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Shaking the Foundations: The West Coast Conference on Progressive Lawyering 2015

Starting Date: 10-17-2015

Stanford Law School
Stanford, California 94305
United States
Shaking the Foundations is a conference that brings together progressive legal minds from the West Coast and across the country to discuss present and future issues within the movement, explore the role of young lawyers, and encourage attendees to work toward social and environmental justice. The goal of Shaking the Foundations is to connect, inspire, and educate those who want to pursue public interest goals and careers.

California CLE credit will be available for attending the conference.
Bay Area Students

Shakings is a forum for connecting and building the social justice movement across schools. We hope you'll join us in making this a successful and inspiring event!

2015 Keynote Speaker: Saru Jayaraman

Saru Jayaraman is the Co-Founder and Co-Director of the Restaurant Opportunities Centers United (ROC-United) and Director of the Food Labor Research Center at University of California, Berkeley. After 9/11, together with displaced World Trade Center workers, she co-founded ROC, which now has 14,000 worker members, 150 employer partners, and several thousand consumer members in 32 cities nationwide. The story of Saru and her co-founder’s work founding ROC has been chronicled in the book The Accidental American.

Saru is a graduate of Yale Law School and the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. She was profiled in the New York Times “Public Lives” section (2005), named New York Magazine’s “Influentials” of New York City (2006), and one of Crain’s “40 Under 40” (2008). In 2014, Saru made CNN’s “Top10 Visionary Women,” received the Paul Wellstone Citizen Leadership Award, and recognized as a Champion of Change by the White House.

She authored Behind the Kitchen Door, Cornell University Press, 2013, a national bestseller, and has appeared on CNN with Soledad O’Brien, Bill Moyers Journal and Tavis Smlley on PBS, Melissa Harris Perry and UP with Chris Hayes on MSNBC, Real Time with Bill Maher on HBO, the Today Show, and NBC Nightly News with Brian Williams.
Geographical Scope: Regional
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Committee to
Stop FBI Repression


Organizing to stop FBI repression of anti-war and international solidarity activists
Buy a Liberty Bond to Support the Legal Defense
Rasmea Odeh
All out for Cincinnati to support Rasmea at her appeal Wednesday, October 14, 2015!

Rasmea Odeh is a 67 year old Palestinian American community leader who was tortured by the Israelis in 1969.

Rasmea Odeh is at home in Chicago and preparing for her appeal in a Cincinnati courtroom. This follows an outrageous sentencing of 18 months in prison, to be followed by her deportation.

Join the week of justice Sep 8 - 14
Come to Cincinnati Oct 14 to support Rasmea

Rally for Rasmea
Join the Committee to Stop FBI Repression - Tampa and others as we stand with Rasmea
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Man shot and killed by sheriff's deputies at San Gabriel Valley home

also see


Not done with jail beating case, prosecutors bring charges against another deputy

A former deputy in the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department has been indicted on federal charges that he helped cover up the beating of a handcuffed man by other deputies in a county jai
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2 stories

let god sort out the truth


Pittsburgh's FBI Keeping the Nation Safe from Hackers
October 19 2015
Cyber attacks as seen by norsecorp.com
Credit norsecorp.com /

Today’s news about possible hacking of the CIA director reinforces the increasing concern for the United States. Guest host, and Tribune Review investigative reporter Andrew Conte, sat down with Pittsburgh FBI agents Chris Geary and Mike Christman to talk about what the agency has been doing to help keep American information safe.

Agent Geary heads one of two cyber security teams stationed in Pittsburgh whose main focus is on hacks coming from China. Geary’s team was successful in indicting five Chinese military officers, who are accused of stealing information from companies in Pittsburgh.

“The spy war isn’t over because the Cold War has ended,” Geary said on the threat of hacking from China. “The spies are even more prolific now than ever.”

Geary described working on hacking cases as long and grueling, calling them “a marathon.” He occasionally finds himself working late into the night due to his targets operating in different time zones and says a lot of information is needed to accuse someone of a cybercrime.

Despite this, Geary finds it very rewarding to finally give over the evidence his team has discovered to the US Attorney’s office. Geary expressed a desire to see those five Chinese officers brought to Pittsburgh in order to stand trial.

Agent Christman, is in charge of cybercrimes in Pittsburgh. He describes Pittsburgh as a “technology center in the United States,” with many companies focused on technological advances. As such, the city



Hacker releases new purported personal data for top CIA, DHS officials [Updated]
Alleged hacker tells Ars that the authorities have not contacted him.

Oct 19, 2015 6:58pm EDT

Further Reading
Bush family privacy shattered after e-mails, photos exposed online

"Why would someone do this?" asks GWB's sister.
The person who claims to have hacked an AOL e-mail account belonging to John Brennan, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, has now released a small spreadsheet with alleged personal information for a number of former and current government officials. The sample includes phone numbers, social security numbers, e-mail addresses, and level of security clearance and employment status in some cases.

Ars has contacted several of the people on the list by phone, text, and e-mail, including Brennan and the former deputy director of intelligence at the CIA, Jami Miscik. A male voice responded to the number listed for Miscik, and when Ars asked for her, the voice said it was the wrong number and hung up. No others immediately responded.

Update (10/19, 5:45p CT): Twitter has suspended the @_CWA_ account through which the information was released.

Earlier on Monday, the hacker told the New York Post that he took sensitive documents contained within the AOL account, including Brennan's 47-page application for top-secret security clearance. CNN has since reported that the FBI and the Secret Service are investigating. CWA, the hacker who told the Post he was a high school student, claimed that he social engineered a customer service agent into giving up access to Brennan's AOL account. (Ars could not independently verify the claims.)

On Twitter through the handle @_CWA_, the hacker spoke to Ars through an encrypted chat. He said his
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Action Needed Today: Tell your Senators to vote NO on CISA
From Sue Udry, BORDC/DDF

Thu, Oct 22, 2015 3:12 PM EDT
View full HTML message
I'll be on Capitol Hill this evening to protest against CISA – the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act – which we've been fighting for years. It will be up for a vote tomorrow

The bill is a dirty "you scratch my back, I'll scratch yours" deal between corporations and the government to share our private data under the guise of "cybersecurity."

I know you can't join us in Washington this evening, but I hope you'll take a minute to make a phone call or send an email to your Senators telling them to vote no on CISA. (You might have sent an email or a fax earlier this year, but it's important for them to hear from you again, today.)

*Yes, I'll call my Senator* [ https://stopcyberspying.com/] "(you will be connected to an automatic system and be walked through the process by BORDC/DDF board member Shahid Buttar)"

* I can't make a call right now, but I'll send an email * [ http://org.salsalabs.com/o/498/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=18120]

*Thanks for taking action!*

If you aren't convinced this is important, please read a little more about the bill below.

Stay strong and loud,

Sue Udry, Acting Director

*Why we oppose CISA:*

The bill offers a "you scratch my back, I'll scratch yours" deal between corporations and the government that encourages corporations to share massive amounts of customer data with the government in exchange for legal immunity from privacy lawsuits. Yes. Immunity. Here's why we're opposed to CISA:
* CISA allows companies to share nearly any type of information with the government, including our personal information;
* The FBI and NSA automatically get all the shared data – and they can use it for purposes beyond cyber security;
* CISA creates a vast new exemption to the Freedom of Information Act.
Notably missing from the bill is any requirement for basic cyber hygiene like encryption, or strong passwords, which most experts affirm would be the most effective cyber security measures.

Grassroots action is desperately needed today!

*Call your Senators Now* [ https://stopcyberspying.com/]

Email your Senators Now [ http://org.salsalabs.com/o/498/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=18120]

Because, as Jennifer Granick, Director of Civil Liberties at the Stanford Center for Internet and Society explains [ http://justsecurity.org/24261/sloppy-cyber-threat-sharing-surveillance/], CISA "guts legal protections against government fishing expeditions" and doesn't do much to keep us safe:

And none of the recent cyberattacks - not Sony, not Target, and not the devastating grab of sensitive background check interviews on government employees at the Office of Personnel Management - would have been mitigated by these bills.

Bill of Rights Defense Committee and Defending Dissent Foundation [ http://www.bordc.org] 8 Bridge St., Suite A | Northampton, MA 01060 413-582-0110 | info@bordc.org [ mailto:info@bordc.org ]
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Caroline Myss, when she talks I listen.....

Quotes by Caroline Myss | Awaken
Nov 19, 2012 - Quotes by Caroline Myss ... “We are reluctant to live outside tribal rules because we are afraid of getting kicked out of the tribe. ..... YouTube.
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Op-Ed California's Prop. 47 revolution: Were the voters duped?
California's Prop. 47 revolution

Police and prosecutors have lately attempted to link increases in crime to last year's Proposition 47. Based on their overwrought statements, it would be understandable for Californians to start wondering whether they had been duped into completely decriminalizing drug possession and petty theft. They could be forgiven for asking whether it's really the case that their law enforcement officers can no longer arrest thieves for stealing guns or breaking into cars, or have no option but to write tickets while w

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Coalition of L.A. clergy, activists to criticize Black Lives Matter over Garcetti protest


A coalition of clergy and community activists plan to speak in support of Mayor Eric Garcetti on Monday and criticize local members of Black Lives Matter after protesters disrupted a forum held by Garcetti intended to forge a stronger relationship with the black communities in South Los Angeles.

