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joeb Show full post »
a species that hires mercenaries to protect them looses the ability
to protect themselves, especially against their bodyguards,
and are doomed to extinction

see link for full story

 Courthouse News Service
Monday, August 19, 2013Last Update: 9:42 AM PT
Judge Claims NYPD Crushed His Larynx

     BROOKLYN, N.Y. (CN) - New York City police crushed the larynx of a Queens County Supreme Court judge with a karate chop and then conspired to cover up the attack, the judge claims in Federal Court.
     Queens County Supreme Court Judge Thomas D. Raffaele, 70, claims in a $300,000 lawsuit that the New York City Police Department and Queens District Attorney's office conspired to cover up the June 1, 2012 attack on him in Jackson Heights.
     In the 43-page lawsuit, Raffaele claims he went to help a homeless man in the neighborhood who was being attacked by police.
     Raffaele says he heard the handcuffed homeless man pleading with unknown officers, "I beg you please stop, I beg you please stop," while police assaulted him in front of a swelling crowd.
     Raffaele says he called police and urged the crowd to move away from the man being assaulted.
     He claims police arrived and threatened many in the crowd who were filming the attack with cell phones. He says police threatened local shop owners not to provide security footage of the incident.
     An unknown officer "charged up" to the judge, shoved him and then "using a karate chop-like" hit him in the neck, Raffaele says in the complaint.
     He claims police refused to take an official statement from him that he had been attacked, and then tried to hide the unknown officer's identity.
     The judge says he went to the hospital that night and was diagnosed with a crushed larynx.
     One month later, Raffaele says, he met with the New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board, Queens County Assistant District Attorney Daniel O'Leary and the NYPD's Internal Affairs Bureau. He says assistant District Attorney Peter A. Crusco told him, "There was not enough evidence to prosecute," though the entire incident was caught on security cameras.
     Raffaele says the DA's office was told that he had aggressively charged into the perimeter of a crime scene, that an officer merely touched him once on the chest and that the reason his throat hurt was because he was yelling during the incident.
     The Queens District Attorney's Office issued a statement in August 2012 that Raffaele had entered the "safety perimeter that police officers attempted to establish around the incident" and merely tried to separate him from the growing crowd, according to the lawsuit.
     Raffaele claims Commissioner Ray Kelly failed to investigate the incident "after stating to the press that he would 'check into it.'"
     Although Kelly was quoted in The New York Times as saying that an investigation was ongoing, Raffaele claims Kelly never contacted him.
     He seeks $300,000 for conspiracy, unreasonable force, battery and violations of his constitutional rights.
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How is that bodyguard thing working out for you?

see link for full psychological profile

Secret Service Agent Found Guilty in SC Plot
September 3, 2013

A former Secret Service has been sentenced to five years in prison for plotting to kidnap a retired South Carolina judge.

A judge handed down the sentence Tuesday after an Oconee County jury found 55-year-old James Bartee guilty of solicitation to commit a felony. Bartee was also sentenced to five years of probation.

Bartee was arrested during a May 2012 hearing while he was running for Oconee County sheriff. Authorities said he was worried a hearing would reveal he didn't have the qualifications to be sheriff and paid an informant to kidnap a former judge who was going to testify against him.
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You deserve the best serial killing mercenary returning from Iraq that your tax dime can buy,eh?

a species that hires serial killing mercenaries to protect them looses the ability to protect itself and is doomed to extinction
especially when the serial killers turn on them, wink , nod, know what I mean?

see link for full story

Friday, September 06, 2013Last Update: 3:08 PM PT
Where Curiosity Tased the Cat, Immunity Denied

Police may be liable for using a Taser on a man who asked, "What are you doing to Jack," as he watched officers wrestle with his suicidal neighbor, the 9th Circuit ruled Friday.
     Donald and Kristi Gravelet-Blondin stepped outside in slippers one May night in 2008 in Snohomish, Wash., to find out what was going on at their neighbor Jack's house. The police were trying to get Jack out of his car, which, in an apparent suicide attempt, had a hose running from the exhaust pipe into one of its windows. Jack reportedly had a gun, and when he refused to show his hands after turning off the car, officers moved to put him in handcuffs, Tasing him twice.
     The Blondins got within about 37 feet of the scene, heard Jack moaning and saw him pinned on the ground. Donald Blondin said, "What are you doing to Jack?" and faced a barrage of orders to get back. When he didn't move, or didn't move enough, Sgt. Jeff Shelton rushed him with Taser drawn.
     A witness said that Blondin seemed to be "frozen with fear." Shelton warned Blondin that he was about to be Tased, but fired before he finished saying it, according to the ruling.
     "Sgt. Shelton tased Blondin in dart mode, knocking him down and causing excruciating pain, paralysis, and loss of muscle control," the ruling states. "Blondin, disoriented and weak, began to hyperventilate. Sgt. Shelton asked Blondin if he 'want[ed] it again' before turning to Ms. Blondin and warning, 'You're next.'"
     Blondin was later charged with obstructing a police officer, but the case was dropped. The Blondins then sued the city of Snohomish and Shelton for excessive force, unlawful arrest and various violations of state law, including common-law outrage for causing a wife to watch her husband being shot with a Taser

