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How One Man Refused to Spy on Fellow Muslims for the FBI—And Then Lost Everything


Arun Kundnani and Emily Keppler and Muki Najaer on

October 14, 2014 - 3:13PM ET

On the night of December 9, 2011, Siham Stewart called her husband, Ayyub Abdul-Alim, as he closed down his corner store, Nature's Garden, in Springfield, Massachusetts. She asked him to bring home a gallon of milk. A few minutes later, she watched from the window of their second-floor apartment as he was seized in the street and handcuffed by two police officers.

Forty-eight hours after Abdul-Alim's arrest, FBI agent James Hisgen and Springfield police officer Ronald Sheehan offered him the chance to walk away free of charges if he agreed to become an informant on the Muslim community. He refused the deal and is now held at the Cedar Junction maximum-security prison in Massachusetts, facing up to sixteen years behind bars.

While awaiting trial, Abdul-Alim discovered that his wife received cash payments from the FBI totaling at least $11,949. The receipts were signed by Sheehan and Hisgen. Stewart testified against Abdul-Alim in court and admitted to working as an informant. This past April, Abdul-Alim was found guilty of illegal possession of a firearm that he alleges the officers planted on him as part of their attempt to pressure him to work for the FBI.

Abdul-Alim, 36, grew up in New York City in a family of African-American and Puerto Rican heritage. Prior to his arrest, he founded and ran the Quran and Sunnah Community Center in Springfield, which offered free meals and prayer services, and Connections Transportation, which transported people to visit their loved ones in prison. He was also a small business owner, an apartment complex manager, a husband, and a father figure to Stewart's son.

His life began to change in 2010 after he returned from a three-week religious trip to Mecca. Abdul-Alim reports that he began to receive calls from James Hisgen, an agent at the FBI's Springfield field office, who asked him questions such as, "Do you love America?" and told him to call back if he was interested in working as an informant.

In early 2011, Hisgen showed up at Abdul-Alim's mosque, Masjid Al Tawheed, with two other agents. According to the Imam, Dr. Ishmael Ali, Hisgen claimed he was from the Springfield Building Department and demanded to search the mosque. Dr. Ali turned him away because he did not have a warrant. Dr. Ali recalled that in the two years leading up to his arrest, Abdul-Alim continually sought advice on how to get the FBI agents to leave him alone.

Since 9/11, a key element in the FBI's counter-terrorism tactics has been the aggressive recruitment and deployment of large numbers of informants among Muslim communities in the United States. Part of the purpose is to gather information on political or community activism, which the FBI frames as a precursor to extremist violence. But the tactics also fit a familiar pattern—one that harkens back to the FBI's history of targeting the civil rights and Black Power movements of the 1960s, when it was likewise asserted that extremist ideologues were fueling violence.

At that time, FBI agents were each expected to hire at least one informant to report on the goings-on of black people. African-Americans were watched by FBI informants everywhere they congregated: churches, bookstores, bars, restaurants, college classrooms and other gathering spots. In addition to providing information on activist leaders, the informants served as "listening posts" for blanket information on black communities.

The FBI believed that the civil rights movement was a front for Communist subversion and that the urban rebellions of black youth were instigated by Communist agitators. Systematic spying, it was thought, would help prevent riots but ultimately the purpose was to disable the growing radicalism of black America. Black Muslims—branded the "extremists" of the day—were seen as especially politicized, and prominent community figures such as Muhammad Ali and Malcolm X were placed on NSA and FBI watch lists. Nation of Islam leader Elijah Muhammad had been on the FBI's radar since World War II; in 1942, agents had arrested him on charges of draft evasion.

The best-known FBI initiative directed at the black liberation movement was COINTELPRO—short for Counterintelligence Program. It was launched in 1956 to infiltrate the Communist Party but shortly afterwards was expanded to include the ongoing surveillance of black activists. Disinformation campaigns, arrests on trumped-up charges, faked evidence, and assassinations were used to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize" black movements, according to the FBI's own documents. But COINTELPRO was just one initiative within the FBI's wider surveillance and criminalization of black organizations.

Abdul-Alim's parents were themselves caught up in these longer histories of FBI surveillance. His father was active with the Black Panther Party in New York and his mother was a member of the Young Lords, the radical Puerto Rican youth group that was, like the Panthers, targeted by the FBI. Both parents were involved in the Mosque of the Islamic Brotherhood, a Harlem-based Muslim congregation founded by an associate of Malcolm X and whose attendees have faced decades of surveillance.

Today, black Muslims stand at the intersection of the War on Drugs' institutional racism and the War on Terror's institutional Islamophobia: their race frames them as prone to gang violence, their religion as a terrorist threat. Abdul-Alim's case shows the extreme measures the FBI is willing to use to pressure Muslims to work as informants on the terror war's domestic front.

On the night of his arrest, Sheehan instructed two Springfield Police officers to stop Abdul-Alim as he approached a store. According to a police radio transcript, the officers pat-frisked Abdul-Alim and told Sheehan that he was clear of any weapons. Sheehan ordered them to conduct a second search and, according to one transcript, they again responded that Abdul-Alim did not have any weapons.