In a statement, a group of half a dozen pastors from various churches said they will hold a press conference at Mount Moriah Baptist Church at 11 a.m. to demand that Black Lives Matter apologize to the Rev. Kelvin Sauls, pastor of Holman United Methodist Church, "for actions that violated that sacred place of God, the pastor and community," said the Rev. K.W. Tulloss, president of the National Action Network L.A. chapter.
See the most-read stories this hour >>

Last week, Garcetti was speaking to several hundred people at Holman when about 50 demonstrators from various groups including Black Lives Matter stood up and turned their backs to him. Chanting, they surrounded Garcetti as he tried to exit the forum.

"It was unbelievable that Black Lives Matter organizers actually stormed the stage cutting short Mayor Garcett
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Chicago Copwatch - Facebook
Sign Up. Chicago Copwatch is on Facebook. To connect with Chicago Copwatch, sign up for Facebook today. Sign UpLog In · Cover Photo ...
Chicago Copwatch - YouTube
What is Cop Watch? Cop Watch- These Streets Are Watching is a documentary about the history of the organization, what it does and how it can be effective. Co.
We Charge Genocide
We are Chicago residents concerned that the epidemic of police violence ... We Charge Genocide, Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, ...
‎About - ‎Report - ‎United Nations - ‎Delegation Profile
Chicago Copwatch (@chicagocopwatch) | Twitter
The latest Tweets from Chicago Copwatch (@chicagocopwatch): "So Rahm says the police are afraid of your cameras.... http://t.co/cvsG6SiON8"
Here - Copwatch
"In an embarrassing marketing snafu - or a brilliant ploy - hundreds of "Peace Love Linux" logos have been painted on city sidewalks [in Chicago and San ...
Cop Watch | Feature | Chicago Reader
Cop Watch. For more than 20 years Mary Powers and the civilian watchdog group Citizens Alert have been monitoring the force that's meant to serve and protect ...
7 Rules When Recording Police / WeCopwatch
May 17, 2013 - Copwatch and Know Your Rights Information ... Last August a jury acquitted Tiawanda Moore of secretly recording two Chicago Police Internal ...
Feb 18, 2009 - Leave it to the Suntimes to put a video questioning a Chicago Police officers actions when dealing with a arrestee that wont comply to verbal ...
Blogging the Thin Blue Line: Second City Cop vs. Chicago Copwatch
Jul 29, 2009 - Meanwhile, watchdog blog Chicago Copwatch rarely gives the guys in blue a break. So who paints the fairer picture of Chicago's sworn ...
Northside Copwatch | These streets are watching
Oct 20, 2009 - These streets are watching (by North Side Copwatch) ... The Chicago Tribune on Monday had a story about the Innocence Project, an initiative ...
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Harvard Law School Launches “Free the Law” Project with Ravel Law To Digitize US Case Law, Provide Free Access
October 29, 2015        
Teaching & Learning

Harvard Law School has announced that, with the support of Ravel Law, a legal research and analytics platform, it is digitizing its entire collection of U.S. case law, one of the largest collections of legal materials in the world, and that it will make the collection available online, for free, to anyone with an Internet connection.

The “Free the Law” initiative will provide open, wide-ranging access to American case law for the first time in United States history. “Driving this effort is a shared belief that the law should be free and open to all,” said Harvard Law School Dean Martha Minow. “Using technology to create broad access to legal information will help create a more transparent and more just legal system.”
stacks of old books

Credit: Lorin Granger

Harvard Law School’s collection comprises 40,000 books containing approximately forty million pages of court decisions, including original materials from cases that predate the U.S. Constitution. It is the most comprehensive and authoritative database of American law and cases available anywhere except for the Library of Congress, containing binding judicial decisions from the federal government and each of the fifty states, from the founding of each respective jurisdiction. The Harvard Law School Library—the largest academic law library in the world—has been collecting these decisions over the past two hundred years.

Digitizing these materials will make them broadly accessible to nonprofits, academics, practitioners, researchers, and law students—anyone with a smartphone or Internet connection. The material will be added to—and will be searchable through—Ravel’s platform, which uses data science, machine learning, and visualization to help people sift quickly through millions of court opinions.
scanning documents

Credit: Lorin Granger

In the Harvard Library Innovation Lab (a unit within the Harvard Law School Library), bound volumes are being scanned by high-speed imaging equipment capable of scanning 500,000 pages per week, and the text of each decision is then extracted into machine-readable files made available to Ravel Law and to Harvard – and ultimately the public at large.

Case law for California jurisdictions will be online in November. The full collection of nationwide case law is expected to be digitized and searchable for free by mid-2017, and will be available through http://www.ravellaw.com. Harvard and Ravel have agreed to release the entire database for bulk use by anyone within eight years.

“Libraries were founded as an engine for the democratization of knowledge, and the digitization of Harvard Law School’s collection of U.S. case law is a tremendous step forward in making legal information open and easily accessible to the public,” said Jonathan Zittrain, the George Bemis Professor of International Law at Harvard Law School, and Vice Dean for Library and Information Resources. “The materials in the library’s collection tell a story that goes back to the founding of America, and we’re proud to preserve and share that story,” said Zittrain, who also holds appointments as Professor of Computer Science at the Harvard School of Engineering and Applied Sciences, and Professor at Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government.

Daniel Lewis, co-founder and chief executive officer of Ravel Law, said: “We share with Harvard Law School a common belief that increasing access to our country’s legal records through technology will help make our legal system more transparent and just. By collaborating together on this digitization effort, we hope to provide the public with unique and powerful ways to find and understand the law.”

Nik Reed, co-founder and chief of everything else of Ravel Law, added: “As a company founded by lawyers, we understand firsthand the importance of access to legal information. The immense volume and complexity of the law creates challenges for anyone appearing in court, and through this collaboration, we seek to empower lawyers with an extensive database of American case law along with Ravel’s innovative analytics to help develop winning legal strategies.”
breaking book binding

Credit: Lorin Granger

Said Jim Sandman, president of the Legal Services Corporation, the largest funder of civil legal aid for low-income Americans: “This is a great development. Making legal materials and analytical tools available for free will be of great value to non-profit legal aid lawyers in providing essential legal services to low-income people.”

Ralph Baxter, an advisor to Ravel and also to the Harvard Law School Center on the Legal Profession said: “Technology is changing the legal landscape, and the law firm of the future will need to be more efficient, more agile, and more opportunistic in finding new ways to deliver legal services. The collaboration between Harvard Law School and Ravel Law offers a new and exciting resource that lawyers can deploy to improve how they practice law.”
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Security Date of Publication: 11.06.15.

CIA Email Hackers Return With Major Law Enforcement Breach

Hackers who broke into the personal email account of CIA Director John Brennan have struck again.

This time the group, which goes by the name Crackas With Attitude, says it gained access to an even more important target—a portal for law enforcement that grants access to arrest records and other sensitive data, including what appears to be a tool for sharing information about active shooters and terrorist events, and a system for real-time chats between law enforcement agents.

The CWA hackers said they found a vulnerability that allowed them to gain access to the private portal, which is supposed to be available only to the FBI and other law enforcement agencies around the country. That portal in turn, they say, gave them access to more than a dozen law enforcement tools that are used for information sharing.

The hackers wouldn’t identify the vulnerability that gave them access, but one of the hackers, who calls himself Cracka, provided WIRED with a screenshot of one of the systems they accessed called JABS. JABS stands for Joint Automated Booking System, and is a database of arrest records for the US.

Cracka is the same handle of a hacker who spoke with WIRED last month to describe how the same group hacked into the private email account of the CIA director.

This latest breach, if legitimate, is significant because it gives the hackers access to arrest records directly after they have been entered into the system. This would be valuable information for gossip sites and other media outlets interested in breaking stories about the arrest of celebrities and politicians.

More importantly, the system can also include information about arrests that are under court seal and may not be made public for months or years—such as the arrest of suspected terrorists, gang members and drug suspects. Knowledge about these arrests can tip off other members of a terrorist cell or gang to help them avoid capture.

“Just to clear this up,” Cracka tweeted on Thursday about the breach of the JABS database. “CWA did, indeed, have access to everybody in USA’s private information, now imagine if we was Russia or China.”

Sealed arrest records are also quite common in hacker investigations when law enforcement officials quietly arrest an individual, then flip him to work as a confidential informant with agents to capture others.
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Why Does Facebook Censor the Word “Tsu”?
Posted by Iván Ulchur-Rota - October 28, 2015 at 6:21 pm

A Social Network that Returns 90 Percent of Advertising Dollars to the People: Send Me an Invitation, Please!