     "His momentary failure to move farther than thirty-seven feet away from officers arresting his neighbor, after merely inquiring into what those officers were doing, can hardly be considered resistance," Judge Michael Daly Hawkins wrote for the three-judge panel. "This is especially so given evidence that Blondin was visibly frozen with fear."
     The Seattle-based panel noted that, in 2008, when the "Tenth Circuit and a number of district courts had found taser use unconstitutionally excessive in some circumstances," the Snohomish Police Department viewed the employment of a Taser as a very light use of force, lighter even then a "firm grip." While this is no longer the department's policy, the city cannot escape the Blondins' claims that it may have played a part in the incident.
     "The city's policy told Sgt. Shelton that tasing nonresisting individuals in circumstances like this one was acceptable," Hawkins wrote. "It informed him that even a firm grip entails more force than a taser and deputized him with the power to tase an individual who presents no threat at all."
     The ruling also states that, about year after the incident with Blondin, Shelton was "reprimanded" on a performance evaluation for "being 'too quick to apply the taser when basic hands on defensive tactics would have brought the subject into compliance.'"
     Writing in dissent, Judge Jacqueline Nguyen argued that the majority had failed to look at the incident from Shelton's point of view.
     "Blondin interjected himself into a rapidly-evolving, highly volatile scene: officers struggling to restrain a combative, armed man in the process of trying to take his own life," Nguyen wrote. "At the time Blondin was tased, two loaded firearms were unsecured. Yet, at every turn, the majority attempts to minimize the precariousness of the situation, thinly splicing the facts to assess Blondin's conduct-and the reasonableness of the officers' response-in a vacuum. It is one thing to resolve disputed facts and inferences in Blondin's favor. But the majority goes well beyond this by choosing to ignore undisputed facts which do not favor Blondin's case. By discounting the danger and abstracting the qualified immunity inquiry, the majority's approach fails to accord appropriate deference to an officer's reasonable judgment exercised under exigent circumstances."
     Timothy Ford of MacDonald Hoague & Bayless in Seattle represented the Blondins. He did not immediately return a request for comment on Friday. Neither did the defendants' attorney, Richard Jolley of Adam Rosenberg, Keating, Bucklin & McCormack in Seattle.
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Beaten and Tasered at School for the Deaf, Parents Claim

     BRIDGEPORT, Conn. Staff members at the American School for the Deaf chased a student into a construction site where police Tasered the boy without warning, his parents claim in Federal Court.
     A.M. is a "profoundly deaf" 12-year-old resident of Bronx, N.Y., who also has attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, according to the complaint in U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut.
     His parents, Audley and Judith Muschette, sued the American School for the Deaf, the town of West Hartford, Conn., two West Hartford police officers and two school employees.
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Embattled Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel Weighs in on New Orleans Police Monitor: Submitted to HP and CST

By G. Flint Taylor


During a week in which Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s disapproval rate on two racially charged local issues skyrocketed, he found time to write a glowing letter to Federal District Judge Susie Morgan in support of former Chicago Police Superintendent Terry Hillard’s bid to become the monitor of the sweeping consent decree that the Department of Justice has obtained to oversee the New Orleans Police Department.

The 122 page decree comprehensively deals with issues of police use of deadly force; supervision, training and discipline; gender bias, domestic violence and sexual assault; arrests, searches and custodial interrogations; crisis intervention; and secondary employment. The decree also provides for transparency, oversight, and community involvement in the form of an interdisciplinary Criminal Justice Coordination Group, a Police-Community Advisory Board, a community based Restorative Justice Project, comprehensive audits, data collection and analysis, and an independent monitor, jointly selected by the parties and approved by the court. Judge Morgan entered the decree this January, and has set a fifth public hearing on the contested question of the monitor for the Superdome on May 28th.

After unsuccessfully trying to back out of the decree, New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu proposed Hillard as the City’s choice for monitor. New Orleans civil rights attorney Mary Howell contacted me to investigate Hillard’s qualifications for the job. In response, I wrote a letter that attorney Howell, who has been courageously fighting against police brutality in New Orleans for more than 35 years, presented with her public comment. The letter set forth Hillard’s role in the continuing cover-up of the Chicago police torture scandal:

When Hillard became the Superintendent in 1998, the Chicago Police Department’s Office of Professional Standards (OPS), after more than a decade of police cover-up and denial, had made an official determination that there was systematic police torture of African American suspects that was led by Police Commander Jon Burge which included the use of electric shock, suffocation, and mock executions; Burge had been fired; and OPS investigators had made specific disciplinary findings that Burge’s “right hand men” had tortured a number of suspects. Hillard’s top aide, rather than acting on these disciplinary findings, summarily overturned them, an act that Hillard expressly ratified. When more than 50 community groups and civic leaders asked him to reverse his decision and mandate an independent investigation, Hillard refused to do so. This conduct led to a continuation of the cover-up and wrongful imprisonment of numerous African-American men for another decade. These actions also provided the basis for Hillard and his aide’s inclusion as defendants in no fewer than five federal court torture/wrongful conviction cases, three of which have been settled for a total of approximately $17,000,000, while the other two are still pending.

The letter also recounted Hillard’s role in two other Chicago high profile cases where he approved the wrongful arrests of two young boys for the murder and rape of 11 year old Ryan Harris and the subsequent arrest of 800 demonstrators who were peacefully protesting the start of the Iraq war.