Sheehan asked over the police radio, "Is the subject in earshot?" and then asked one of the officers, Angel Berrios, to step away. This is where the record ends. Abdul-Alim alleges that Berrios then pushed him against the police car, pulled down his pants and boxers, probed his testicles, spread his buttocks and yelled out, "Gun!"

The officers handcuffed Abdul-Alim and placed him in a police cruiser. Abdul-Alim alleges that Sheehan then approached the vehicle and asked, "Are you ready to make the deal of a lifetime?" When Abdul-Alim protested, he was told to "think it over" on his way to the police station.

Sheehan, who is also a member of the Springfield Joint Terrorism Task Force, immediately called his FBI supervisor to notify him of the arrest.

Forty-eight hours after the arrest, it became apparent what the "deal of a lifetime" would involve. As Abdul-Alim awaited arraignment at the Springfield police station, Sheehan and Hisgen questioned him for about an hour. Abdul-Alim recalls Hisgen saying, "You may remember I called you about a year ago requesting a meeting to discuss possible information you may have that could be helpful, but you refused to meet with me. Maybe you'll be more willing to cooperate now." At this point, Abdul-Alim recognized Hisgen as the same man who had called him for months and attempted to search his mosque. He recounted these events to The Nation from behind a plexiglass barrier in Hampton County Jail.

Abdul-Alim, who had been convicted of dealing cocaine in 2003, assumed the interrogation regarded drugs or gangs. Hisgen allegedly said, "I'm not interested in that nickel and dime shit. I want the real shit. Like terrorism shit."

"They said that I was facing ten years, but I could walk away right now if I agreed to be an informant," recalls Abdul-Alim. "They said that they would give me the names of specific people who they wanted me to target, and I would use anti-government propaganda to incite them to violent action. They implied that they would provide me with guns and bombs to give people." Hisgen and Sheehan did not record the interrogation.

Abdul-Alim refused the deal and was held at the Hampden County Correctional Center for two and a half years awaiting trial. In December 2013, the prosecution introduced a new set of charges. Police officers claimed that, shortly after Abdul-Alim's arrest, they had conducted a search of the apartment complex he managed and discovered a bag of guns in an empty suite. "They supposedly sat on this information for two years, which is definitely very unusual," said Abdul-Alim's public defense attorney, Thomas Robinson.

In April 2014, a four-day trial began on the original gun charges but it was riddled with inconsistencies. The officers could not agree on simple details, including how many times they searched Abdul-Alim, or the location and time that they allegedly found the gun. The gun was originally described by police and a ballistic expert as a .22 revolver but later identified in court as a .25 semi-automatic pistol manufactured in 1908.

A police forensics analysis conducted three days after the arrest found that there were no fingerprints on the gun. In contradiction to police procedure, the arresting officers failed to retrieve surveillance videos of the arrest scene, wear gloves while handling the weapon, or write a complete police report.

In Court, Siham Stewart testified as an informant saying she had been paid by the police and the FBI but denied that the payments were related to Abdul-Alim. She said that, whenever she was short on rent money, she would call "Ron," referring to Officer Sheehan, and he would pay her in cash. Abdul-Alim says that Stewart convinced him to sign his bank accounts and store over to her while he was in jail. She sold the store, took his money, and left.

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Report: 'Soccer Rat' Chuck Blazer was FBI informant
by Paul Kennedy, November 2nd, 2014 12:23AM
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[FIFA] The New York Daily News reported on Saturday night that Chuck Blazer, once the most powerful man in American soccer, was an FBI informant who was "flipped" and used to investigate high-ranking soccer officials around the world. Among other things, the Daily News reported that Blazer, now suffering from colon cancer, was wired and secretly recorded officials whom he arranged to meet at his London hotel during the 2012 Olympics.

Blazer's power as Concacaf's general secretary and the lone American on the FIFA executive committee was legendary, as was his extravagant lifestyle. The Daily News reported he kept a $6,000-a-month apartment for his "unruly cats" at the Trump Tower, where Concacaf had its offices, and he needed "a fleet of mobility scooters to move from feast to feast" in New York.

The 450-pound Blazer's failure to pay income taxes on the millions of dollars he made while running Concacaf was apparently his undoing and the leverage the FBI and IRS needed to make him a cooperating witness beginning in 2011. Blazer had been the "whistle-blower" in the Caribbean vote-buying scandal that resulted in the resignation or expulsion of two confederation presidents, his longtime crony Jack Warner and Mohamed Bin Hammam, in 2011.

