation attempting to dismantle a Colombian organization in Haiti." The report says that more than 1,000 Colombians live in Haiti using forged passports of the neighboring Dominican Republic. The Dominican Republic leader Joaquin Balaguer opposes the UN blockade of Haiti, and maintains close ties with the Haitian military. The road connecting Port-au-Prince with the border town of Jimini in the Dominican Republic is the only well paved route in Haiti, and serves as the lifeline for the regime. Despite the embargo and U.S. naval blockade of Haiti, the road to the Dominican Republic has become not only the route for oil tanker trucks breaking the embargo, but the major route for cocaine shipments as well.

Fernando Burgos Martinez, a Colombian national with major business interests in Haiti, has been named in congressional records as a major cocaine trafficker, brazen enough to do business with other Colombian drug dealers on his home telephone. One DEA source says both the U.S. embassy and Haitian government have been pressed unsuccessfully to authorize wiretaps, despite DEA allegations that Martinez has been involved in every major drug shipment to Haiti since 1987.

The Kerry report claims Martinez is the "bag man" for Colombia’s cocaine cartels, and supervises bribes paid to the Haitian military. According to Miami attorney John Mattes, who is defending a Cuban-American drug trafficker cooperating with U.S. prosecutors, Martinez was paid $30,000 to bribe Haitian authorities into releasing two drug pilots jailed in Haiti after the engine in their plane conked out, forcing them to land in Port-au-Prince.

Martinez claims innocence from his lavish home in Petionville, an ornate suburb where Haiti’s ruling class live, overlooking the slums of the capital. He runs the casino at the plush El Rancho Hotel, that prior to the embargo realized nearly $50 million in business each week, a cash flow adequate to conceal a major money laundering operation.

But the most disturbing allegations have been of the role played by the CIA in keeping many of the coup leaders on the agency’s payroll, as part of an anti-drug intelligence unit set up by the U.S. in Haiti in 1986. Many of these same military men have had their U.S. assets frozen, and are prevented from entering this country because of their role in overthrowing Aristide, and subsequent human rights violations, including torture and murders of political opponents, raising the question—was the U.S. involved in a cocaine coup that overthrew Aristide?

War on Drugs and Human Rights Violations

When thousands of U.S. soldiers went crashing into Panama to arrest Manuel Noriega on December 20 1989, the administration of President George Bush justified the action as a major victory in the war on drugs. The cost of that victory was played down in the rush of propaganda hailing a rare victory, in a war where the light at the end of the tunnel isn’t often seen. The White House claimed casualties were low, 200 Panamanians killed along with about 20 U.S. soldiers. Bush declared the price worth the achievement of ending Panama’s role as banker and transit point for cocaine smuggled from the cartels of Colombia.

But the human cost turned out to be a great deal larger then the official pronouncements. A lawsuit brought by New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights on behalf of 300 victims of the Panama invasion, charges that the casualties were actually more than 2,000 killed, that the assault left 20,000 homeless and damages exceeding $2 billion. Mass graves were unearthed after the invasion, and hundreds of victims buried in U.S.-made body bags were discovered, and eyewitnesses testified that they saw U.S. troops throwing the bodies of civilians into trenches. These revelations moved the OAS to open an investigation into possible human rights violations by the United States during its invasion of Panama, the first such investigation of a U.S. intervention ever mounted by an international body.

The gunfire had barely subsided in Panama, and General Noriega was hardly settled into his new digs in a federal prison, when another battle in the war on drugs seemed won. In Haiti, decades of brutal dictatorship seemed to be passing, with the election of President Jean Bertrand Aristide to lead the Caribbean nation of six million. It was a time when dreams of a better future by Haiti’s impoverished people seemed within reach.

But it wasn’t long before the dream was transformed into a nightmare. Less than a year after the election, on September 30 1991, Haiti’s army launched a ruthless coup d’etat that forced Aristide into exile. The coup ushered in yet another period of military repression in Haiti’s tortured history—a history marked by twenty years of U.S. military occupation, beginning with the 1915 crushing of a popular revolt by U.S. Marines.