In response, Hillard solicited a number of letters including from Mayor Emanuel, longtime powerful Chicago Alderman Ed Burke, and former CPD Deputy Superintendent Charles Ramsey. Emanuel, who wrote “as Mayor, a publicly elected official, and as a private citizen,” highlighted his recent appointment of Hillard as chair of the public safety committee in charge of facilitating the highly unpopular closing of 54 Chicago Public Schools. Emanuel also touted Hillard’s “personal integrity and high professional standards” and his confidence that, that, as monitor, Hillard would “play a crucial leadership role” in “helping the people of New Orleans begin to regain trust in their Police Department and the new practices of constitutional policing that will ultimately transform it.”

These letters did not sit well with two longtime veterans of the battles against police brutality and corruption in Chicago. In his public comment, Howard Saffold, a founding member and past president of the African American Police League who acted as the Coordinator of Security for Mayor Harold Washington, recounted how he was compelled to remove Hillard from his security staff, and shined a light on Hillard’s powerful advocates:

Unfortunately, there is absolutely no track record of Hillard, or those who have written in his support, advocating public policy changes in Chicago. It is a sad fact that retaliation from the desk of some of those powerful letter writers still rules here and silences voices of change. In fact, the all-powerful Ed Burke was one of the leaders of the 29 white aldermen who unsuccessfully sought to drive Mayor Harold Washington from power during his first term, and Charles Ramsey was Deputy Superintendent during a period where his direct supervisor, Superintendent Leroy Martin, was actively covering up findings of “systematic” police torture.

In her public comment, Mary Powers, longtime coordinator of Citizens Alert, a Chicago organization which has fought for police accountability for more than four decades, raised Citizen Alert’s “most serious concern” which arose from “Mr. Hillard’s consistent stonewalling of community requests that he employ the authority of his office to reopen investigations of systematic torture by Jon Burge and CPD officers under his command” and “substantially contributed to the continuation of a decades long police torture scandal.”

Historically, New Orleans has been a sister city to Chicago when it comes to a long standing tradition of racially motivated police torture, deadly brutality, and systemic cover-up. In a certain sense then, it should not surprising that New Orleans would seek a kindred spirit from Chicago to “monitor” its Department. Unfortunately, it is also not be surprising that the City’s Mayor and most powerful Alderman would attempt to swing some good old fashioned Chicago clout to help their sister city in police crime. Like their very unpopular move to close 54 Chicago public schools, their war with the Chicago Teacher’s Union, their refusal to apologize to the African American community on behalf of the City for decades of police torture, and their continued funding of Jon Burge’s defense, Emanuel and Burke’s advocacy for Terry Hillard is yet another galling manifestation of their abiding lack of respect for Chicago’s African American community.

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Tampa Police fire former DUI supervisor at center of tainted DUI arrest


TAMPA — Tampa police Sgt. Ray Fernandez may not have known the Jan. 23 DUI arrest outside Malio's steak house was a setup. He may indeed only have been a pawn in lawyers' schemes, used by a close family friend.

But Fernandez lied, the Tampa Police Department announced Friday. And he likely destroyed evidence.

Because of that, the agency fired its former DUI supervisor Friday.

Police Chief Jane Castor, who has faced criticism for her slow start to action, announced his termination at a news conference. "Sgt. Fernandez lost his impartiality and professionalism in dealing with this case," she said.

Fernandez worked for the agency about 19 years. He had been DUI supervisor for seven years and was making a salary of about $92,500, according to the city. He was informed at noon.

According to an internal investigation, Fernandez violated five regulations, including the agency's policy on truthfulness, which is a fireable offense. The FBI is still investigating the events of Jan. 23, and Fernandez does not face criminal charges. He will likely receive his pension, which is $73,196 a year.

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October 18 2013

State Department of Justice fires whistleblower


Division of Criminal Investigation Special Agent Dan Bethards, who is a federally licensed gun manufacturer, holds an AR-15 semi-automatic rifle that he made. Bethards alerted his superiors at DCI and law enforcement that he believed his direct supervisor, Jay Smith, was manufacturing and selling rifles and handguns without a license and had possession of a stolen machine gun. DOJ fired Bethards last week.

The state Department of Justice has fired the agent who alleged his supervisor was illegally selling and manufacturing guns without a license and possessed a stolen machine gun.

In an Oct. 10 letter from Deputy Attorney General Kevin St. John, Division of Criminal Investigation special agent Dan Bethards was accused of numerous rule and policy violations, many of them related to his allegations of misconduct against his former boss, Jay Smith.

Bethards’ allegations sparked an investigation by the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives. In August, authorities declined to press charges against Smith, whom Bethards had accused of making customized weapons without a license for fellow law enforcement agents, including Attorney General J.B. Van Hollen.

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Monday, 21 October 2013 15:43

Police in Florida suburb make millions from drug sting operations, report finds


Off the World News Desk:

Police in Florida suburb make millions from drug sting operations, report finds

“Police in Florida have been luring big-money drug buyers to a small suburban town from across the United States and as far north as Canada, negotiating sales of cocaine in popular restaurants and then arresting the buyers and confiscating their cash and cars.