Blazer, 69, resigned as Concacaf's general secretary in 2011 after serving with the body for 21 years. He was first elected to the FIFA executive

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Reply with quote  #3 


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Man Says FBI Jailed Him for not Being a Snitch

The FBI and immigration service jailed an Iranian-born legal U.S. resident for 19 months because he wouldn't infiltrate San Jose-area mosques as a paid informant, the man claims in court.
Hassan Abpikar sued Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers David Harris and Dwayne Sanchez and FBI agent Robert Carr on Tuesday in Federal Court.
He claims the men violated his civil rights, falsely imprisoned him, assaulted and battered him and caused him emotional distress throughout the ordeal.
Neither the United States nor the agencies the officers work for are named as defendants in the lawsuit.
Abpikar, 54, was born in Tehran and came to the United States legally on a student visa, eventually earning advanced degrees in math and chemistry from San Jose State University, he says in the lawsuit.
After he became a permanent legal resident in 1983, Abpikar says he applied twice for citizenship - and both times missed his interview due to "time constraints."
In 2006 - two years after being denied citizenship for missing the second interview - Abpikar says San Jose Police arrested him for using a fake ID. Police released him shortly after the arrest, Abpikar says, but ICE picked him up almost immediately despite his permanent legal resident status.
He says immigration agents had held him for two weeks when an FBI agent came calling.
According to the complaint, the agent promised his immediate release if he would work as an FBI informant.
Abpikar claims he took the agent's card, agreed to go to the FBI office in San Jose the next day, and was promptly released from custody.
Abpikar says he visited the FBI office the next day. He claims the agent said he had already conducted a background check on him and decided he was a perfect candidate to infiltrate local mosques and keep an ear out for terrorism plans and threats.
But Abpikar says he didn't agree to become an informant - that he needed time to think about it. He says he never returned to the FBI office, and was arrested during a dinner with friends three months later.
Again, the charge was using a fake ID, Abpikar says. And once again, ICE put an immigration hold on him.
After another two weeks in federal custody, Abpikar says, defendant Sanchez served him with a notice to appear in immigration court. The notice alleged that Abpikar had "committed two crimes of moral turpitude and was therefore removable from the United States," according to the complaint.
But the immigration judge tossed the case, as Abpikar had not been convicted of any crime involving moral turpitude. The judge ordered his immediate release, but he remained in custody for another four days before being let go, Abpikar says.
He claims that two years passed before he was harassed by police again. This time, Santa Clara County Sheriff's deputies arrested him on a number of charges, including petty theft and - once again - possessing false identification. He bonded out, but was arrested again after the bail bond company canceled his bail "under the order of defendants," the complaint states.
This time, Abpikar says, he told the FBI he would be an informant if they could arrange his release. But he claims that defendant Carr - also known as Garr - had taken the first agent's place and said the only way they'd have a deal is if Abpikar became a permanent informant for the bureau.
Abpikar says he declined the offer, and that defendants Harris and Sanchez then paid him a visit in jail. He says the men interrogated him about his religious practices as a Shia Muslim, his ex-wife and whether he had a criminal record - questions that Abpikar says led to more criminal charges against him.
At one point, Abpikar says, the officers offered him naturalization in exchange for his services as an informant. He says he demanded the offer in writing and was refused.
After his arraignment, he says, a Santa Clara County judge told the agents that ICE does not have jurisdiction in state matters and ordered Abpikar released on bail. But the agency put an immigration hold on him again, blocking his release.
After another 46 days in jail, Abpikar says, he at last received a hearing before an immigration judge. There, he was charged with making false statements under oath during his naturalization proceedings.
"Plaintiff was indicted before a grand jury on Aug. 20, 2008. Defendant Sanchez was the only witness to testify before the grand jury. Plaintiff alleges based on belief and information that defendants retaliated against him. Due to plaintiff's refusal to become a puppet of the FBI as an informant, defendants Carr, Harris and Sanchez framed plaintiff as a criminal," the complaint states.
Although the immigration judge ordered Abpikar released on bail, he claims a second judge intervened after the agents indicated that Abpikar had ties to terrorist groups and was a flight risk.
In January 2009 - after 6 months in custody - Abpikar says Santa Clara County correctional officers abused him verbally and physically, twisting his wrists and shouting derogatory terms about his religion and national origin. He believes Carr, Harris and Sanchez ordered the abuse.
Santa Clara County is not a defendant in the case.
Six months later, after telling his story to the San Jose Mercury News, Abpikar says he was assaulted again - this time by an inmate being held by the U.S. Marshal's Service, which - like ICE - routinely uses the Santa Clara jail to house prisoners. The assault caused nerve damage in Abpikar's brain, and he again asserts that Carr, Harris and Sanchez ordered the attack.
Abpikar eventually appealed his immigration case to the 9th Circuit. A month after filing the appeal, he was released from custody without being told why.
The 9th Circuit issued an opinion in November 2013, finding that the immigration judge had incorrectly determined that Abpikar had committed a crime of moral turpitude and ordering the judge to use a different tes

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Reply with quote  #4 

New trial for convicted Chandra Levy killer leans on informant’s credibility

November 12, 2014


WASHINGTON — A former Fresno, Calif., gang leader fed scoops to law enforcement long before his testimony secured the conviction of the man accused of killing Chandra Levy, a court hearing revealed Wednesday.

Bulldog Nation founder Armando Morales gave up his methamphetamine supplier, a federal agent testified. Morales wrote a 14-page history of his street gang, a spinoff rival to the older Fresno Bulldogs. He turned over numerous names, including the identities of his gang’s five-man ruling council.

“He provided a lot of information,” stated Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives agent Colene Domenech.

All of which matters, 18 years after Morales’s final guns-and-drugs bust in Fresno, because of how it seemingly conflicts with his courtroom posture during the 2010 trial of Ingmar Guandique. Morales testified that Guandique, while they were cellmates in Kentucky, confessed to killing Levy.