Human rights groups report that Haitians killed in the repression following the coup may be more than 3,000. More than 2,000 others were seriously injured, including victims of gunshots and torture. The OAS imposed an embargo that failed to topple the coup leaders, but forced negotiations, brokered by the UN at Governors Island in New York last July. There coup leader General Raoul Cedras agreed to allow Aristide to return in exchange for an end to the embargo.

Yet as the date for Aristide’s return grew near, the military began a campaign of terror against their opponents. The killings peaked in the days before the scheduled return of Aristide, with the brazen murder of Antoine Izmery, a businessman and key Aristide backer, who was abducted from a cathedral and gunned down on a busy city street. Later, Guy Malary, Aristide’s justice minister, was also killed, and his body left by a roadside.

President Bill Clinton publicly expressed his support for Aristide’s return to Haiti, and sent the transport USS Harlan County, with hundreds of troops, to insure the transition to democracy. But at the port where the ship was to dock, pro-military government thugs staged a demonstration, prompting the Harlan County to turn back. It was shortly after the images of dead U.S. troops dragged through the streets of Somalia had shocked Americans, and provided an excuse for the Clinton administration to back off from what promised to be another open-ended intervention.

The Boys From the Company

Meanwhile, the CIA was openly running a full-scale disinformation campaign against Aristide. Ultra-conservative North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms, a leading opponent of Aristide, brought CIA analyst Brian Latell to Capitol Hill in October, to brief selected senators and representatives on allegations that Aristide had been treated for mental illness. It turned out that the time during which the CIA report alleges Aristide was treated at a Canadian hospital falls within the same period that Aristide was studying and teaching in Israel. Latell also said he "saw no evidence of oppressive rule" in Haiti.

While Helms was a long-time backer of the brutal dictatorship of Jean Claude Duvalier, the Democrats have their own ties to the human rights violators and drug dealers who rule Haiti.

Former Democratic party head and current secretary of commerce Ron Brown headed a law firm that represented the Duvalier family for decades. Part of that representation was a public relations campaign that stressed Duvalier’s opposition to communism in the cold war. United States support for Duvalier was worth more than $400 million in aid to the country, before the man who called himself Haiti’s "President-for-Life" was forced from the country.

Even Duvalier’s exit from Haiti, in February 1986, is shrouded in covert intrigue and remains an unexplored facet of the career of Lt. Col. Oliver North. Shortly after Duvalier’s ouster, North was quoted as saying he had brought an end to "Haiti’s nightmare", a cryptic statement that was never publicly perused by the Iran-Contra hearings.

The CIA and the Cocaine Connection

As Jesse Helms was using the CIA to slag Aristide in the media, an intelligence service in Haiti set up by the agency to battle the cocaine trade, had evolved into a gang of political terrorists and drug traffickers. Three former chiefs of the Haitian National Intelligence Service (NIS) are now on the list of 41 Haitian officials whose assets in the United States were frozen for supporting the military coup.

The CIA poured millions into the NIS from its founding in 1986 to the 1991 coup. A 1992 DEA document describes the NIS as "a covert counter-narcotics intelligence unit which often works in unison with the CIA." Although most of the CIA’s activities in Haiti remain secret, U.S. officials accuse some NIS members of becoming "enmeshed" in the drug trade. A U.S. embassy official in Haiti told the New York Times that the NIS "was a military organization that distributed drugs in Haiti."

Aristide’s exiled interior minister Patrick Elie says the relationship between the CIA and NIS involves more than drugs. Elie told investigative reporter Dennis Bernstein that "the NIS was created by the CIA." Created, Elie says, to "infiltrate the drug network". But Elie adds, the NIS, which is staffed entirely by the Haitian military, spends most of its resources in "political repression and spying on Haitians."

After the 1991 coup, Elie maintains that the drug trade took a "quantum leap", taking control over the national Port Authority through the offices of Port-au-Prince Police Chief Lt. Col. Michel Francois. It was Francois’s thugs, called attaches, who were primarily responsible for the waves of political killings since the coup.