According to a six-month investigation by the Sun Sentinel, undercover detectives in Sunrise, Fla., seized millions of dollars from the drug stings, offering cash rewards for the confidential informants who help police attract faraway buyers, including paying one informant more than $800,000 over the past five years.

The paper’s investigation has led the police department to stop the cocaine stings, with Mayor Michael Ryan, who supports the police work, blaming the Sun Sentinel for exposing the department’s strategies and compromising the undercover work.

In announcing the end to the program, Ryan did not address the huge overtime payments the police earned, or the expensive incentives rewarding a network of secret informants, the paper reported. In one instance, a sergeant running the stings collected more than $240,000 in overtime during a three-and-a-half year period.”


A great example of how the "war on drugs" has become a corruption-inducing War on the People. - Wes

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Assassinated DEA Agent Kiki Camarena Fell in a CIA Operation Gone Awry, Say Law Enforcement Sources

He Was Killed, They Say, Because "He Knew Too Much" About Official Corruption in the Drug War

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  Baltimore Police Officer Admits to Protecting a Heroin Dealer and Illegally Accessing Police Databases in Fraudulent Tax Refund Scheme
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Police stun stepdad trying to save son from fire

Updated 9:14 pm, Thursday, November 7, 2013

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DeKalb County corrections officer arrested for stealing $325 from detainee

Posted: Nov 20, 2013  SEE LINK FOR FULL STORY

John Weston Culpepper John Weston Culpepper

A former corrections officer at the DeKalb County Detention Center has been arrested for allegedly stealing cash from a detainee, Sheriff Jimmy Harris said.

John Weston Culpepper, 28, of Dawson, was arrested on count of third-degree theft of property and terminated from his position with the county after authorities determined he stole $325 from a detainee in September.

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The NYPD stuck a mop handle up the rectum of Abner Louima, then the taxpayer paid to settle the lawsuit.
three   reads about the NYPD  start here with the bonus read   http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Serpico

1st read


Abner Louima (b. 1966 in Thomassin, Haiti) is a Haitian who was assaulted, brutalized and forcibly sodomized with the handle of a plunger by New York City police officers after being arrested outside a Brooklyn nightclub in 1997.

Background and incident
Photo of Abner Louima taken after his beating. Used in the criminal trial as Government Exhibit #82.

In 1997, 30-year-old Abner Louima was married, had one child, and had been living in Brooklyn for the previous six years. Although he had trained as an electrical engineer in Haiti, Louima worked as a security guard in a water-and-sewage plant in Flatlands, Brooklyn.[1]

On August 9, 1997, Louima visited Club Rendez-Vous, a popular nightclub in East Flatbush. Late in the night, he and several other men interceded in a fight between two women. The police were called and several officers from the 70th Precinct were dispatched to the scene. There was a confrontation between the police, patrons and bystanders involved in the scuffle outside the club. The responding patrol officers included Justin Volpe, Charles Schwarz, Thomas Bruder, and Thomas Wiese, among others. In the ensuing scuffle, Volpe was struck by a "sucker-punch" and identified Louima as his assailant. Volpe arrested Louima on charges of disorderly conduct, obstructing government administration, and resisting arrest. Volpe later admitted he was mistaken about Louima being his assailant.[2]

The arresting officers beat Louima with their fists, nightsticks, and hand-held police radios on the ride to the station.[3] On arriving at the station house, he was strip-searched and put in a holding cell. The beating continued later, culminating with Louima being sexually assaulted in a bathroom at the 70th Precinct station house in Brooklyn. Volpe kicked Louima in the testicles, then, while Louima's hands were cuffed behind his back, he first grabbed onto and squeezed his testicles and then sodomized him with a plunger. According to trial testimony, Volpe then walked through the precinct holding the bloody, excrement-stained instrument in his hand, bragging to a police sergeant that he "took a man down tonight."[4]

Louima's teeth were also badly damaged in the attack by having the plunger handle jammed into his mouth.[5] He testified to the presence of a second officer in the bathroom helping Volpe in the assault but he could not positively identify him. The identity of the second attacker became a point of serious contention during the trial and appeals. Louima also initially claimed that the officers involved in the attack called him a racial slur and shouted, "This is Giuliani-time" during the beating.[6] Louima later recanted this claim, and the reversal was used by defense lawyers to cast doubt on the entirety of his testimony.[7]

The day after the incident, Louima was taken to the emergency room at Coney Island Hospital. Escorting officers explained away his serious injuries being a result of "abnormal homosexual activities". An emergency room nurse, Magalie Laurent, suspecting the nature of Louima's extreme injuries were not the result of gay sex, notified Louima's family and the Police Department's Internal Affairs Bureau of the likelihood of sexual assault and battery.[3] The attack left Louima with severe internal damage to his colon and bladder that required three major operations to repair. He was hospitalized for two months after the incident.[2][7]
Public reaction

The incident provoked outrage among the Haitian and other minority communities in New York City, as well as nationally. On August 29, 1997, an estimated 7,000 demonstrators marched on to the New York City Hall and the 70th Precinct station house where the attack took place. The march was dubbed "Day of Outrage Against Police Brutality and Harassment."[8]

The Abner Louima case was mentioned in the 1998 Amnesty International report on the United States of America among several other cases of reported police brutality, torture and abuse.[9] Amnesty International also uses the incident as a case study on a treatise in the campaign against torture.[10]