By Ivan Ulchur-Rota

Translated from GKillCity Magazine

At this point, it’s hard to imagine. Mark Zuckerberg’s giant has rapidly established itself as the social network bigwig. Facebook has bought its competitors like Instagram and by incorporating chat and video messaging has distinguished itself from platforms like Twitter or Linkedin. The network has constructed an empire through advertisements that accompany the content generated by its users. That’s why it’s censorship of every link to the fast-growing social network Tsu.co—that returns 90 percent of all ad revenue to its users—reveals what could become the giant’s Achiilles’ Heel: the redistribution of profit based on content.

Ivan Ulchur-Rota met Sebastian Sobczak, CEO of Tsu, at the Narco News 15th Anniversary Celebration earlier this month in New York City. Photo DR 2015 by Al Giordano.

When Al Giordano—founder and publisher of Narco News and the School of Authentic Journalism in Mexico—moved to Tsu, he had already been frustrated with Facebook since December 2012. Giordano and the authentic journalism team had utilized the network as an outreach platform and built a community of more than 25,000 members to promote their journalism and school. Then, three years ago, Facebook imposed an “algorithm” to put 95 percent of that community out of reach unless the nonprofit media bought ads to promote the links to its stories there. “The Facebook user quickly got tired of all the ads, so they stopped clicking.” Another social network, Ello, launched as an alternative that did not sell users’ information, but was unable to prosper now that the whole world, it seemed, was addicted to Facebook.

For Giordano the critical point was the realization that on Tsu nine out of ten dollars generated by advertisements would return to its users. “Facebook had pulled a ‘bait and switch’ on us, using our texts, voices and images to sell ads and kept all the value for itself. If someone had told us in 2007 that we could publish our work their website, recruit our friends and readers to use it, that they’d get money from ads and profit from it, and then we’d have to pay to reach the people we organized to come there, I would have told them to go to hell. But that’s how Facebook tricked everybody.”

Tsu is not playing Zuckerberg’s game. Instead, it has turned the rules upside down. By elevating the user as the main generator of profit, Tsu reinvents both social networking practices and our overall understanding of this type of technology. “When people realize that their content can generate money they generally behave better and the quality of their work improves,” he explains not without recognizing that this can also mean more work to purge the experience from money-seeking parasites and trolls whom the idea might attract as well. But the project is a radical departure from an established and accepted paradigm. This explains Facebook’s pre-emptive censorship of Tsu imposed this past month. Not
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With Mass Civil Disobedience, Young Activists March Against 'Broken System'
Published on
Monday, November 09, 2015
Common Dreams
With Mass Civil Disobedience, Young Activists March Against 'Broken System'

More than 2,000 youth shut down intersections in march to the White House
Nadia Prupis, staff writer

Demonstrators march through Washington, D.C. on Monday, November 9, 2015. (Photo: Jason Kowalski/Twitter)

Roughly 1,000 young activists are marching through the streets of Washington, D.C. on Monday in what they hope will be the largest-ever planned civil disobedience action to demand racial, immigration, and climate justice reform for a "broken" political system.

Under the banner Our Generation, Our Choice, millenials from a range of grassroots advocacy organizations—including 350.org, Million Hoodies, Working Families, and the Fossil Fuel Student Divestment Network—blocked traffic and shut down intersections as they marched to the White House, risking arrest to "inspire urgency and courage from our elected leaders."

"What do we do when our communities are under attack? Stand up, fight back!" they chanted. "Injustice, we'll stop it. People over profit!"

One contingent marched behind a sign that read, "We are the ones we've been waiting for." Another laid down a blank mural banner in the middle of an intersection as demonstrators used colorful paint to write or draw out their vision for a just world.

At other times, they called out, "No borders, no nations, stop the deportations!"

The activists are demanding that Congress takes immediate action to "keep fossil fuels in the ground, protect and respect the dignity and lives of immigrants, and black, brown, and poor communities; reinvest in healthy jobs, renewable energy, and an economy that works for all of us," as organizers Yong Jung Cho, Waleed Shahid, Devontae Torriente, and Sara Blazevic wrote in a piece published last week.

But more than that, they're presenting themselves as the stewards of a just future.

"Politicians aren’t the only voices with power," the young activists state. "We have power, too. And we have more power when we act together. Young people don’t live single-issue lives. We live at the intersection of the most pressing problems today. Our movements are connected and our purpose is huge."
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In 1961 the Massachusetts prison in Concord
gave LSD to a small group of inmates......


A New Behavior Change Program Using Psilocybin
Psychotherapy Vol. 2, No. 2, July, 1965, pp. 61-72

This paper describes the procedure and results of a new kind of behavior change or rehabilitation program The methods used here may have applications to a wide range of settings in the field of rehabilitation or behavior change.
The program aims to produce such changes in prisoners' ways of thinking and living as will enable them to stay out of prison once they are: released. It is well known that our contemporary prison systems do not perform this function (usually called "reforming" the criminal). Fifty to seventy percent of offenders paroled or released return within a 5-year period, with a nationwide average of 67% (Mattick, 1960) .
Many attempts have been made to develop treatment programs which would better serve the purpose of "reform" or "rehabilitation."
Our program may be summarized as follows:

(1) It is a collaborative group program; we avoid as much as possible the traditional doctor-patient, researcher-subject, or professional-client roles.

(2) The program is relatively short and emphasizes the crucial importance of certain far-reaching "insight" experiences (produced by consciousness-altering drugs).

(3) The program has a built in evaluation procedure. Records of changes serve as feedback for the group members and to communicate the activities of the group to other research workers.

The program does not require expensive professional personnel. It does require persons (usually non-professionals possessing a certain egalitarian wisdom) who are experienced in the procedures we have developed.
Although the particular combination of methods used in this program is new, some of the methods have been used successfully by others within institutional settings. Stürup (1957) has developed a group "total treatment" program for criminals, involving insight experience, self-help in changing patterns of interaction and the concept of the "chain-reaction" by which groups are encouraged to further their own learning and progress. The Highfields project, which uses "guided group interaction" to provide insight and assumes that increased responsibility makes for change, is also similar in many respects (McCorkle et al., 1958). Feedback and self-evaluation) by the group has been discussed by Jenkins (1948). Most writers on group treatment have agreed that the learning and change takes place through observation and understanding of "here-and-now" experience and behavior. The group behavior which serves as the focus around which the learning takes place may be role-playing (Levit and Jennings, 1960) or psychodrama (Moreno, 1959); or it may be some set of stimuli brought in from the outside, such as a problem or a case-history (Slater, 1961). In our case, the group experience around which the therapeutic process is constructed is the shared insight experienced by psilocybin.[2]
Although psilocybin per se has only rarely been used in therapy (e.g. Duché and Laut, 1961) other drugs from the same group such as LSD-25 have of course been widely used as adjuncts to therapy (e.g. Abrahamson, 1955; Cutner, 1959; Sandison, 1954). More recently Tenenbaum (1961) also reports the use of LSD with criminal offenders in a prison setting.
The halfway house for parolees is also an integral part of our program. There have been many attempts to establish such transitional institutions, based on the principle of support coming from others who have shared similar experiences. The St. Dismas Home in St. Louis for ex-convicts, the Synanon, Inc. group in California for ex-addicts, and especially Alcoholics Anonymous are some of the better known examples.