United States government sources say the NIS never provided much narcotics intelligence, and its commanding officers were responsible for the torture and murder of Aristide supporters, and were involved in death threats that forced the local DEA chief to flee the country. Connecticut Senator Christopher Dodd, who sits on the Foreign Relations Committee and received extensive CIA briefings, said that the drug intelligence the U.S. was getting came "from the very same people who in front of the world are brutally murdering people."

Legacy of Corruption

In the early 1980’s, when Haiti was still under Duvalier’s rule, the drug trade in Haiti was the province of individually corrupt military men associated with Duvalier’s powerful father-in-law. By 1985 the cocaine cartels began to seek transit points for the booming cocaine industry. A natural candidate was Haiti lying just south of the Bahamas—another favorite transit route.

Haiti is particularly attractive to the drug smugglers because the most direct route from the Colombian coast to Florida lies through the Windward passage between northern Haiti and eastern Cuba. Port-au-Prince is approximately 500 nautical miles north of Colombia and 700 miles southeast of Miami. A former agent in charge of the Miami DEA, Thomas Cash, told Senator Kerry’s committee that Haiti’s attraction to smugglers is aided by dozens of small airstrips, the lack of patrols over Haitian airspace and the total lack of any radar monitoring approaches to the country. Combined with the legendary corruption of public officials, these conditions make Haiti a "very fertile ground" for drug traffickers.

In fact, infamous drug trafficker George Morales told Kerry that during the mid 1980’s "I used the isle of Haiti mainly as a parking lot, as a place that I would place my aircraft so they could be repaired." When asked if he shipped drugs through Haiti, Morales replied, "Yes, I did," adding, "its something which is done fairly commonly."

Since then the role of Haiti in the drug trade has grown, and the profits to the Haitian officials involved have skyrocketed. This may explain the difficulty Aristide experienced during his short rule, in trying to interdict drug shipments. A confidential DEA report provided to Michigan Representative John Conyers told of the case of Tony Greco, a former DEA agent in Haiti, who fled for his life in September 1992, following the arrest of a Haitian military officer charged with drug running.

Patrick Elie says he got no assistance from the Haitian military in attempts to interdict drug shipments. And when Greco received information in May 1991 that 400 kilos of cocaine were arriving in Haiti, the DEA man watched helplessly as the drugs were delivered to waiting boats. Greco told Elie that the military was "conspicuously absent" at a moment they knew drugs were coming in.

Greco said he finally gave up and fled the country after he received a telephone death threat against his family from a man who identified himself as "the boss of the arrested officer". Greco says only army commander Raoul Cedras and Port-au-Prince police chief Michel Francois, leaders of the 1991 coup, had his private number.

Despite Tony Greco’s experiences, the DEA defends their continuing presence in Haiti. There are currently two DEA agents still stationed in the country, and the DEA has continued its contacts with the military following Aristide’s ouster, despite the DEA’s admission that over 26,400 pounds of cocaine entered the United States in 1993, transhipped through Haiti with the cooperation of the military.

The DEA remains defensive of its contacts with the Haitian military. Agency spokesperson William Ruzzamenti says, "Quite frankly and honestly, we have gotten reliable and good support in the things we’re trying to do there." He acknowledged that the DEA has received reports of Haitian army officers’ involvement in the drug trade, but said that the reports "have not been verified."

The International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, released in April by the U.S. Department of State—Bureau of International Narcotics matters, says the "current level of detected air and maritime drug-related activity in Haiti is low." On the subject of official corruption, the report says the United States "does not have evidence directly linking senior government of Haiti officials to drug trafficking, though rumors and (unsubstantiated) allegations abound." Responding to the State Department report, Representative Major Owens, who heads the Haiti committee of the Congressional Black Caucus, told the SHADOW that the State Department’s failure to act on evidence of corruption by Haiti’s military commanders was a "good question" the government has failed to answer. Owens says Secretary of State Warren Christopher is guilty of a "double standard" motivated by "racism" against Black Haitian refugees.