A 24-year-old former B

Read more here: http://www.islandpacket.com/2014/11/12/3428227/new-trial-for-convicted-chandra.html#storylink=cpy

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Reply with quote  #5 

Lawyers: FBI tried to recruit Boston Marathon bomb suspect's brother
Apr 1, 2014 - Lawyers say FBI tried to recruit brother of Boston Marathon bombing ... his older brother, Tamerlan Tsarnaev, to be an FBI informant and report ...
FBI asked Tsarnaev to work as informant before Boston bombing ...
Mar 29, 2014 - FBI asked Tsarnaev to work as informant before Boston bombing, defense claims ... the Boston Marathon bombing last year, was approached by the FBI ... and that the “brothers were never sources for the FBI nor did the FBI ...
Boston bombing suspect Tsarnaev allegedly knew of brother's role ...
Oct 11, 2014 - The FBI has denied a claim made by lawyers for Boston Marathon bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev that his brother and fellow suspect was asked by the FBI to be an informant. The Boston FBI office declined to comment ...
FBI pushed elder Tsarnaev to be informer ... - The Boston Globe
Mar 28, 2014 - Lawyers for accused Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev ... had been encouraged by the FBI to be an informant and to report on the ... Tamerlan was killed days after the bombings in a confrontation with police in Watertown. ... “The underlying data concerning the brothers' activities, state of mind, ...
FBI: Tsarnaev Brothers Were Not Informants - Boston Magazine
Oct 18, 2013 - FBI: The Tsarnaev Brothers Were Not Informants ... any sort of surveillance on the alleged Boston Marathon bombers after the April 15 attack.
Defense: FBI Wanted Tamerlan Tsarnaev as Informant | NECN
BOSTON (AP) - Lawyers for Boston Marathon bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev say the FBI asked his older brother and fellow suspect to be an informant on ...
Defense Says FBI Wanted Marathon Bombing Suspect As Informant ...
Mar 28, 2014 - Defense attorneys for suspected Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev say sometime before the bombing his older brother, Tamerlan, ...
Marathon bombing suspect seeks records on brother | CNS News
Mar 28, 2014 - BOSTON (AP) — Lawyers for Boston Marathon bombing suspect ... support its claim the FBI had asked Tamerlan Tsarnaev to be an informant.
Tsarnaev lawyers want evidence on triple killing | MonroeNews.com
11 hours ago - Lawyers for Boston Marathon bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev ... his brother and fellow suspect was asked by the FBI to be an informant.
Tough questions for FBI over Marathon Bombing response - Boston ...
Oct 17, 2013 - A top U.S. Senator is demanding answers from the FBI about what they knew about the Tsarnaev brothers and when they knew it.

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Reply with quote  #6 

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FBI: Tapes show former SCMPD chief getting paid for protection
FBI informant takes stand against former police chief
Trial against former SCMPD chief is underway
SAVANNAH — Paid for protection – that was the theme from day two of the Willie Lovett illegal gambling trial.
Inside the courtroom, two people involved in alleged illegal gambling operations in Savannah told jurors how they claim they used Lovett to keep them out of jail.
However, the defense says you can’t trust those witnesses – one of which was the man who ran the gambling operation and is now testifying against the former police chief.
Gambling ringleader Randall Roach was the third to take the stand on Tuesday, but testimony even before his was very direct and, the prosecution hopes, incriminating.
Lovett faces nine criminal charges, including extortion and aiding an illegal gambling business.
Only three witnesses took the stand on Tuesday.
The day began with the testimony of William Holtz, a Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) informant, who worked in the illegal gambling operation.
Holtz said he loved coming to Savannah because they had good protection - protection prosecutors said came from Savannah-Chatham Metro’s former chief, Lovett.
Later an FBI agent took the stand and played videos from a surveillance they set up during the multiple times the gambling operation came to Savannah.
Prosecutors said that, in the videos, Lovett was seen being handed money.
Finally, the gambling owner, Randall Roach testified.
He’s already pleaded guilty in this case.
Roach told jurors how he paid off Lovett for more than a decade to keep him out of jail and protect his illegal gambling trailer.
But the defense pointed out the witnesse

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Reply with quote  #7 


Empiricist League #13: Apocalypse. Union Hall, 702 Union Street,Brooklyn. Tuesday, Nov. 25, at 8 p.m. Advance tickets, $8; $10 at the door.

While previous installments of this Brooklyn series celebrating “the power of the scientific method” have explored themes like love and creativity, Tuesday night’s program dwells on the darker side. The filmmaker Andrew Blackwell will report on his journeys to “the world’s most degraded, despoiled and ruined environments” in a kind of adventure travel he calls “pollution tourism.” The journalist Joshua A. Krisch, an occasional contributor to Science Times, will talk about the potential to produce vaccines — for Ebola, among other diseases — using genetically modified tobacco plants. And to round out the evening, Special Agent Sara Wood will explain the F.B.I.'s efforts to work with amateur biohackers to prevent biological terrorism.