This program was carried out in the Massachusetts Correctional Institution, Concord, a maximum security prison for younger offenders, between February, 1961, and January, 1963. Concord's daily average population in 1959 was 395, the average are is around 21 or 22. During 1959, 67% of the 247 men committed were recidivists, i.e., had served former commitments, mostly in county jails or juvenile institutions.
The program as now developed through pilot studies, and continual revision and improvement over the period of a year may be divided into five stages: selection, testing, change program, pre-parole period and parole. In describing the stages we will distinguish between what we actually did and what we would now do, having learned from our mistakes.
Stage 1: Selection. Candidates for the program were selected by the prison parole officer according to the following criteria: (1) they were eligible for parole in three to five months' time; (2) they had not had more than one previous parole violation.
We now add a third criterion: we don't accept inmates who will be paroled out of state because of the difficulty of keeping adequate follow-up records. The group thus selected is interviewed by a clinical psychologist and. a psychiatrist jointly, the program is explained and volunteers are accepted. Of the 40 men interviewed 2 refused and 6 did not complete the program for technical reasons. Thus only 32 men are involved in the final evaluation.
During our pilot studies we also accepted inmates from sources other than the parole officer. Three were referred by the prison psychiatrist. One was accepted because of his interest in the project. These were older men with longer records and longer sentences.
We now feel that it is wiser to adhere strictly to the criteria developed because otherwise the project becomes involved with power struggles in the institution which may cause tension in the groups. Also, older inmates serving long sentences pursue somewhat different objectives in the group than men who are about to be paroled. These different goals need not conflict but they are distinct: a young offender at Concord is most likely to concern himself with post-release adjustment to life outside. An older offender serving a 15-20 year sentence is more likely to be trying to find ways of adjusting to prison life.
It should be noted that the participants are not necessarily men who have sought help for "psychological" problems. Simultaneous individual therapy for participants in the group program may be a valuable complement. However, the group program, with its emphasis on collaborative ways of self-help, provides a behavior change setting for many men who would refuse to seek help within the traditional psychiatric framework.
We have experimented with different sizes of groups, five to ten inmates with three psychologists. Large groups are too unwieldy. For the major experiment the groups consisted of three new inmates, one psychologist and one additional inmate who had already participated in the program once.
Stage 2: Testing and feedback. After an initial discussion meeting the inmates take a battery of personality tests consisting of the MMPI (Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory), the CPI (California Psychological Inventory), the Maher Sentence Completion Test (Watt & Maher, 1958), designed especially to measure cynicism in prisoners, and a TAT (Thematic Apperception Test) constructed especially to measure a variety of motives.
Then follow three to four discussion meetings (twice a week). Test results are "fedback" and personal situations are reviewed. The group is told about the possible experiences with psilocybin and encouraged, on the basis of their test results and the information on psilocybin, to plan and initiate their own individual personality change programs. This may take the form of statements such as "I want to understand what drinking means to me" or "I want to try and reduce my paranoid suspicions." We have found, however, that the first time a person takes psilocybin most can be learned by not imposing any plans or pre-conceived interpretation on the experience. Thus, goal-setting becomes more important for second or third experiences. Group leaders carefully avoid imposing their expectation. They emphasize the wide variety of different individual experiences that can be had. Any planning must come from the subject himself.
Stage 3: Change program. The group meets for an all-day session in a room in the prison hospital and takes psilocybin. The main effects of the drug usually last about 3-4 hours but the group stays together all day for support and discussion.
During the session, the atmosphere is relaxed and permissive. Beds are provided for subjects to lie down if they wish, music is also available, the session is not interrupted by visitors or guards. No interpretations are made, although the more experienced group members are always ready to handle panic or paranoia by providing a warm, supportive "reality" orientation. To do this, it is necessary that the group leaders have experienced the effects at some time since they would otherwise be incapable of understanding the reactions the members of the group are having. We have experimented with different dosages and now usually start with 20 or 30 mg., and in subsequent sessions increase up to 50 or 70 mg. Large dosages should only be taken by an experienced subject in a very secure situation, since they can be quite shattering. The prison psychiatrist is always in attendance during the session to handle any adverse physical reactions, although we have never had any except transient minor nausea and headache. In order to minimize suspicion on the part of the inmates and to increase the sense of collaborative trust, we have found it advisable for one of the group leaders to take a small amount of the drug (5-10 mg.) in initial sessions.
After the session, a series of three to four discussion meetings is held, during which subjects work through their experiences, compare, analyze and try to integrate into everyday life what they have learned. Then follows a second all-day session with psilocybin and further discussion meetings.
Our program in the major study consisted of 6 weeks of bi-weekly meetings, with two psilocybin sessions.[3] However, there is some evidence that a longer (perhaps 8-week) program with at least three psilocybin sessions would be better. Partly this is because the first session tends to be minimal in terms of learning since subjects often spend a major portion of the day fighting the experience off. Only when confidence in the experience and in the group is established, through this first experience, does real learning begin.
After the final discussion meetings the men are re-tested with the same battery of tests and the results again fed back.
Stage 4: Pre-parole period. Around this time most of the men come up before the parole board and will either be given a date or deferred. If they are paroled, they move into a special pre-parole group. In this group they discuss the nature of parole, employment opportunities, difficulties and legal problems they may have. We provide whatever help we realistically can. We have been aided in this by graduate students from Harvard University who work in Concord as part of their training in clinical psychology. Psychologists may meet individually with inmates to work out anticipated special problems. The rationale underlying these procedures is to minimize abruptness, shock and difficulty in adjusting to non-prison life.
Those men who are not paroled but have been through the program participate as assistant group leaders in one of the next groups. This serves both to increase inmate collaboration and responsibility and to maintain contact with all our participants.
Stage 5: Parole. This phase of our program was never fully developed. We now realize that it is necessary to set up a halfway house where members of the project can meet regularly and discuss mutual problems along Alcoholic Anonymous lines. For. practical and material reasons we were limited to irregular individual contacts with group members In making such contacts we have found it necessary to "set the limits" of our contract rather widely . Thus most ex- convicts will not come to a middle-class institution like a university unless highly motivated. The only alternative is for the group leader to seek out the men in the community, e.g., in bars or homes, sometimes at unusual hours, as the need arises.

The guiding principles underlying this program are that the problem of changing behavior is not one of "curing" and "illness." Our approach is outside of a medical framework (cf. Leary, 1961), and more in line with an existential approach. We assume that self-defeating behavior patterns (such as recidivism) can be overcome by recognizing the game-quality of conduct (Szasz, 1960). A "game" is any learned behavior sequence with roles, rules, rituals, values, specialized languages and limited goals. Self-defeating games are maintained largely through inability to recognize the features and rules of the game one is involved in, and through inability to detach the self from its actions; they are maintained further through lack of instrumental capacity (power, knowledge) to carry out one's preferred games successfully. Helplessness is the key obstacle to efficient game performance.
Thus many of our procedures are designed to reduce helplessness. Relationships which imply or emphasize power differences are avoided as much as possible. Decisions are made collaboratively by all group members whenever possible. Any knowledge or resources the group leaders have are shared with the group members. This is the rationale for feedback of the test results and interpretations. Maximum responsibility for his own change processes is given to each prisoner. He is encouraged to practice new games and given the help of whatever resources we have.
New interpersonal or behavioral games can only be acquired in shared time and space. In the field of criminology this principle was formulated in the "differential association theory" of Sutherland (1955). Prisoners learn their games from the two groups that share most time and space with them, viz. other prisoners and guards. No middle-class role-relationship could possibly compete with or counteract that influence. Goffman (1957) has made a similar point with reference to the role of attendants in mental hospitals. Therefore we have stressed the importance of mutual collaborative problem-solving at all stages of the program.
The role of the drug experience. The drug used in this project, psilocybin, is a synthetic derivative of Psilocybe mexicana, the "Sacred Mushroom" of Mexico. It was discovered by R. Gordon Wasson in 1954 and synthesized by A. Hofmann of the Sandoz Laboratories in Basel, Switzerland, and is classified with the group of drugs variously known as "hallucinogenic," "psychotomimetic" or "consciousness-expanding"—a croup that also includes mescaline and LSD-25.
We have found that in a benign, supportive setting and with a favorable set, psilocybin can produce a state of dissociation or detachment from the roles and games of everyday interaction(cf. Leary, Litwin, and Metzner, 1963) . This detachment, or temporary suspension of defenses, can provide insight and perspective about repetitive behavior or thought patterns and open up the way for the construction of alternatives. If the defenses are abandoned in a non-anxiety provoking situation, the experience also serves to establish a quite profound level of trust and communication between members of the group.
If the situation is such that suspicion or fear are aroused then the drug experience will only lead to an intensification of defensive manoeuvres. This often happens the first time the group takes the drug and hence it is important to prepare each group member intensively for what he may experience. Subjects who are caught by surprise and become afraid of the effects will attempt to fight the experience e.g., by becoming hypochondriacal about physiological changes, or by obsessive talking, writing or moving around, or by paranoid accusations against the group leaders or against people present who have not taken the drug.
This is why previous experience with drug is important. An inexperienced person is likely to communicate his own anxiety about the reaction. The group should be, to quote Gerald Heard (1959), ". . .concerned but not anxious, interested but not engrossed, diagnostic but not critical, aware of the seriousness and confidential value of what is being conveyed and all the more incapable of coldness or shock, aloofness or dismay. . . Any sense of fear or alienness means that the root danger and origin of all breakdown, i.e., separation is present."
During the main effects of the drug, which start about half an hour after ingestion and last 3-4 hours, a minimum of interpretative or analysis is done; participants are best left free to explore whatever material comes up, whether it be entirely personal or involve interpersonal issues with other group members. Afterwards, when ordinary reality relations have been re-established, there is generally a very fruitful period for discussion and review. (See Handbook on the Therapeutic Use of LSD by Blewett and Chwelos, 1959.)
Psilocybin has the advantages over LSD and mescaline of (a) being relatively short-lasting and (b) involving minimal somatic side-effects.
Two special problems: (1) the two or three days after an intense insight-producing drug experience can be quite painful and depressing as the subject attempts usually with some difficulty to integrate the enormous quantity of material into his habitual life-patterns. Hence group support, exchange of experience and discussion is particularly important at this time. (2) The second problem is that vita group psilocybin experiences that are repeated there is a danger for certain persons to attempt to use the experience to maintain or improve their "games" rather than to see through them. This can express itself in narcissistic preoccupation with one's own "profound" experiences and a certain superior aloofness towards other less experienced group members. This is exemplified in the case of S., described below (see Section V), who in one session repeatedly demanded more of the drug and when it was refused became irritated and withdrawn. It should be the role of one of the other group members or of the leader to point out in a calm, non-critical way whenever a person gets caught in an ego-enhancing pattern for its own sake. Such selfishness tends to obstruct the progress of a really therapeutic and enlightening experience.