The Shadowy World of Col. Francois

Most Haitians believe that Port-au-Prince police chief Col. Michel Francois and his elder brother Evans currently run the drug trade. Col. Francois has gained that control and become one of Haiti’s most powerful men , by recruiting hundreds of police auxiliaries or "attaches", to control and eliminate his rivals. Francois commands his own independent intelligence service that spies on opponents and allies alike, while running a protection racket for local drug traffickers. Michael Ratner, an attorney with the CCR, says Francois and former dictator Prosper Avril are the rule behind the facade of General Cedras.

Francois and his men have a history of involvement in the torture of opponents and death-squad-style murders of Aristide supporters. In one recent incident, attaches mobbed Port-au-Prince City Hall to prevent the capital’s mayor, Evans Paul, an Aristide supporter, from entering his offices.

One person was killed and 11 wounded during the September 8th incident, when the mob opened fire on Aristide supporters. Witnesses say the attack began when attaches dragged two of Paul’s aides from a car, viciously beating an Aristide official. Francois is also considered responsible for the murder of Justice Minister Guy Malary.

Journalist Dennis Bernstein writes that Francois was trained at the U.S. Army’s School of the Americas , known in Latin America as La Escuela de Golpes, the school of coups. Originally based in Panama, the SOA was moved to Ft. Benning, Georgia in 1984. In its 40-year history, the SOA has trained 55,000 military personnel from Latin America, including the late Salvadoran death squad leader Roberto d’Aubuisson.

On April 21st 1994, a convicted Colombian drug trafficker, Gabriel Taboada, who is in the fifth year of a 12-year sentence in a Miami federal prison, fingered Francois at a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee hearing chaired by Senator John Kerry. Taboada testified that Lt. Col. Francois collaborated in shipping tons of cocaine to the United States during then 1980’s.

Taboada said he met Francois while he was in the Medellin, Colombia office of drug king Pablo Escobar, in 1984. During a thirty minute conversation, Taboada told Francois he was a car importer. Francois, he said, asked "why wasn’t I in the drug business since the drug business made good money."

Speaking through an interpreter, Taboada said: "I asked him what his business was and he said that at the time he was in Medellin arranging a cocaine deal." Taboada said he later learned that Francois was Chief of Police in Haiti.

Taboada told the committee that the cartel "took planes out of Colombia and landed in Haiti, protected by the Haitian military. Michel Francois protected the drugs in Haiti, and then allowed the drugs to continue to the United States." Taboada also told the subcommittee that Haitian military figures often met Medellin cartel members in Colombia, including strongman Prosper Avril, who along with Francois, has long been linked to the drug trade in Haiti.
- See more at: http://www.globalresearch.ca/haitis-nightmare-the-cocaine-coup-and-the-cia-connection/5324698#sthash.YNS1zNbc.dpuf
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Burglars poison Richmond officer's dogs

March 6, 2013
Burglars poisoned a Richmond police K-9 officer's two dogs before breaking into his home and stealing guns and other items, police said Wednesday.

The incident unfolded about 6 a.m. Friday when the officer's wife called him while he was at work, saying their 2-year-old black Labrador retriever, Trax, was seriously ill, said police Lt. Bisa French.

The officer returned home, secured his police canine, a Belgian Malinois, in a kennel in the yard and, along with his wife, took the Labrador retriever to a veterinary hospital.

The dog's food had been poisoned, and it died the next day, French said.

When the couple returned from the vet, they found that the police canine had also been poisoned - and their house burglarized - in their absence, meaning somebody had probably been staking out their home and waiting for them to leave, French said.

The police dog is recovering, she said.

The burglars made off with three "sporting guns," two handguns and other items, French said.

Police believe the burglars knew that an officer lived in the home.

"It's frightening that somebody would target him specifically, that they would not only burglarize the house but also harm the dogs," French said.