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Reply with quote  #8 
FBI informants who murder



A letter was submitted on REDACTED precinct in Brooklyn identifying two homicides that Forensic Analyst/Congressional Consultant Angela Clemente has asked the precinct to reopen and either finalize the cases or add the new information and begin questioning the informants involved in pursuit of a new murder charge.

In early 2003 I opened a cold case on the murder of Salvatore Scarpa. Sal was known as a reputed mob figure that was considered in his circles as being a real “stand up guy.” He was also the brother of serial assassin and long time FBI employee top echelon informant Gregory Scarpa Sr.

Gregory Scarpa Sr. had been on my radar since 1998 but his brother Sal wasn’t o

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Reply with quote  #9 

another FBI informant killing people

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2 stories



New details could be revealed about Paladin killings

December 6 2014
New Castle County police investigate the murder of Joseph and Olga Connell outside their Paladin Club condominium about 1:30 a.m. on Sept. 22, 2013.
New details about the plot behind the brutal killings of newlyweds Joseph and Olga Connell outside their Paladin Club condominium nearly 15 months ago are expected to be revealed Monday during the first court hearing in the high-profile case.

During a “proof positive hearing” in Superior Court that will last several hours, authorities will attempt to convince a judge there is a “fair likelihood” that Christopher J. Rivers, 32, and Dominique L. Benson, 24, will be convicted of capital murder and should continue being held without bail.
Rivers, Joseph Connell’s partner at C&S Automotive Services in Talleyville, allegedly ordered the murders through a middleman who hired two “professional killers” – Benson and an unidentified man who has not been caught – to gun down the couple, court records show.
All Delaware defendants, except those charged with capital murder, are eligible for bail. Attorney General Beau Biden’s office has said the case is eligible for the death penalty because there were two murder victims, but prosecutors have not said whether they would seek it.
EXPOSE: Behind the Paladin Club killings
The Connells, both 39, were shot multiple times in the head outside their condominium on Wilmington’s outskirts about 1:30 a.m. on Sept. 22, 2013. In perhaps Delaware’s grisliest crime scene in recent years, the shots mutilated the Connells’ faces, sources have said.
Monday’s court hearing is the first in case because but Rivers waived his preliminary hearing in mid-September and authorities indicted Rivers and Benson the same day Benson’s hearing was scheduled.
Attorneys involved in the case won’t comment, but previously undisclosed evidence is expected to be revealed because Benson’s arrest warrant has been sealed from public view. In addition, the evidentiary threshold needed to hold defendants without bail is higher than what is necessary to arrest them.
Benson wasn’t charged until after Rivers and alleged middleman Joshua C. Bey were taken into custody Sept. 3. Even though the warrants for Rivers and Bey revealed several calls between Bey’s phone and ones used by Benson and other alleged assassin in the hours before and after the killings, sources familiar with the case have said police still needed more evidence against the gunmen to arrest them.
Sources said Bey, 28, a once-trusted FBI informant and gun felon who police said hired the gunmen, provided the information needed to charge the pair and continues to cooperate with authorities in hopes of avoiding the death penalty. Benson was arrested Sept. 5 – two days after Rivers and Bey.
While Bey had told the FBI nearly a year before the Paladin Club killings that Benson and the other man reportedly charged $10,000 to commit killings in Wilmington, Benson has not been charged with any other slayings. Benson does have a long criminal record that includes felony gun and drug convictions.


Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI use of ... - WikiLeaks
May 15, 2009 - Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI use of murderers as informants, is a report by the House Committe on Government Reform.

‎Unexplained Phenomenon - ‎A-Z Index - ‎Search Vault - ‎World War II
House Report 108-414,Volume 1 - EVERYTHING SECRET ...
Part 1 of House report on EVERYTHING SECRET DEGENERATES: THE FBI'S USE OF MURDERERS AS INFORMANTS. This report is by the Government ...
Everything Secret Degenerates: The Fbi's Use Of ... - Amazon.com
Everything Secret Degenerates: The Fbi's Use Of Murderers As Informants: Vol. 2 Of 2; 3rd Report By The Committee On Governmental Reform, U.s. House Of ...
Everything Secret Degenerates: The Fbi's Use Of ... - Amazon.com
Everything Secret Degenerates: The Fbi's Use Of Murderers As Informants: Vol. 1 Of 2, 3rd Report By The Committee On Governmental Reform, U.s. House Of ...
everything secret degenerates: the fbi's use of - Federation of ...
A description for this result is not available because of this site's robots.txt – learn more.

The Rutherford Institute :: The FBI: America's Secret Police
Nov 4, 2014 - Every regime has its own name for its secret police: Mussolini's OVRA ... “ including everything from buying and selling illegal drugs to bribing ...
Whitey Bulger trial and the FBI: How have rules about informants ...
Jun 4, 2013 - So is the FBI, which infamously used Bulger as an informant for years. ... lengthy 2004 report, "Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of ...

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Reply with quote  #10 

brought to you from the same people that assassinated President Kennedy,
Martin Luther King and created the Oklahoma City bombing.