Mike McAlary, a New York Daily News journalist, won the 1998 Pulitzer Prize for distinguished commentary for his exposé of the brutalization of Louima by NYPD officers.[11]
Criminal trials
Justin Volpe, after his conviction and incarceration, said he was "sorry".[citation needed]

NYPD officer Justin Volpe initially pleaded not guilty to several counts of violating Louima's civil rights, obstruction of justice, and making false statements to police.[12] Midway through the trial, Volpe changed his plea to guilty, confessing to having sodomized Louima. Despite the fact that Louima had several broken teeth, Volpe denied that he ever struck Louima in the mouth with the stick and claimed that he only put it very close to Louima's mouth. Volpe also admitted that he had threatened Louima's life.[13] On December 13, 1999, Volpe was sentenced to 30 years in prison without the possibility of parole, a $525 fine and restitution in the amount of $277,495.[14][15]

Charles Schwarz was convicted on June 27, 2000 for helping Volpe assault Louima in the bathroom and was sentenced to 15 years in prison.[16] At the time of his conviction, there were numerous questions raised about whether he could receive a fair trial in the highly charged atmosphere.[17] Volpe identified Thomas Wiese, not Schwarz, as the second man in a recorded interview on news show 60 Minutes, a fact not brought up in the trial. The conviction was overturned by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which found that Schwarz was denied a fair trial.[18] However, in 2002 he pleaded guilty to a perjury charge for testifying that he did not lead Louima to the bathroom, and was sentenced to five years in prison. His request for leniency was rejected on March 30, 2006. He was released to a halfway house in February 2007 with plans to move to the northern United States to work as a carpenter.[19]

Three other NYPD officers, Thomas Bruder, Michael Bellomo and Thomas Wiese were indicted for their involvement in trying to cover up the assault. On March 9, 2000, Thomas Wiese and Thomas Bruder along with Charles Schwarz were convicted on the charge of conspiracy to obstruct a federal investigation into the assault on Louima, but their conviction was reversed by a federal appeals court in February 2002 on the grounds of insufficient evidence.[20] Michael Bellomo was found not guilty of trying to cover up the beating of Louima and that of another Haitian immigrant by Volpe earlier that evening.[21]

Volpe is currently serving his 30-year sentence at a minimum security facility at the Federal Correctional Complex, Coleman in Florida and is scheduled for release in 2025.[22]

Louima's subsequent civil suit represented by attorney Sanford Rubenstein against the City of New York ended in a settlement of $8.75 million on July 30, 2001, the largest police brutality settlement in New York City history.[23] After legal fees, Louima collected approximately $5.8 million.[24]

In February 2003, Abner Louima visited his family still living in Haiti.[25] There he discussed the setting up of the Abner Louima Foundation, a nonprofit organization with the hopes to raise money to build a community center and much-needed hospital in Haiti. Louima indicated he had plans to use his own money and donations to open community centers in Haiti, New York and Florida for Haitians and others seeking legal, financial or other aid. Louima also paid the school tuition for 14 poor children in Thomassin, a small community where he grew up. During his visit to Haiti, he met with the President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a former priest who Louima knew from his school days. In a rare interview; Louima said he's convinced he can make a difference in his impoverished homeland: "Maybe God saved my life for a reason, I believe in doing the right thing."[24]

In 2007 Louima was residing in Miami Lakes, Florida,[7][26] owning homes in suburban Miami and Port-au-Prince, with several investment properties in Florida.[24]

Louima has since participated in anti-police brutality protests with Al Sharpton, notably over the shooting death of Sean Bell in 2006, and on August 9, 2007, exactly 10 years after his attack. On the latter date, Louima was honored in New York City by the National Action Network, at the House of Justice, for his courage and perseverance in seeking justice, in addition to his dedication to helping others who have suffered from police brutality.[dead link

2nd read
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12-year Secret Service Agent Resigns During Obama Administration; Warns American People About 'Life Inside the Bubble'
Nov. 21, 2013 - 8:48 am
hy would a successful, 12-year Secret Service agent resign his elite position in the prime of his career to run for high public office and blow the whistle on what goes on at the highest levels in Washington DC?

Dan Bongino's Life Inside the Bubble: Why a Top-Ranked Secret Service Agent Walked Away From It All (WND Books, Nov 19) is a look at life inside the presidential "bubble," a haze of staffers, consultants, cronies, acolytes, bureaucrats and lobbyists that creates the "alternate reality" in which monumental policy decisions are made. And it is the story of a dedicated Secret Service professional who, after years inside the "bubble," walked away in favor of sounding a clarion call to the American people in defense of sane government and the U.S. Constitution.

Take the journey with Bongino from the tough streets of New York City where he was raised, and later patrolled as a member of the NYPD, to the White House as a member of the elite Presidential Protective Division, through his ultimate decision to resign from the Secret Service in the prime of his career to run for the United States Senate against the feared Maryland Democratic machine.

Follow his experiences inside the Washington DC matrix and discover why a government filled with some incredibly dedicated people nevertheless continues to make such frequent and tragic mistakes. Indeed, Bongino shows why the "Fast & Furious" scandal, the terror bombings in Boston and the terrorist attacks in Benghazi are merely harbingers of what's to come to America without a bold change in direction.