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Cops’ firing for drugs reversed
Report slams testing
March 7, 2013

Six Boston cops fired after testing positive for cocaine have been ordered reinstated — with back pay — after a state board struck down hair tests as 
unreliable in a bombshell ruling that could have a far-reaching impact on how city workers are drug-tested.

In a stunning, 134-page ruling, the Massachusetts Civil Service Commission this week ordered the six cops back on the job, finding that “the present state of hair testing for drugs of abuse ... does not meet the standard of reliability necessary to be routinely used” to fire someone.

“Hair testing for drugs of abuse has not achieved general acceptance within the scientific or law enforcement communities,” the board wrote. “A reported positive test result is not necessarily conclusive of ingestion and ... may or may not justify termination.”


The six ex-cops — Richard Beckers, Ronnie Jones, Jacqueline McGowan, Shawn Harris, Walter Washington and George Downing — failed drug tests when cocaine showed up in their hair samples in the early to mid-2000s, records state. They all appealed and the board ruled that all should be reinstated with back pay to October 2010, which is when Civil Service took on the case.

For McGowan, the positive test was her second — and she testified before the commission that she was formerly a “regular” cocaine user, the ruling states. Attempts to reach all the officers last night were unsuccessful.

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ATF Admits Mistakes Were Made During Botched Raid at Milwaukee Store

The head of the ATF’s St, Paul Field Division acknowledged mistakes were made during a botched undercover sting operation of gun and drug dealers at a store in Milwaukee, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reports.

The Journal Sentinel recently exposed serious problems during a 10-month ATF sting. Among them: the theft of nearly $40,000 in merchandise; an agent’s machine gun was stolen; wrong suspects were charged; and sensitive information about undercover help was lost.

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Police officer fined $2 for striking man

, Saturday, March 9, 2013

LOUISVILLE, Ky. (AP) — A Louisville police officer has been fined $2 after being convicted of official misconduct and harassment for striking a handcuffed suspect multiple times.

A Jefferson District Jury on Friday fined officer David Graham $1 for each of the charges stemming from the March 31, 2012 arrest of 19-year-old John R. Sanders. A videotape of Sanders' arrest shows Graham poking Sanders multiple times in the throat and slapping him.

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Landlord says she was shackled to hospital bed for 17 days after cops broke her leg

A Brooklyn landlord says she was shackled to a hospital bed for 17 days after cops broke her leg during a wrongful arrest in the hallway of her Flatbush building. Karen Brim, 42, claims an NYPD officer threw her to the ground, severely fracturing
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Kadner: Calling the FBI on a ticket fix

March 11, 2013

If a police officer goes to the FBI every time he’s asked to fix a traffic ticket by superiors, can he be trusted?

And if the FBI investigated every such complaint, would it ever have time to arrest an organized crime figure or terrorist?

Those and many other questions came to mind due to a decision Monday by the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago regarding a lawsuit by David Kristofek, a former part-time police officer in Orland Hills.

Kristofek contends that he was fired after announcing to colleagues that he had gone to the FBI to complain about a political fix in the police department. His suit seeking financial damages names the village and Police Chief Thomas Scully, who fired him.

Orland Hills administrator John Daly said the lawsuit was “frivolous” and declined further comment.

Kristofek claims that he stopped a vehicle for traffic violations in November 2010, and the driver could not provide the car’s registration or proof of insurance.

As Kristofek was writing a ticket, the driver mentioned that his mother was a former mayor of another suburb and a passenger in the car (apparently the driver’s girlfriend) handed the officer a cellphone, according to the suit. It says the caller was the driver’s mother, who asked Kristofek not to arrest her son.

By this time, other officers arrived on the scene, and Kristofek, ignoring the mother’s request, took the motorist into custody, the suit says.