The Case of J. J. is a 28-year old Negro who was serving a 5-year sentence for robbery. (6 prior arrests of which 5 were for dunkenness.) He attended a school for retarded children till the age of 17.
The group leader reported that from the start "J's behavior in the group was cooperative and interested. Although he did not talk a lot he followed the group program very closely." During the first psilocybin session he experienced feelings of confusion and isolation. In his report he wrote: " I kept saying to myself in thought—where do you belong?" Through discussions afterwards he gained some insight into his experience and his relationship. The second experience, in the same group of 4 men as before, was much more intense and emotional, with hallucinations of colors, of positive and frightening scenes; it apparently stimulated him to do some thinking about his life.
A few weeks later J. was released on parole. His employer was quite satisfied with his work. At the time of the follow-up evaluation there had been no arrests of J. since his release from prison two years earlier and no indications of criminal involvements.
The Case of S. S. was a 48-year old white man who was serving time on charges of being a common and notorious thief, forgery, larceny and escape. He had a prior history of 30 arrests, the first one being at the age of 12. The offenses were mostly drunkenness (9) and thefts of small amounts of money by the use of bad checks. He had served eleven prior commitments with a total time of fourteen years in prison.
On the initial tests S. presented the classic picture of a "hardened inmate." The Pd and Ma scales on the MMPI were both elevated—the well-known profile of acting-out criminals.
During the first psilocybin session, S. was suspicious and attempted to control and suppress the changes that were occurring partly due to a competitive situation with another inmate.
For the second session in the same group, he was given a larger close (40 mg.) since he was a very heavily-built individual. Out of the shell of the hardened criminal emerged a sensitive, lonely, child-like human being. "At the time of the peak of the drug's effect I had a terrific feeling of sadness and loneliness, and a feeling of great remorse of the wasted years.... It seemed to me that I was crying inside of me and a feeling as if tears were washing everything away. And I was hollow inside. with just an outer shell standing there watching time stand still."
He continued in a second group as assistant group leader. With a group of three younger inmates it was possible for him to assume a role of responsible and encouraging leadership. In the two sessions with this group he was able to experience and explore certain more alien and unacceptable aspects of his personality. In one it was the fear of death which he envisioned in the form of a summoning figure; in the other it was his own selfishness (in demanding drugs). After both experiences he reported feeling very detached from prison life, uninterested in gambling or even talking to anyone except those in his group.
In describing the influence of the project experience on his life, S. wrote: ". . . before taking this drug my thinking always seemed to travel in the same circles, drinking, gambling, money and women and sex as easy and I guess a fast life ....Now my thoughts are troubled and at times quite confusing, but they are all of an honest nature, and of wondering. I know what I want to be and I am sincere in my mind when I say I will try very hard to make it so. I also know that the mushroom drug, in group discussions, and tests, the group therapy is most important. Because there is then also an opening of the mind, and you also get a better understanding of yourself and also the people who are in your group. You feel more free to say and discuss things, which you generally do not do."
He was discharged some weeks later, unexpectedly released from several outstanding warrants and was rather disoriented by the sudden change. However, he obtained a job with a construction company, he worked ten to thirteen hours a day and one month later was promoted to assistant foreman of a small crew. He and two friends subsequently started an auto body paint shop. A few months later he became assistant cook in a large restaurant. Two years later he was still out of prison and working successfully.
Evaluation: Our evaluation research was designed as follows. After a series of pilot group experiences involving a total of nine inmates, the main treatment group of 12 men was run through the program from September to October, 1961. The men met in 4 groups of 3 inmates each, with one psychologist and one inmate from the pilot groups serving as group leaders. A control group of ten men was given the pre- and post-tests at the same time as the treatment group, but did not have any other contact with the program. After the first six-week program they then became the second experimental group, with members of the first group serving as assistant leaders.

The Design Diagrammatically:         TESTS         SIX WEEKS         TESTS         SIX WEEKS         TESTS
Experimental Group         I         TREATMENT         II         —         —
Control group         I         NOTHING         II         TREATMENT         III

The actual results will be presented separately for the three sets for data—personality tests, behavior ratings and return rates.
A. Personality Tests. Table I shows the MMPI scores from pre- and post-tests for the pilot and experimental groups. It should be remembered that the schedule and time-period intervening between pre- and post-tests for the pilot subjects was somewhat longer and more variable than for the experimental subjects. The number of subjects involved in the analysis is less than the total sample owing to incomplete test-protocols or subject dropout. All means are based on T-scores, except for the ego-strength scale, which is based on raw scores. It will be seen that although on several of the scales (D, Pd. Sc, Ma) there are changes in the expected direction, these are not significant. The drop in the psychopathic deviate scale is almost significant at the .05 level. The significant decreases in the two validity scales (L and F) indicate that subjects are less likely to put on a good front or answering at random after the treatment program.
Table II shows the MMPI scores for the Control group before the control period (I), at the end of the control period and before treatment (II), and after treatment (III). Three comparisons were made, all using Wilcoxon signed-rank tests and 2-tailed probability levels. Comparing I and II no difference was predicted and none was found. Comparing the changes from I to II with the changes from II to III it was predicted the latter would be greater. However, the differences were not significant on any of the scales. It will be noted that on several of the scales (Hy, Pd. Pt. Sc) there is a U-shaped trend, with a tendency for scale scores to rise on the third testing after the treatment. This might reflect some peculiar effects due to repeated testing. The fact that the mean F-score did not change also indicates that the validity of these post-treatment scale scores is somewhat doubtful. When I and III, i.e., first and last tests are compared, only the D-scale shows a significant decrease (p < .02 ) .
Table III shows the mean scale scores from the CPI (California Psychological Inventory) for the pilot and experimental groups. Again, significance of change was estimated for the experimental group alone and for pilot and experimental groups combined. Significant increases are shown on 12 out of 18 scales, the most marked being on Sociability, Sense of Well-Being, Socialization, Tolerance and Intellectual Efficiency. The socialization-maturity scales (Re, So, Sc) and the achievement scales (Ac, Ai, Ie) as a group all show significant increases. Table IV shows pre- middle- and post-tests for the control group. None of the changes from I to II are significant except an increase in Good Impression ( p< .01), which occurs also in the experimental group. Except for this scale then, the treatment group changed significantly more than the control group. For the final testing (III) only 7 subjects were available, hence the comparison of changes from I to II with changes from II to III, as well on the overall change from I to III becomes very unreliable. In fact, none of the differences are found to be significant, although they are in the predicted direction. There is however a significant increase from I to III on the Dominance scale for the control group (p < .05).
A different method of analysis is to compute change-scores for each subject and compare mean change-scores in the experimental and control groups, using the Mann-Whitney U-Test. This is a direct estimation of the significance of difference in change, rather than the indirect method of comparing pre- and post-test scores in the two groups. On the MMPI only the decreases on the F and K scales are significantly greater in the experimental than the control group (p. 10). On the CPI the increase in Tolerance (To) for experimental subjects (N = 20) is significantly greater than for control subjects (N = 12); the two-tailed p-value is <.05. The increase in Achievement via Conformity (Ac) is significantly greater for experimental subjects (N = 12) than for the control subjects (N' = 12); the two-tailed p-value is <.10.
Interpretation. There are two problems which make the interpretation of these data difficult. One is artificial, one is substantive. The artificial problem is that the final test scores (III) of the control group are not apparently very reliable, and hence the within-group comparison cannot be made adequately. The substantive problem is that given the existence of significant changes after the treatment program on the CPI it is not known which features of the program are responsible for the changes. Firstly, the fact that most participants are about two to three months removed from parole introduces some ambiguity. Wheeler ( 1961 ) has shown that there is increasing conformity to staff and community norms in prisoners' attitudes just prior to release. However, two facts make this explanation of the data implausible: (1) the changes observed by Wheeler occurred in the last six months prior to parole—there is no evidence to suggest that this trend is continued linearly over such short periods as 6 weeks; (2) this general norm-shifting effect should apply to the control group also, which, as we have seen, does not change. A second factor is the possibility that the feedback of results has simply made the subjects "test-wise" and this can account for all the variance. Although the tests were taken honestly i.e., there was no possibility of memorizing all the items of a scale and their direction, it is true that we do not know whether the feedback alone could have produced these results. We can only say now that this requires further analysis. For example, eventually, it will be possible to correlate success on parole with changes in personality tests. Ferdinand (1962) reports similar CPI changes in a group of juvenile offenders treated by "milieu therapy."
The Sentence Completion Test used here (cf. Watt and Maher, 1958) consists of the responses to 41 sentence stems, coded according to a five-point scale from "extreme disapproval, non-conformity, very negative" (1) to "praise, approval, conformity, extremely positive" (5). The content of the stems covered a variety of social institutions, e.g., law, family, sports, arts, business. etc. Three scores were computed for each person: (1) mean across all items, (2) frequency of very positive responses­4's and 5's, and (3) frequency of very negative responses­1's and 2's. Table V shows the means for two groups—the pilot plus experimental and the control group. On the mean "positive attitude" score the experimental and the controls increase, but the experimental group more. When only the extreme positive or negative 'responses are counted the experimental group changes (positively), the control group does not. Again the results from the third test are bedeviled by sample shrinkage. Since this test was not used in the feedback program, it is not subject to the same confounding variables as the MMPI and CPI. It would seem that a concomitant of the program is a decrease in cynical and hostile attitudes towards a variety of social institutions.
B. Behavior Ratings. Two types of behavior ratings by independent observers were collected, but both are subject to many sources of unreliability. (1) The regular quarterly institutional work reports, by the inmate's work-instructor are six rating scales covering work competence, industry, co-operativeness, etc. When July, September and December work reports were examined there were not consistent trends on any of the scales over the period of the program; nor were there any significant differences between experimental and control groups. However, the samples in this analysis are very small (4 to 9) and the ratings are made by different observers. Thus the absence of discernible trend is not really surprising. (2) A special rating sheet for officers was constructed on eleven areas of interaction and behavior (see Appendix). The "experimental group" here consists of 13 men still in the prison who had gone through the program; the "control group" are a matched sample, selected according to the same criteria, but never having had any contact with the project at all. Again, there is the problem of the effects of different raters, and their possible bias about the project affecting their judgments. With these reservations in mind, Table VI provides some suggestive evidence. The results are given in mean ratings (the scales were either four- or five-point) and the significance of differences was computed by means of chi-square. None of differences between the groups are significant, but 4, 5. 6. (which approach significance) very tentatively suggest that participants are seen as less excitable and as getting along better with officers and with other inmates.
C. Return Rates. One and a half years after termination of the project (18-26 months after release from prison). The recidivism rate in this project does not differ from the expected rate derived from base-rates for the Concord Reformatory as a whole (Metzner & Weil. 1963). In that study 56% of the 311 men released from Concord during 1959 had returned two and a half years later. Out of the 32 men involved in the project, four are still in prison and one escaped. These must therefore be omitted. Of the 27 men released, 11 are still on the street and 16 have returned, a return rate of 59%.