About Dan Bongino

Starting his career in law enforcement with the NYPD in 1995, Dan Bongino joined the ranks of the Secret Service in 1999 as a special agent where he was assigned to investigate financial crimes. In 2006, he entered into duty with the elite Presidential Protective Division in the administration of President George W. Bush and remained on protective duty during the change in administration to that of President Barack Obama. He resigned from the Secret Service in 2011 to run for a U.S. Senate seat in Maryland.

Read more here: http://www.sacbee.com/2013/11/21/5933777/12-year-secret-service-agent-resigns.html#storylink=cpy

3rd read

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Indictment: Seattle ATF supervisor lied, stole from agency
Thursday, November 21, 2013

see link for full story


A former supervisor in the Seattle office of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) was indicted Thursday following allegations he embezzled from the bureau and faked records to hide the thefts.

James Contreras, formerly a special agent with the ATF, is alleged to have pilfered from an expense account meant to allow agents to buy guns and other products while working undercover, and to pay informants.

Contreras, a 51-year-old Maple Valley resident, was supervising the Seattle ATF office when the thefts are alleged to have occurred. Prosecutors claim the thefts began in March 2010 and continued through April 2012.

According to prosecutors, Contreras took money from the account on 30 occasions. He is alleged to have forged signatures of agents who were supposedly requesting and receiving money from the fund, and to have falsified forms tying the expenses to specific investigations.

On Thursday, a federal grand jury in Seattle indicted Contreras on one embezzlement count and 30 counts of making false statements.

Accused in 30 separate thefts, Contreras is alleged to have stolen $19,700 in ATF money. Court records show most of the money was disguised as "subsistence payments" to ATF informants.

see link for tax dime spent

Secret Service Investigation into Sexual Misconduct Is Bungled by Federal Officials

Investigations into the U.S. Secret Service have been bungled by senators and plagued with nepotism allegations against an inspector general, according to congressional and government sources, the Washington Times reports.

Despite allegations of sexual misconduct against a Secret Service agent, Sen. Claire McCaskill has demanded an end to the investigation, and Deputy Inspector General Charles K. Edwards is accused of abusing agency resources and hiring his wife.

FBI Agent Accused Of Masturbating In Public
May 25, 2007
FBI Agent Accused Of Masturbating In Public

Posted by, Marissa Pasquet KOLD News 13 News Editor

FBI Special Agent Ryan Seese, 34, is facing sex offense charges after a cleaning woman said she found him masturbating in a women's lavatory on campus, according to a University of Arizona police spokesman.
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prison talk blogspot

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Massachusetts Crime Lab Scandal Reveals Drug War Corruption

December 4, 2013


There is big money in the drug war for Federal agencies and State and local police forces.

I have told you before that the so-called war on drugs is a sham and a scam, and it corrupts Federal agencies and all police forces. American prisons and cemeteries are overflowing with victims of the faux drug war.

There are more than 2.4 million people in U.S. prisons. That’s more than one out of every 100 Americans, and that number has more than quadrupled since 1980. The most serious charge against 51 percent of those in Federal prisons is a drug offense. In State prisons, one in five prisoners is being incarcerated over a drug offense.

There is now a breaking scandal in Massachusetts that reveals how corrupt the war on drugs actually is. Annie Dookhan, a chemist with the Massachusetts crime lab, has been caught conspiring with prosecutors in that State to falsify drug evidence by tampering with samples and intentionally forging signatures. As many as 40,000 cases may have had their evidence tainted by Dookhan.

Dookhan, who recently pleaded guilty to all 27 counts of altering drug evidence and obstructing justice that prosecutors had filed against her, was a crime lab chemist for nine years. Her tampered evidence has put thousands of innocent people behind bars, and thousands more have had their sentences lengthened based on her fake “evidence.”

The Boston Globe published emails that demonstrated the cozy relationship Dookhan had with prosecutors. In one exchange with Norfolk Assistant District Attorney George Papachristos (who resigned in October after the Globe disclosed his flirtatious friendship with Dookhan), the chemist apparently was more than willing to acquiesce to the prosecutor’s request to inflate the size of a marijuana sample so that its owners could be charged with trafficking. The emails also show Dookhan was prone to fabrications, repeat­edly making up grandiose job titles for herself, such as “special agent of operations” for the FBI and other Federal agencies.

Following Dookhan’s guilty plea, a second Massachusetts crime lab “chemist” has been fired after investigators determined she had fabricated her educational credentials. Kate Corbett worked alongside Dookhan and testified as a “chemistry expert” in dozens of court cases that led to convictions — even though her degree is in sociology. Defense attorneys argue that as many 180,000 Massachusetts drug cases may be tainted by the two women’s actions.

“I screwed up big time. I messed up. I messed up bad. It’s my fault. I don’t want the lab to get in trouble,” Dookhan was reported as saying. Her “screwup” resulted in prosecutors and drug cops getting promotions and glowing headlines for drug convictions and their agencies getting an increasing pile of tax dollars while their wrongly convicted victims lost their families, their livelihoods and years of their lives.

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Drug Seizures Up in Venezuela Since US DEA Booted, Says FANB


Mérida, 12th December 2013 (Venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuelan counter narcotics efforts have yielded more drug seizures per year since the government broke with the United States Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in 2005, according to a high ranking military official.