Foul-Mouthed Police Chief: I Was An FBI Informant

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Monday, Dec 22, 2014 • Updated at 5:22 PM EST
A former Pennsylvania police chief who posted online videos of himself ranting obscenely about liberals and the Second Amendment while shooting automatic weapons secretly fed information on people he considered militia members, anti-government extremists and so-called "sovereign citizens" to the FBI and state police, according to documents he showed to The Associated Press.
The extent of former Gilberton Chief Mark Kessler's relationship with state and federal law enforcement, whether they asked for the information, what they did with it, and how they viewed him all remain unclear.
Foul-Mouthed Police Chief Sues
FBI spokesman J.J. Klaver said the agency does not comment on people who claim to be informants. State police also declined to comment.
The ex-lawman attracted attention last year after posting incendiary videos of himself spraying machine-gun fire and cursing liberals and others. The videos got hundreds of thousands of views online.
Militia for Foul-Mouthed Ex-Chief's Reality Show?
Kessler said that individuals advocating insurrection and violence contacted him as a result of the videos, and he saw them as a threat and had a responsibility to report them to federal and state authorities.
He said he's going public now because he wants to reclaim his reputation. Kessler retired from the police department last February in a settlement with borough officials, who intended to fire him after the videos emerged.
Town Abolishing Foul-Mouthed Chief's Police Dept.
The ex-lawman had private Facebook communications that he shared via email with the state and the FBI, according to documents viewed by AP. The agents' names were redacted by Kessler.
In one message, an individual advocates shooting the president. In another, someone talks about targeting mosques.
"Any normal person who was contacted by these twisted individuals has a duty to report what they were planning," Kessler said.
Kessler's attorney, Joseph Nahas, said his client reached out to law enforcement about his contacts with radical groups.
Extremists "looked at Mark to be some sort of leader and further their cause of governmental destruction," Nahas said, and Kessler gathered intelligence about "who they were, what their plans were, what their targets were."
Nahas said a state trooper told him this fall that he had been receiving information from Kessler.
Kessler claims his first contact with individuals he termed extremists came nearly two years ago, after he pushed Gilberton's council to adopt a resolution nullifying certain gun laws.
Kessler says he met with an FBI agent and a state trooper and continued to pass on information, but received contact from fewer people as months wore on. That's when he said he ramped up his rhetoric by posting incendiary videos in the summer of 2013.
At the time, Kessler said the videos were designed to draw attention to an out-of-control federal government and the erosion of Second Amendment and other constitutional rights. He now asserts his public persona was an act meant to lure would-be domestic terrorists.
No law enforcement agency put him up to the videos; in fact, they were upset with him for posting them, he said.
"I wasn't portraying me. I was basically acting to attract these sickos and it worked," said Kessler.
Kessler first said he had reached out to law enforcement agencies on Alan Colmes' Fox News Radio show earlier this month, but included few details and did not reveal the names of the agencies to whom he was supplying information.
"I thought I was doing good for myself, my country, my fellow Americans, by trapping these radicals a

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Reply with quote  #11 
google lindley devecchio florida

FBI SSA DeVecchio Prosecution Referral - Forensic Intelligence ...
Current Residences: 8328 Canary Palm Ct, Sarasota, FL 34238-3360. 5590 Swift Rd ... Lindley DeVecchio served as his sole contact (“handler”) within the FBI.

FBI SSA DeVecchio Prosecution Referral - Forensic Intelligence ...
Current Residences: 8328 Canary Palm Ct, Sarasota, FL 34238-3360. 5590 Swift Rd ... Lindley DeVecchio served as his sole contact (“handler”) within the FBI.

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see link for full story


David Castro is a statistic. He has been disappeared, like some 30,000 other victims of the drug war in Mexico whose fates are unknown—some because they were involved in the narco business, some for far more innocent reasons—as the targets of extortion, or political oppression, or casualties of being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

In Castro’s case, it’s pretty clear he got in too deep. He was a truck driver and U.S. citizen living in El Paso, Texas, who found himself sideways on a valuable drug load—just one of the thousands of such cargos moved each year from Juarez, Mexico, into the United States. As a result, Castro owed money to the wrong people. It finally caught up with him.

According to those familiar with the case, including federal agents, family, and a U.S. government informant, Castro was abducted in Juarez in late September 2002. He was then apparently murdered, after the money he owed a player working for a cell of a major Juarez drug organization was not delivered in time. His body has not been found.

Between October 2002 and June 2014, at least 827 U.S. citizens were the victims of homicides in Mexico, including drug-related murders and executions, according to a report prepared by the U.S. Department of State.

Castro’s case, however, is not counted among those murders, because the figures reflect only deaths actually reported to the State Department. Absent a body, no one can say with absolute certainty whether Castro is dead, even if all signs point in that direction.

But even though he has been disappeared, Castro is not forgotten. His estranged wife and his girlfriend, pregnant with Castro’s child when he was kidnapped, are now raising hard questions about the U.S. government’s role in Castro’s cold case and seeking closure to a more than 12-year-old mystery that has wreaked havoc on their lives.

“My son cries and wants to know his dad,” said Yvonne Lozoya, who was living with Castro at the time of his abduction and is raising their now 12-year-old son. “There’s no closure or grave to visit.”

One former federal agent who spoke with The Daily Beast on background said Castro’s case does deserve more attention, but added a harsh assessment: “I doubt anyone will care,” given his alleged involvement in the drug business.