Expected Rate of Return by Type of Return
In the base-rate study half of the recidivists were returned for parole violations and half for new offenses. These two types were then combined for further calculation of predictive categories. In other words we would expect 28% of the released men to be returned as parole violators and 28% as new offenders. When we look at the figures actually obtained, we see that only two out of the 27 men (7%) were returned for new offenses, while 14 out of 27 (52%) were returned as parole violators. This discrepancy has a probability of less than .01 of occurring by chance, using the binomial distribution. In other words there is a significant reduction in the rate of new crimes and a significant increase in the rate of parole violations. This dual effect accounts for the lack of difference when the overall rate of return is considered.
One may speculate about the reasons for the rise in parole violation. Perhaps the men on the psilocybin project received an extra careful degree of parole supervision. The project had aroused a lot of interest in the Department of Correction, and it was impossible to prevent the parole officers from knowing which of their charges had been involved in it.

Expected Rate of Return by Prognostic Categories
In the base-rate study referred to above, expectancies were computed for six different sub-classes of offenders. The categories were obtained empirically on the basis of their predictive efficiency. Thus for example, men with no prior arrests and no prior commitments have an expected return rate of 22%. Men with prior commitments, who committed offenses against a person (but not sex offenders) or against property and who are non-white, have an expected return rate of 86%. Thus, these categories enable one to obtain a more precise expectancy for any particular sample than simply the overall rate.
Table VII compares for each category the percentage returning in the experimental and base-rate samples.
Although the experimental subsamples are too small to make statistically valid comparisons, the figures indicate a reduced return rate in groups (1) and (6) and an increased rate in group (2). It should be remembered that these figures for new offenses and parole violations are combined and therefore do not enable one to specify in what category a significant reduction of new crimes occurred.
Conclusion. Of the three types of evaluation, the most important is the rate of return. It is a completely objective behavioral index, not subject to any of the distortions of personality tests and clinical impressions. The main conclusion can be stated as follows: One and one half years after termination of the program the rate of new crimes has been reduced from 28% to 7%, although if parole violations are counted the overall return rate has not changed. It is proposed that these results warrant further research into the potentials of the methods used, especially since no other method of reducing the crime rate exists.

From our experience in this project we would offer the following suggestions for an improved rehabilitation program designed to decrease the recidivism rate of offenders with relatively short sentences.
If the core of the rehabilitation or change process is some form of intense group experience designed to bring about insight then it is essential that the environment in which this insight takes place is supportive of applying such insights to behavior. The ideal solution to this problem is to involve the entire institution, officers, psychologists, as well as inmates, in a joint change process, as in the Herstedvester Center in Denmark (Stürup, 1959). We have attempted to tackle this problem by placing some responsibility for stimulating behavioral change on older, more experienced inmates.
It is highly undesirable to have an inmate return to the same frustrating environment after experiencing an internal liberation. An alternative would be to have the group experience (whether it involves drugs or not) occur outside of the prison, immediately after release, in a special transitional center. This would serve both as a sort of retreat for internal change and as a halfway house to prepare the convict for regular life on the streets.
The second suggestion concerns the importance of the follow-up period. Many convicts are reluctant to get involved in middle-class activities. The doctor-patient model, in which a client regularly visits the office of a professional, is simply not applicable. In practical terms, the "therapist" must be prepared to visit his clients at all times of the day or night in bars or homes, to help find employment, to lend money, etc., because these are the accepted "tests" of a trusting relationship. This is not to say that there should be no structure at all to the relationship, but the structure should come from a definite contractual agreement about the purposes of contacts—and not from arbitrarily imposed space-time limits. For further elaboration of these two ideas see the discussions by Leary (1961), Schwitzgebel (1961) and Eissler (1950) .

1. The help, advice and encouragement of the following persons are gratefully acknowledged: Edward W. Grennan, Superintendent of Massachusetts Correctional Institution, Concord; David C. McClelland, Ph.D., Director of the Center for Research in Personality, Harvard University; Norman A. Neiberg, Ph.D., Director of Psychological Research in the Division of Legal Medicine; and David Houghey, Ph.D., Director of Psychological Research in the Department of Correction; Bernard Dee, Institutional Parole Officer; William P. Ryan, head Correctional Social Worker; Cornelius Twomey, Chairman of the Parole Board and Martin Davis, Chief of Parole Division The following graduate students contributed actively to this program: Stephen Berger, Jonathan Clark, Don Fowles, Rudolf Kalin, David Kolb, George Litwin, Jonathan Shay, James Uleman; and Michael Hollingshead. (back)
2. Grateful acknowledgment is also made to Sandoz Pharmaceuticals, and its director, Carl Henze, M.D., for supplying us with psilocybin and for his continued interest and cooperation in our program. (back)
3. The pilot group usually had three sessions; some of the later group members also participated as assistant group leaders, hence the number of psilocybin sessions is not constant. The actual distribution is as follows: 15 had two sessions, 9 had three, 4 men had four and 5 had five. One man, a chronic alcoholic and multiple parole violator, was given the drug once outside of the regular program; he is not included in the main sample.
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Joseph Ponte: No going back on Rikers reforms
Joseph Ponte November 13 2015

Corrections Officer Slashed in the Face at Rikers Island

Last week, a city correction officer suffered a horrific attack at the hands of two inmates. For far too long, we have seen violent incidents occur on Rikers Island with alarming frequency. This is precisely the problem I pledged to fix when the mayor appointed me.

Yet in recent days, we have heard the very voices that condemn violence at Rikers — including some labor and advoca
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Smith student activists barred reporters from entering their sit-in

| 11.19.15 | 1:35 PM

Activists at Smith College banned journalists from an on-campus sit-in held to show solidarity with University of Missouri protestors.

Reporters were prohibited from covering the 12-hour Student Center sit-in Wednesday unless they agreed to express their support for the students’ cause in their re
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25 Disturbing Demands from ‘Black Lives Matter’-Inspired Student Groups

20 Nov 2015

Professional protesters Johnetta Elzie and Deray McKesson have put together a website, demands.org, showing demands made by various student protest groups at 37 campuses across the country and in Canada.