Back at the police station, Kristofek was filing paperwork on the arrest when he contends that other officers told him to stop what he was doing, delete computer files related to the case and report to a deputy chief. Kristofek told the deputy chief of his displeasure at being forced to make the arrest disappear, according to the suit.
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Former DEA Chiefs May Profit From Illegal Pot, Critics Say

March 8, 2013 RSS Feed Print

Two of the former Drug Enforcement Agency officials who came out this week urging the federal government to nullify new state pot laws in Washington and Colorado are facing criticism for simultaneously running a company that may profit from keeping marijuana illegal. 

Robert L. DuPont, who was White House drug czar under Presidents Nixon and Ford, and Peter Bensinger, who was administrator of the Drug Enforcement Administration in the 1970s, today run Bensinger, DuPont & Associates, a company that specializes in workplace drug testing, among other employee programs. Both men signed an open (along with eight other former DEA officials) addressed to Senate Judiciary Committee members this week criticizing the Obama administration for failing to quickly address the new states laws legalizing pot, which are inconsistent with federal law.

[PHOTOS: Marijuana Through the Years]

But a number of supporters of marijuana legalization are upset over what they consider are conflicts of interest for the former drug czars who helped pen the letter.

Paul Armentano, deputy director of the pro-marijuana nonprofit NORML, points to DuPont and Bensigner's work in drug testing as problematic.

"These individuals still have financial and professional interests in ancillary businesses and endeavors that benefit from keeping marijuana illegal," he says. "So there's a lot of bluster to imply the sky is falling, while to the rest of the public this is no big deal." Armentano cites a number of recent public opinion studies on pot, including a 2011 study from Gallup that found at least half of America today supports legalizing marijuana.

Howard Wooldridge, a lobbyist for the pro-marijuana legalization group Citizens Opposing Prohibition, says he doesn't have a problem with former DEA officials making money by using their expertise. "They understood during their time at the agency that this was going to be a long-running policy, and they realized the financial possibilities and they acted on them." But Wooldridge says he was disturbed by the letter this week because it "promotes the policies that line their pocketbook."

In their letter, the former DEA officials called marijuana "a dangerous and addictive drug" that "significantly impacts" a number of aspects of society—including employee productivity.

Both DuPont and Bensigner tell Whispers the law, and not their company's work, was the motivation for the letter. Bensigner maintains that only 15 percent of their business is drug-related, while DuPont notes that the company consults on how to set up workplace drug testing but does not actually conduct the tests.

[READ: Where and How Can You Smoke Pot Legally Now]

According to its Web site, Bensinger, DuPont & Associates provides "full-service" drug testing for employers, which includes everything from developing company policy to selecting a laboratory to training supervisors.

"In a sense that's true," DuPont says of whether the company benefits from keeping marijuana illegal. But he argues the company could also benefit from marijuana legalization, "because the problems it would create for employees would be greater."

Even if the two men don't financially profit from keeping marijuana illegal, Ethan Nadelmann, executive director of the New York-based Drug Policy Alliance, says they benefit in other ways.

"They realize they are going to suffer the fate of the people who ran the bureau of prohibition [of alcohol] in the '20s and '30s, and that must be a little demoralizing," he says. "So they are justifying their legacy and their life's work."

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DEA Tight-Lipped about Investigation into Prostitution Scandal in Colombia

The DEA is refusing to answer questions about three of its agents who are still on the federal payroll despite their alleged involvement in a prostitution scandal in Colombia, the Washington Examiner reports.

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Taser incident in Pittsburgh Following Complaints of Civil Rights Violations

The incident captured a national audience after a cell phone video caught Detective Frank Rende walking up to a man and pointing a Taser in his face.

The detective has a long disciplinary history, the Post-Gazette reported.
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L.A. County Sheriff's Department party ends in violence

A fundraiser being hosted by Los Angeles County sheriff’s officials Thursday night ended in violence, with one guest arrested and more arrests possible, a spokesman confirmed.

Sheriff’s deputies were hosting a party at Cities, a bar and restaurant in East Los Angeles, to raise money for an annual law enforcement relay race. About 2 a.m. Friday, there was an altercation that involved off-duty deputies and guests.