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Unjust Aftermath: Post-Noriega Panama

Special Report: Twenty-four years ago, the United States invaded Panama to capture Gen. Manuel Noriega on drug charges. Operation Just Cause promised the country a new day free of dictatorship and drug-tainted corruption, but it didn’t work out that way, as Jonathan Marshall describes.


By Jonathan Marshall

Operation Just Cause, the invasion of Panama in December 1989, marked a critical turning point in U.S. foreign and military policy. As the first large commitment of U.S. armed forces after the Vietnam debacle, it set the stage for the massive intervention in the Persian Gulf region a year later.[i] It also represented a dramatic escalation in Washington’s “war on drugs,” turning a mostly rhetorical metaphor into bloody reality.[ii]

Many accounts have chronicled the war of nerves leading up to the invasion. Only a handful, on the other hand, have covered the aftermath, particularly with respect to drugs.[iii] Reporters who came to Panama with the troops soon returned home when the brief excitement was over. Attention turned to Noriega’s historic trial and conviction in Miami for conspiring to aid the Medellín Cartel and its criminal allies. For much of the media, and even for most scholars, Panama without Noriega was just another Central American backwater.[iv]

Gen. Manuel Noriega is escorted onto a U.S. Air Force aircraft by agents from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency after his arrest on Jan. 1, 1990. (U.S. military photo)

Gen. Manuel Noriega is escorted onto a U.S. Air Force aircraft by agents from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency after his arrest on Jan. 1, 1990. (U.S. military photo)


But a close look at the evolution of Panama’s connection to the drug trade in the immediate years after Noriega sheds light on several important questions. Does the public rationale for the invasion hold up to historical scrutiny? Did the Bush administration’s policies in the aftermath of Noriega’s ouster comport any better than earlier U.S. support for Noriega with its expressed commitment to fighting drugs by any and all means necessary? Finally, does the militant strategy of neutralizing drug “kingpins” appreciably affect the flow of narcotics to the United States?

It will surprise few students of the drug trade that Noriega’s downfall, like that of many bigger traffickers before and after, did nothing to hold back the rising tide of cocaine that flowed north from the Andean nations. What may be more surprising was Washington’s willingness to replace Noriega with civilian leaders who had an unambiguous (if not technically criminal) record of serving Colombia’s biggest drug lords by protecting their secret financial assets in Panamanian banks.

Key members of the new government had in the 1980s worked for dirty banks that Noriega, in a remarkable display of cooperation with U.S. law enforcement, actually closed down or put at risk. Some evidence suggests, in fact, that Washington’s new allies had opposed Noriega as much for his crackdown on drug money laundering as for his violations of democratic and human rights.

Needless to say, this framing is entirely at odds with the official version of events, which served to justify Washington’s reversal of policy toward Noriega. This article suggests that the war on drugs was a secondary policy priority even in the one theater where the United States resorted to a major show of force in its name.

The Noriega Legacy

To better understand the stance of Panama’s post-invasion government toward drug-related crimes, it pays to reexamine some of the widely ignored or forgotten clashes between the Noriega regime and the major Colombian “cartels.”[v] So great was their animosity that some notorious drug traffickers were actually pleased to see Noriega ousted — and likely also pleased by Washington’s choice of his successors.

Noriega played a double game, apparently protecting some favored smugglers while earning Washington’s gratitude for helping the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) target the vital financial infrastructure of the major drug cartels.[vi] This was a matter of the highest importance to U.S. law enforcement.

As the House Committee on Foreign Affairs noted in 1985, “With more than one hundred banks, the U.S. dollar as the national currency, and strict bank secrecy laws, Panama is an ideal haven for laundering narcotics money. Unlimited amounts of money may be brought into and out of the country with no reporting requirements, and money laundering is not a crime.”[vii] A study by the U.S. Treasury estimated that nearly a billion dollars a year in drug cash flowed each year between Miami and Panama.[viii]

In a landmark case in 1985, Noriega permitted the closure of First Interamericas Bank, owned by one of the leaders of the Cali Cartel who was fighting extradition from Spain on drug charges in the United States. The bank laundered tens of millions of dollars for the Medellín Cartel as well.[ix] As we will see, several leading members of the post-Noriega government sat on the bank’s board of directors.

One of the high points of Noriega’s cooperation was Operation Pisces, a three-year undercover probe that Attorney General Edwin Meese called “the largest and most successful undercover investigation in federal drug law enforcement history.” Among those indicted were Medellín Cartel kingpins Pablo Escobar and Fabio Ochoa.[x] Panama contributed 40 arrests and seized $12 million from accounts in 18 local banks.[xi]

These money laundering cases garnered Noriega numerous friends in the DEA, but cost him important allies at home. Indeed, these local antagonists played a critical role in fomenting domestic opposition to Noriega’s rule. The reason was simple: Panama’s financial services sector accounted for about a tenth of the country’s gross domestic product and employed more than 8,000 people. They formed what the Wall Street Journal called “the nucleus of a thriving middle class.”[xii]

Noriega threatened this politically powerful sector when he opened negotiations with Washington in 1984 over a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty that would make it easier for U.S. authorities to request privileged financial information in criminal cases.