Each list is written by students at a given university, so there is no consistent style or message. But many lists show similar demands — increased funding for student groups, increased hiring of black professors, and higher recruitment goals for black students. These seem to be coherent or reasonable things for black and minority students to be concerned about.

But there are also some demands that seem to go beyond ordinary bounds, i.e. telling university presidents to apologize in writing for things they did not do, or demanding everyone “acknowledge their racism,” or that all students attend mandatory semester-long classes in “cultural competency.”

Then there are some demands which just seem random or especially difficult to justify, like a staff civil-rights lawyer or naming a building after a woman on the FBI’s 10-Most-Wanted list.

What follows are 25 unusual demands made by these student groups as posted at demands.org.

1. University of Missouri protesters demanded (ex-) President Tim Wolfe acknowledge his white privilege in a press conference:

We demand that University of Missouri System President, Tim Wolfe, writes a hand-written apology to Concerned Student 1-9-5-0 demonstrators and holds a press conference in the Mizzou Student Center reading the letter. In the letter and at the press conference, Tim Wolfe must acknowledge his white privilege, recognize tha
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Human Kindness

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Mud Rock

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st week, I was one of five people arrested as part of a non-violent
direct action to shut down a San Francisco Board of Supervisors hearing.
We demanded they vote NO on the proposed new jail. This action was
organized by our allies with the No New SF Jail Coalition and we were
joined by over a hundred community members chanting "House Keys Not
Handcuffs" and "Lift Us Up, Don't Lock Us Up!" in powerful solidarity
for over two hours as we shut down the hearing. You can watch a video of
the action here


We won a delay in the vote! Supervisor Mar closed the hearing by
reaffirming his opposition to the jail, declaring: "I want to be on the
right side of history."

Alicia Bell, Katie Loncke, Andrew Szeto, Tash Nguyen, and Brooke
Anderson, the five freedom fighters who were arrested at the hearing.

San Francisco is now in the home stretch. The full Board will vote on
the jail plan next Tuesday, December 15th.


Let's hit this one outta the park and stop this jail once and for all.

The San Francisco Supervisors need to see, hear, and feel our power.

the Board of Supervisors to demand they vote NO on the jail
proposal! Four supervisors -- Mar, Kim, Campos, and Avalos -- have stood
strong in opposition to the jail, and we thank them for their critical
leadership. But we need to pressure the other supervisors to join them
in supporting a strong, healthy, and safe San Francisco:

Supervisor Aaron Peskin - (415) 554-7450

Supervisor London Breed - (415) 554-7630

Supervisor Malia Cohen - (415) 554-7670

Supervisor Norman Yee - (415) 554-6516

Supervisor Mark Farrell - (415) 554-7752

Supervisor Katy Tang - (415) 554-7460

Supervisor Scott Wiener - (415) 554-6968
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Steven Greer September 17 2015, London ET Contact ... - YouTube
Video for steven greer london youtube
▶ 2:09:54

Oct 9, 2015 - Uploaded by AGE OF DISCLOSURE
You are invited to join Dr. Steven Greer- founder of the world-wide Disclosure movement and ...
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CLEVELAND-- A group demanding Cuyahoga County Prosecutor Timothy McGinty resign from his post, ‘died-in’ outside his home in the West Park neighborhood of Cleveland.


"die-in" for Tamir Rice

Friday afternoon, about 150 people marched from Impett Park to McGinty’s home. People who were able, then laid down side-by-side on the sidewalk in front of his home. Demonstrators remained on the ground for four minutes, symbolizing the time Tamir Rice lay bleeding to death while the officers involved in his death did not render aid. An FBI agent in the area for an unrelated matter eventually came to help the 12-year-old.

The marchers included an amalgamation of people, ranging in age from very young to very old. Various races and faiths were also represented.

Latonya Goldsby, Tamir’s cousin walked with the group and spoke over loudspeaker about the case. This is the first time since the grand jury’s decision not to indict the officers involved in Rice’s death, that a family member has directly spoken about the ‘no bill.’ “It’s very emotional to have to actually go through this process,” Goldsby told WKYC Channel 3’s Hilary Golston. “You would have thought that the prosecutor would have rendered some type of justice.”

Besides McGinty’s removal, the group articulated three other areas of action it desires. Organizers indicated they want to ensure Officers Timothy Loehmann and Frank Garmback never return to the Cleveland Police force. Garmback was driving the police cruiser November 22, 2014, when Tamir was fatally wounded. Loehmann exited the vehicle and within 2 seconds fired his weapon, striking Rice. Like other groups, the protestors demand a federal investigation into the shooting of Tamir. The use of independent prosecutors in future deadly force cases, is also a top priority for organizers.

The group organized after noon in Impett Park and continued to demonstrate until around 2:30 p.m.

Hilary Golston - WKYC

Large group of people march to McGinty's house

Those present included Dr. Jawanza Colvin pastor of the Olivet Institutional Baptist Church and Rachelle Smith, both members of the ‘Cleveland Eight.’ The pair along with 6 others filed a citizen’s affidavit asking a judge to review the case and charge Loehmann and Garmback with a crime for Rice’s death. “We are calling for a resignation… and the reason is this: when a case is brought into the county it is not Timothy McGinty versus that person. It is the people versus that person,” Dr. Colvin said over a bull horn.

Cleveland Municipal Court Judge, Ronald Adrine, subsequently found probable cause to charge the officers with murder and other charges. However, despite efforts by the ‘Eight’ charges were never filed.

To complete their actions, the demonstrators brought the children walking with the group to McGinty’s driveway and asked them to place flowers there as a symbol for Tamir. “Y’all are the future…
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Parker: President Obama’s Dramatic Commutation Plan

Ross Parker was chief of the criminal division in the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Detroit for 8 years and worked as an AUSA for 28 in that office.
Ross Parker

see link for full story


This column recently presented the historic changes made by the Obama Administration to change the direction of drug enforcement, drug offender punishment and treatment for drug abusers. For the first time in four decades the executive branch has embarked on a systematic and multi-front program to reduce the penalties for convicted drug traffickers.

But it has also provided a program for early treatment of drug users who previously were limited to emergency rooms after overdoses followed by expensive hospital stays and limited rehabilitation.

One of the methods used by the President to affect the punishment scheme has been to wield his pardon and commutation power. President Obama has already set records by his commutation policy with 185 reduced sentences, 171 of which were in 2015, more than the combined number of the previous five Presidents combined. Most of those grants have involved convicted drug traffickers serving long term prison sentences. The offenders chosen had little or no history of violence and were not repeat offenders.

Article II, section 2 of the Constitution, Clause 1 provides: The President…shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. The President’s clemency authority stems from the practice of Anglo-Saxon Kings to pardon, and it has not been seriously challenged either by Congress or the courts since it was included in the Constitution over two hundred years ago. It is now firmly ingrained in American public policy.

president obama- white house photo

Executive pardons and commutations are sometimes confused. Pardons are an expression of forgiveness by the President which removes the effects of a conviction, such as civil disabilities like voting, holding office or possessing firearms. Commutations, on the other hand, do not affect the conviction and only reduce sentences. The civil disabilities remain in effect. For example, a pardon can remove the legal basis for immigration deportation whereas a commutation will not.

Not since the period of 1919-1923 under the administrations of Presidents Wilson and Harding have substantial numbers of commutations been granted. During the period of 1986 to 1998 only 6 commutations were granted. Only President Johnson of the modern Presidents regularly used commutations under his executive clemency power. Other Presidents have used it sparingly: Nixon (60), Ford (22), Carter (29), Reagan (13), H.W. Bush (3), Clinton (61), Bush (11).

Now there is reason to believe that the final year of Obama’s Presidency will witness unprecedented numbers of commutations and pardons, potentially thousands, a total which will exceed any action in American history. Over 19,000 commutation petitions have
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William Turner: Tribute to a Courageous FBI Agent Turned Critic


Global Research, January 13, 2016
Who What Why 9 January 2016
Region: USA
Theme: Culture, Society & History, Media Disinformation, Police State & Civil Rights

First published by WhoWhatWhy

I first met William Weyland Turner at a political conference, in a hotel bar in Los Angeles. He was 71, and Parkinson’s disease made his every move a staggering, slow-motion effort; walking, taking a sip of a drink, even laughing. Yet his brain remained sharp.

We bonded immediately over our distaste for our hotel. The rooms, all bad angles and David Lynch lighting, had allegedly been designed with feng shui in mind. Rooms of absurd discomfort resulted, with tiny nonsensical chairs and televisions that were propped up six inches off the ground and facing the window, as if for the benefit of local birds. The elevators were bathed in ominous red light; when moving between floors, they produced ominous whispering rather than Muzak.

Most importantly, neither of us could turn on the overhead lights in our rooms, so we were forced to rely on the closet light for illumination. “I’m a smart guy,” Turner said. “You’re a smart guy. And we still can’t figure this out.” I ordered another $15 cocktail, unhappy about the tab but happy with the company.