Grace Castro, David’s wife of a dozen years before they separated in 2000, said after she and her husband parted ways, she believes he did get sucked into the drug business and eventually found himself in over his head.

“Once he knew he was in that far,” she said, sobbing, “he stopped talking to us and seeing our [three] kids. … We still don’t have answers on what really happened. What am I supposed to tell our kids? They deserve to know.”

One thing is clear about Castro’s case, though. At the center of his disappearance in Mexico is a U.S. government informant named Guillermo Ramirez Peyro—a former Mexican highway cop who, in 2002 at the time of Castro’s kidnapping in Juarez, was working for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement while also serving as a key lieutenant in a ruthless cell connected to the Juarez cartel (also known at the time as the Vicente Carrillo Fuentes Organization).

In a statement Ramirez Peyro, also known by the nickname Lalo, provided to the Mexican government in 2004 (and during subsequent interviews conducted with him for this report), he reveals his insight into Castro’s fate on the Mexican side of the border—a fate closely linked to Lalo’s role as an ICE informant. Yvonne Lozoya, Castro’s former girlfriend, has filled in the pieces on the U.S. side of the border as she experienced them. Castro’s story, as they each tell it, is a cautionary tale of the harsh realities of the drug war that have plagued the border for more than a decade.

Lozoya says she dropped off Castro, then 36, at a used-car lot in El Paso, Texas, the day he made his fateful trip across the border to Juarez. Castro hooked up at the car lot with Lalo. Together, they crossed over the International Bridges on foot into Juarez to conduct

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see link for thousands of pages of evidence witheld


Convicted 'eco-terrorist' freed amid claims FBI hid evidence

January 8 2015

The woman, named in court documents and at the trial only as “Anna,” turned out to be an FBI informant and played a critical role in McDavid's arrest, as well as ...


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see link for
full story

'Eco-terrorist' says female informant lured him with sex
By The Associated Press
Sunday, Jan. 18, 2015, 9:27 p.m.


SACRAMENTO — A Northern California man who was convicted of masterminding a plot to blow up two federal facilities and whose 20-year sentence was cut short because prosecutors failed to turn over all their evidence to defense lawyers says he was entrapped by a female FBI informant for whom he harbored romantic feelings.
Eric McDavid spent nine years in federal custody for what agents alleged was as an eco-terrorist plot in the name of the Earth Liberation Front. In his first interview since his Jan. 8 release from prison, the 37-year-o

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Courthouse News Service Courthouse News Service Courthouse News Service Thursday, August 21, 2014Last Update: 6:13 AM PT
FBI Ordered to Cough Up Outdated Mafia Docs
(CN) - The FBI must give a terminally ill mafia expert the name of a special agent allegedly involved in agency corruption, and other related information, a federal judge ruled.
Forensic analyst Angela Clemente sued the FBI on July 21, 2008, alleging that Special Agent Lindley Devecchio and others helped cover up murders and other violent crimes committed by agency informants, like Colombo family capo Gregory Scarpa.
Clemente has spent the last decade researching the FBI's relationship with Scarpa, aka "The Grim Reaper" or "The Mad Hatter," who served as an FBI informant since 1961.
Devecchio was charged with aiding and abetting four murders in 2006, but the judge dismissed the case after finding that Scarpa's former mistress lacked witness credibility.
After Clemente requested an unredacted copy of the FBI's file on Scarpa under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), U.S. District Judge Paul Friedman directed the agency to supplement its Vaughn index of about 192 sample documents.
U.S. District Judge Barbara Jacobs Rothstein deemed the FBI's search adequate in 2012 but directed the agency to reprocess the 1,153 pages.
Meanwhile another Washington, D.C-based federal judge heard Clemente's request to expedite a 2011 FOIA request she made for records pertaining to Scarpa.
U.S. District Judge Thomas Hogan noted earlier this year that Clemente is running against the clock for the information because doctors tell her she is unlikely to receive a life-saving liver transplant on time.
Clemente did not receive any files until June 2013, and although the FBI first said it had 1,420 responsive pages, it later identified about 30,000 additional documents.
Hogan's January decision granted Clemente's request for the FBI to increase its customary FOIA release rate of 500 pages per month to 5,000 per month, in light of her ill health and the public importance of her research.
Rothstein, the judge on the 2008 case, granted the FBI partial summary judgment Monday.
"Here, plaintiff raises the same arguments that this court has thrice addressed and rejected; the court declines to address those arguments yet again," Rothstein wrote.
Citing findings by U.S. District Judge Paul Friedman, the first judge on the case, Rothstein said that the content of some records supports "the FBI's assertion that they were created for law enforcement purposes," and thus exempt from disclosure.
The FBI must supplement its Vaughn index, however, to clarify its attempt to ascertain the life status of those whose information it redacted from the responsive documents, the ruling states.
"While this court finds that these individuals have a substantial privacy interest here, such an interest may be diminished if the individuals are deceased," Rothstein wrote. "The court is unable to appropriately balance the privacy interest at stake against the public interest in disclosure until this court knows the life status of the affected individuals."
The FBI must disclose "names of an FBI support employee and a third party who are still living and continue to maintain a privacy interest," the judge ruled.
"Given the facts of this particular FOIA request - namely that plaintiff implicates FBI agents in wrongdoing and that the document in question dates back to 1965 - this court finds that the public's interest in disclosure outweighs the FBI agent's privacy interest," Rothstein wrote.
The FBI has 30 days to supplement its affidavit, according to the ruling.