One woman invited to the party was arrested on suspicion of assault with a deadly weapon on a police officer. Her deadly weapon was a high-heel shoe she allegedly used to hit a deputy.

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Retired LAPD homicide detective admits killing wife
Dan DeJarnette, who had retired to Hawaii, pleads guilty to manslaughter after bludgeoning his wife, Yu, with a jack stand for a car.

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Retired LAPD homicide detective guilty of killing wife

March 26, 2013

A retired LAPD homicide detective pleaded guilty to manslaughter in connection with the fatal beating of his wife in Hawaii seven years ago, authorities said Monday.

Dan DeJarnette, 59, who was arrested at his Big Island home in May, pleaded guilty March 15 to manslaughter while under extreme emotional distress. He faces up to 20 years in prison in connection with the slaying of his wife, 56-year-old Yu DeJarnette, whose body was found in November 2006 on a lava embankment about 20 feet from the couple's home in Ka'u on the southern end of the island.

Police said he bludgeoned her with a jack stand for a car.
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see link for video and full story   http://97rockonline.com/law-student-confronted-by-police-for-carrying-gun-in-public-video/


    25 Feb 2013 at 6:03 PM

Mouthy, Gun-Toting Law Student Talks Back To Police Officer, Doesn’t Get Shot 51 Times
By Elie Mystal   

I think I’m supposed to like this story: A man was walking along the street, enjoying a legal activity. He was stopped and harrassed by a police officer, and instead of giving in, he used his legal training to argue with the officer and defend his rights. Truly one of the best uses of a law degree is intellectually defending yourself “when they come for you” as it were.

Normally, I’m a fan of this kind of thing.

But the “legal” activity this guy was “enjoying” was walking around with a firearm. And his way of talking to the police officer sounded less like Atticus Finch and more like a punk bitch.

And I can’t shake the feeling that if this guy were black, if this was an African-American male strutting around with a firearm who then got mouthy with the police and refused to show ID, he be sitting in The Tombs right now.

Or the morgue…

Look, I’m a black man in New York. I know that I can get stopped for any reason or no reason whatsoever. In this city, they stop black people for carrying a backpack.

When I get stopped or have any interaction with the police, Elie the aggressive internet guy disappears and is replaced by Elie the guy who wants to live. I say “sir.” I make no sudden movements. I say “may I please reach into my back pocket and retrieve my identification for you, sir?” That’s right, when confronted by law enforcement, I’m Christoph Waltz, not Django.

But I guess the rules are different for white people. Check out this cell phone video of a guy getting stopped by an officer for walking around with his gun. The incident happened a while ago, but I’m just now seeing the video.

The officer here isn’t well trained and seems, shockingly, intimidated by the guy’s legalese.

But contrast the officer’s behavior here to this recording captured by a black guy named Alvin who was stopped for, as far as anyone can tell, walking around with a backpack. From the Nation:

    In the course of the two-minute recording, the officers give no legally valid reason for the stop, use racially charged language and threaten Alvin with violence. Early in the stop, one of the officers asks, “You want me to smack you?” When Alvin asks why he is being threatened with arrest, the other officer responds, “For being a fucking mutt.” Later in the stop, while holding Alvin’s arm behind his back, the first officer says, “Dude, I’m gonna break your fuckin’ arm, then I’m gonna punch you in the fuckin’ face.”

    “He grabbed me by my bookbag and he started pushing me down. So I’m going backwards like down the hill and he just kept pushing me, pushing me, it looked like he we was going to hit me,” Alvin recounts. “I felt like they was trying to make me resist or fight back.”

Yeah, black guy with a backpack asks about probably cause, and gets threatened with assault. White guy with a firearm does the same thing, and the cop starts bumbling like an idiot.

And, unlike the situation with the black guy and the backpack, this cop had a pretty legitimate (if not legal) reason for stopping the guy. Let me remind you that he was carrying around a freaking gun. And this isn’t an isolated incident. In the very same city where this kid mouthed off to this cop, a guy brazenly walked around with an assault rifle a few days after the Newtown massacre. In both cases, these guys were taking advantage of Maine’s open carry laws, right after the Newtown shooting, apparently to prove some kind of stupid point about liberty.