“The negotiations, and the publication of the draft treaty in early 1985, caused squeals of indignant protest from the opposition, many of whose most prominent members were bankers,” noted John Dinges, one of Noriega’s biographers. “La Prensa, in banner headlines, said the proposed law put ‘at grave risk’ the secrecy ‘that is considered the pillar on which the International Financial Center of Panama rests.’”[xiii]

The opposition protested even louder when Panama’s legislative assembly finally passed a law to crack down on money laundering in December 1986.[xiv] A few months later Panama’s attorney general ordered the seizure of 52 accounts at 18 Panamanian banks as part of Operation Pisces — and threatened uncooperative bank managers with arrest.[xv] One local banker warned, “this could end the Panamanian banking system, because people will no longer believe they can count on bank secrecy.”[xvi]

Within two months, spooked investors withdrew as much as $4 billion of the country’s $39 billion in bank deposits. Newsday reported that Panama’s cooperation with the DEA in Operation Pisces had “sparked the most serious banking crisis in Panama’s history,” creating the greatest single “threat to military strongman Gen. Manuel A. Noriega.”

A Western diplomat said of Noriega, “The bankers can bring him down. They are complaining in Washington and they’ve got a lot of clout.” Opposition leader Ricardo Arias Calderón (the country’s future vice president) spoke for that powerful lobby when he declared, “I believe the continuation in power of General Noriega is a danger to the Panamanian economy.”[xvii]

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State Police charge cop in Steuben County with stealing $15K from evidence room


Hornell, N.Y. -- A 39-year-old Hornell police officer has been charged with stealing $15,000 in cash from a police evidence room, the New York State Police said Saturday.

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Eartha Kitt: Sex Symbol
Published: 12/25/2013

That one incident took place in 1968. Kitt had been invited to lunch at the White House with First Lady Bird Johnson . Asked her thoughts on the Vietnam War, Kitt famously responded, "You send the best of this country off to be shot and maimed. No wonder the kids rebel and take pot."

Kitt immediately found herself blacklisted. Venues canceled her concerts. She was investigated by the FBI and the CIA. She left the country and spent 10 years performing in Europe, until President Jimmy Carter invited her to the White House in 1978. Her career was revived, but Kitt was still angry.
- See more at: http://www.legacy.com/news/legends-and-legacies/eartha-kitt-sex-symbol/1815/#sthash.6EiZyesS.dpuf
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Missing! Video of mother killed by police

WND finds surveillance cameras surrounding area where unarmed woman shot

Published: 10 hours ago
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WASHINGTON – Nearly three months after an unarmed, young, black single mother with a one-year-old daughter in tow was gunned down in broad daylight by police on a crystal-clear autumn afternoon in the shadow of the U.S. Capitol, a veil of official silence remains over the case.


Miriam Carey

The Secret Service, the Washington Metro Police and the Capitol Police have withheld virtually all details of the shooting from the family of Miriam Carey, a 34-year-old dental hygienist from Connecticut, and the public. Those details include forensics reports that would show how many times Carey was shot, her cause of death, the position of the body at the time of death, video and photos, multiple eyewitness accounts and an explanation as to why police believed deadly force was necessary to subdue her while she had her infant daughter with her.

No one has been charged in the case, which has been handed over to Attorney General Eric Holder for investigation.

A WND investigation shows at least seven security cameras in the immediate vicinity of the fatal police shooting Oct. 3, while a number of police cruiser dash-cams also likely recorded the incident as police surrounded Carey’s car. While cell phone cameras recorded the initial volley of shots fired by police on Carey’s car near the White House, none capturing the fatal shooting near the Capitol have surfaced. Officials won’t even confirm if video of the incident exists.

Read more at http://www.wnd.com/2013/12/missing-video-of-mother-killed-by-police/#iMjUhTk0QY640Qqd.99
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Missing! Video of mother killed by police
WND finds surveillance cameras surrounding area where unarmed woman shot
December 29 2013

WASHINGTON – Nearly three months after an unarmed, young, black single mother with a one-year-old daughter in tow was gunned down in broad daylight by police on a crystal-clear autumn afternoon in the shadow of the U.S. Capitol, a veil of official silence remains over the case.

The Secret Service, the Washington Metro Police and the Capitol Police have withheld virtually all details of the shooting from the family of Miriam Carey, a 34-year-old dental hygienist from Connecticut, and the public. Those details include forensics reports that would show how many times Carey was shot, her cause of death, the position of the body at the time of death, video and photos, multiple eyewitness accounts and an explanation as to why police believed deadly force was necessary to subdue her while she had her infant daughter with her.

No one has been charged in the case, which has been handed over to Attorney General Eric Holder for investigation.

A WND investigation shows at least seven security cameras in the immediate vicinity of the fatal police shooting Oct. 3, while a number of police cruiser dash-cams also likely recorded the incident as police surrounded Carey’s car. While cell phone cameras recorded the initial volley of shots fired by police on Carey’s car near the White House, none capturing the fatal shooting near the Capitol have surfaced. Officials won’t even confirm if video of the incident exists.

Read more at http://www.wnd.com/2013/12/missing-video-of-mother-killed-by-police/#iMjUhTk0QY640Qqd.99
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Law enforcement official says he mailed Ray Rice video to NFL director of security, report says

September 25 2014

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Two police officers wounded amid continuing tension in Ferguson
Police officer
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