William Turner – or, forever after, Bill – was in the final chapter of one hell of a life. He started off as the embodiment of one of those pragmatic, respectable, square-jawed men celebrated on mid-twentieth century American television, but wound up among hippies and conspiracy theorists. And the damndest thing about it was that the progression actually made perfect logical sense.

Born in 1927, he enrolled in the Navy at age 17, and was assigned to the Pacific shortly before the bombs were dropped in Japan. Returning home, he played semi-pro hockey, at one point flirting with the New York Rangers of the NHL.

But the FBI paid better – back then anyway. He stayed with the Bureau from 1951 to 1961, becoming increasingly dubious about its tactics and the curious obsessions of its leader, J. Edgar Hoover. When he finally left the FBI for good – he had tried to leave in 1957 but was assured that changes were in store – he didn’t go out, as he put it, with “the customary hearts and flowers routine.”[1] Instead, he decided to file suit for violations of his free speech rights, and although it was unsuccessful he did manage to get some negative assessments into the public record from other agents.

Turner had become increasingly uncomfortable with the director’s focus on rooting out a largely illusionary Communist threat, the beginnings of COINTELPRO (a program that targeted mostly black organizations, such as the Black Panthers, as well as Malcolm X and Dr. Martin Luther King), wiretapping and illegal “black-bag” jobs. In Turner’s opinion, the FBI seemed to be little more than the church of J. Edgar Hoover, which was dangerous for national security. As Turner himself jocularly relates in his autobiography:

…Hoover projected an image of perfection…An example of this is the story about the New York agents who cornered a fugitive at a subway entrance. A shootout ensued, and one agent was taken to the hospital with a leg wound. The next morning Hoover appeared with his civic group as scheduled. “Gentlemen,” he began, “I am with you this morning even though my heart is heavy, for last night in New York one of my agents was killed in a gun battle.” When the Director’s words reached New York, agents drew straws to see who would go to the hospital and finish off the wounded agent.[2]

Turner realized he was at a crossroads. He had served in the Navy and spent ten years investigating and prosecuting crime as one of Hoover’s finest. So what would he do? He would become a journalist, and not just any journalist – he would wind up as the editor of Ramparts magazine.

Along with Paul Krassner’s iconoclastic The Realist, Ramparts was one of the most radical magazines of its time: an ostensibly Catholic publication that was in practice a leftist attack on the status quo. Typical articles probed government surveillance or CIA infiltration of liberal groups. Authors included members of the Black Panther party .

In the 50s, every red-blooded American kid ran around with a Junior G-man badge; in the next decade, the FBI would be seen as yet another arm of an oppressive state. And somehow Bill Turner had moved from one to the other. It was like television star Donna Reed suddenly appearing in a West African dashiki.

The fact is, Turner had stayed true to his principles. He was a patriot, but he wasn’t a fool – and when he saw the FBI as part of the problem, he didn’t hesitate to join the other side.

The cover of Ramparts, June 1967. This issue contained an article by William W. Turner titled “"JFK Assassination: The Inquest”. Photo credit: Newmanology

As editor of Ramparts under publisher Warren Hinckle, he produced some of the most radical writing of the period, as well as giving voice to what was labeled the New American Left. This was a reaction to the Vietnam War, the emerging surveillance state, the presidencies of Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, and the major assassinations of the Sixties – John and Robert Kennedy, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Malcolm X.

In many ways, Turner was ahead of his time. One example is an article he wrote in the January 1967 Ramparts about the right-wing militia called the Minutemen. In words that could scarcely be more relevant today, he berates the FBI for spending all its time chasing the ghosts of Communism when a real American threat grows within our own society – disenfranchised white men violently opposed to racial change.

The article gained credence coming from someone who had recently been involved in the very organization he now criticized. Although offended, Hoover’s outfit realized that confronting Turner was pointless. An internal FBI memo notes that “Due to Turner’s attitude toward the Bureau, it would be useless to contact him to set him straight…No further action is necessary as this article merely represents another of Turner’s attempts to smear the Bureau.”[3]

That same issue of Ramparts played an important role in history for quite another reason: it contained William Pepper’s scathing anti-war article, “The Children of Vietnam.”

FBI Redactions regarding William W. Turner and Ramparts Magazine Photo credit: governmentattic.org

After reading Pepper’s piece, Dr. King asked the author to speak to his Atlanta congregation. This relationship spurred the civil-rights leader to turn his attention to the Vietnam war, which he condemned in his famous April 4, 1967,speech. (King would be assassinated exactly one year after that speech.)

Meanwhile, Turner’s Minutemen article attracted the attention of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison, who asked Turner to help him investigate the assassination of John F. Kennedy.[4]

A key figure in this investigation, dramatized in Oliver Stone’s 1991 movie, JFK, was a New Orleans businessman and CIA contract agent named Clay Shaw, whom Garrison accused of conspiring to kill Kennedy.

Turner agreed to help Garrison, and almost a year later wrote a cover story in Ramparts: “In my opinion, there is no question they have uncovered a conspiracy.”

One aspect of the case that Ramparts magazine focused on in the early going was a cluster of mysterious deaths of people involved in some way with the assassination.

An FBI memorandum, dated 10/27/1966, notes that in previous articles the magazine “…focused on at least 10 persons known to have been murdered, to have committed suicide, or died in suspicious circumstances since the Kennedy assassination…” Then there is a space and one remark: “The Director asked, What do we know of [REDACTED].”

A most intriguing redaction.

Turner himself wrote about some of these suspicious deaths, including that of Gary Underhill. Underhill had been in military intelligence in World War II, before working for the CIA and serving as an advisor to LIFE Magazine publisher Henry Luce, who controlled the famous Zapruder film of the Kennedy assassination .[5]

Several days after the JFK assassination, Underhill told a friend that he knew a drug-running faction of the CIA had killed Kennedy, adding, ominously, “they knew that he knew.” Underhill would later be found shot dead, with a pistol under his left arm. His death was ruled a suicide, despite the fact that Underhill was right-handed.

Turner wrote:

J . Garrett Underhill had been an intelligence agent during World War II and was a recognized authority on limited warfare and small arms. A researcher and writer on military affairs, he was on a first-name basis with many of the top brass in the Pentagon. He was also on intimate terms with a number of high ranking CIA officials – he was one of the Agency’s “un-people” who performed special assignments. At one time he had been a friend of Samuel Cummings of Interarmco, the arms broker that numbers among its customers the CIA and, ironically, Klein’s Sporting Goods of Chicago, from whence the mail order Carcano allegedly was purchased by Oswald.[6]

Having spent so much time aiding Garrison on the latter’s doomed investigation of President Kennedy’s assassination — Shaw was eventually acquitted of involvement — Turner would find himself investigating the murder of another Kennedy, John’s brother Robert, shot to death in June 1968. The resulting book (written with Jonn Christian), The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy: The Conspiracy and Coverup, continues to be one of the key volumes written on the case, along with Shane O’Sullivan’s Who Killed Bobby?

The general public is mostly unaware of the evidence for a conspiracy in the death of RFK, even though the physical evidence is easier to understand than in the JFK case. Although witnesses saw Sirhan Sirhan shoot at RFK while facing his front, the Senator’s wounds are in his back and the rear of his head, from a gun fired at point-blank range.

An astonishing story in its own right, complete with a Girl in a Polka Dot Dress, a “Walking Bible,” and mind control, the RFK assassination narrative is too complex to relate here. However, Turner and Christian must have done something right, because Random House destroyed 20,000 copies of the book rather than publish it, allegedly in response to the threat of a lawsuit by a known criminal with an FBI rap sheet.[7]

Turner would go on to write more books, including an autobiography. Although slowed in later years by his Parkinson’s, his ailments did not affect his mind. He continued to write and research, and remained as passionate as ever about exposing the truth behind government obfuscations.

Bill Turner died on December 26, 2015.

I worked with him numerous times over the years, helping him deliver his speeches at the yearly Coalition on Political Assassinations (COPA) conferences, and he was always flexible, polite, and pleasant. (This may not seem like much, but when you work with dozens of remote speakers from all over the world, an affable and cooperative manner truly matters).

In a research “community” too often characterized by cut-throat competitiveness, Bill made himself a lot of friends for his gentle spirit and his kindness. His memory, as well as his work, will live on.


[1] Ibid, 15.

[2] Turner, William. Rearview Mirror (Penmarin Books: Granite Bay, CA: 2001), 3.

[3] Memorandum, 1/19/1967, to W. S. Sullivan from C. D. Brennan, Subject: “Minutemen”

[4] Turner, 116.

[5] DiEugenio, James. Destiny Betrayed (Skyhorse Publishing: New York, NY: 2012), 98.

[6] Turner, William, “The Inquest,” Ramparts, June 1967.

[7] Turner, Rearview Mirror, 259.
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