Maine is so white they call the ice black. But I gotta think that if I was walking around with a weapon, there wouldn’t have been the same kind of respect for Maine’s dangerous gun laws. It’d be great if people in Maine pulled these stunts to illustrate that the law is stupid instead of menacingly glorifying their sense of liberty.

Not that I would be the one trying to prove such a point to any police officers in the area. I’ve decided to accept that there’s a double standard here. I don’t like it, but I’m leaving the “picking a fight with police officers about firearms” to the white guys in the audience.

Stopped-and-Frisked: ‘For Being a F**king Mutt’ [VIDEO] [The Nation]

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Chronicling police oversight in West Virginia
April 27, 2011
The commandant of the State Police Academy has contacted the Troopers Association to say the ...
April 26, 2011
The chief of staff for Senate President Earl Ray Tomblin called state Treasurer Joh ...
April 25, 2011
The current and former presidents of the West Virginia Troopers Association union have both been ...
April 2, 2011
New W.Va. State Police chief leaves retirement to lead troopers
March 13, 2011
A bill designed to stop problem police officers from moving from department to department won approv ...
March 10, 2011
State Police Superintendent Col. Timothy Pack is retiring, effective Wednesday. ...
March 10, 2011
Christopher Winkler solicited teen boy in parking lot, State Police say
A Princeton police officer who was knocked unconscious and got a blood clot in his brain while train ...
March 3, 2011
A Kanawha County jury found today that former State Police trooper Derek Snavel ...
March 2, 2011
The woman accusing a former West Virginia State Police trooper of forcing her to have sex t ...
March 1, 2011
The woman accusing a former State Police trooper of forcing her to have sex with him testified Tuesd ...
February 28, 2011
Derek Snavely is accused of forcing woman into sex
Former West Virginia State Police trooper Derek Snavely testified Monday that he didn't force a ...
February 20, 2011
The bill that will stop problem police officers from moving from department to department now h ...
February 19, 2011
A former Pocahontas County sheriff's deputy whose certification was revoked after he drunkenly ...
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BACK HOME AND GETTING BETTER Prison-conditions whistleblower Deane Brown, exiled for media contact. CREDIT Lance Tapley

On Valentine's Day, prisoner Deane Brown, who sounded an alarm that drew international attention to the savagery of solitary confinement and other abuses in the Maine State Prison's "supermax" unit, was returned to the Warren prison after an exile of more than six years.

On March 12, the American Civil Liberties Union told an international commission that Maine had become a model for how solitary confinement can be reduced.

With these two events, a nearly eight-year-old chapter in the struggle for prison reform in Maine may have closed.

"We could all take a moment to feel good about what has been achieved," reflected Maine Prisoner Advocacy Coalition (MPAC) co-coordinator Jim Bergin.

In 2005, Brown not only spoke out but also organized other supermax prisoners to be interviewed by the Phoenix. In 2006, to try to end his connection to the Maine news media, the Department of Corrections shipped him to violent, racial-gang-ridden prisons in Maryland and, in 2010, to the New Jersey State Prison in Trenton.

The supermax abuses Brown and other inmates described — especially, prolonged isolation's destructive effects on mentally ill prisoners — are still common across the country. But they are increasingly recognized as torture. The ACLU report calls solitary confinement "barbaric."

Referring to his whistleblowing, Brown, 49, said in a recent prison interview, "I'd do it all again tomorrow."

He has returned to a changed prison. The first change he mentioned was the huge reduction in the number of inmates held in the supermax because less-harsh disciplinary methods have been substituted for solitary confinement. Guards may defuse disruptive situations simply by talking with prisoners.

And "guards aren't going out of their way" now to rile up prisoners, Brown said.

He noted, however — confirming other reports — that not all guards have accepted the changes. Some "feel their hands are tied," he said. They say they fear the new policies will lead to more inmate violence.

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