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Probable Cause with Sibel Edmonds: FBI’s Sheep-Dipped Man in a Whistleblowers Organization
Welcome to our seventh episode of Probable Cause. With this episode we are starting a new chain of subtopics within the context of our main topic-revolution. After discussing some of the obstacles in kindling the revolutionary process within individuals’ thoughts, we are moving to various tactics and operations that target revolutionaries during the second stage- collective activism within groups or networks.
The subject of today’s episode is Sheep-Dipping. As we know the Deep State’s main enemies are those who threaten the existence of the Deep State- and its government. Thus, the same weapons, tools and tactics used by the system against criminals are also utilized to counter those perceived as threats to and enemies of the state’s power. And one of these tools is the use of informants and covert operatives, aka undercover operatives of the state, aka sheep-dipped agents.
For our context I’m going to share with you a proven real-life case never told before: A real story of how the FBI in 2004-2005 tried to penetrate and neutralize our whistleblowers network- NSWBC, through its sheep-dipped operative- An operative who posed as an FBI whistleblower.
As always, I will be providing my take based on my experience and through my own personal lens and analyses, and will pose macro questions for you to consider. And as usual our next episode will be based on your reaction, critique, responses and questions posed in the comments section below.
*To listen to our previous episodes on this topic click here
- See more at: http://www.boilingfrogspost.com/2015/02/08/probable-cause-with-sibel-edmonds-fbis-sheep-dipped-man-in-a-whistleblowers-organization/#sthash.Saz5cFtL.dpuf

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Some Livingston officials having second thoughts about paying contractor Corey delaHoussaye

First Posted: February 16, 2015 - 12:12 pm


LIVINGSTON, Louisiana — Some Livingston Parish Council members are having second thoughts about paying a former parish contractor

Corey delaHoussaye is accused of going to a Mardi Gras parade, working out at the gym and playing golf during hours he claimed to be working for the parish after Hurricane Gustav.

The Advocate reports (http://bit.ly/1Eh5QiX) DelaHoussaye faces prosecution in state court on numerous counts of falsifying public records and theft related to his billing. DelaHoussaye claims his prosecution, the termination of his contract in 2011 and parish officials' refusal to pay his final invoice are retaliation for his reporting alleged illegal activities by the parish's Hurricane Gustav debris contractors.

DelaHoussaye said the Federal Emergency Management Agency — whose lead attorney referred to him as a "confirmed FBI informant" during a May arbitration hearing — relied heavily on information he compiled about the debris removal work to defeat the parish's claims for $59 million in storm-related costs.

But prosecutors have said delaHoussaye committed fraud by billing the parish for time he was not actually working.

The Advocate reviewed delaHoussaye's time sheets and daily work logs for the 24 months his company, C-Del Inc., was under contract with the parish and found additional problems, including instances of double-billing, repetitive and inconsistent work log entries and staff hours billed for putting out campaign signs and cleaning the office — tasks C-Del was not hired to perform.

DelaHoussaye said those problems could be chalked up to clerical errors, misunderstandings about how his hours were recorded and a lack of internal oversight for the company's billing records. He has denied billing for time he spent off the job, although he did admit billing from a Lafayette Mardi Gras parade once because he was "on the phone constantly with two agents that day."

The 21st Judicial District Attorney's Office has charged delaHoussaye with 73 counts of falsifying public records and eight counts of theft related to his billing. A hearing to determine whether there was probable cause for the charges is set for Feb. 23.

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2 stories


- When Dianne Mercurio first knocked on Dajin Peng’s door, he was searching the Internet for the best way to kill himself. Mercurio, an FBI agent, had other ideas.

Mercurio knew Peng was in trouble with the University of South Florida, where he taught international business and ran the Confucius Institute, a cultural program funded by a Chinese government affiliate. USF had placed him on leave for alleged mismanagement there. As they strolled outside his apartment, she asked Peng, a Chinese-born U.S. citizen, to serve his adopted country.

The encounter, in April 2009, started Peng’s recruitment. Soon Mercurio was pressing him to spy on his homeland and Tampa’s Chinese community, and he reluctantly agreed, he said in interviews. In return, she worked to protect him as the university accused him of faking thousands of dollars in expenses, falsifying letters to help Chinese scholars get U.S. visas, and storing explicit images of bondage on a USF laptop. Peng denied any wrongdoing.

“Remember I am keeping you out of jail,” Mercurio wrote to Peng in July 2010, “and it’s difficult to put a price on freedom.”

No one knew the value of freedom better than Peng, who found himself dragged once again into the powerful currents of politics and spycraft decades after his childhood was fractured by Mao’s informers.

His story, winding from China to Princeton University to Tampa, shows how worried the U.S. government has been about growing Chinese involvement in American higher education, especially the activities of the Confucius Institutes. It also reveals the rise of another sometimes-unwanted influence on campus -- that of U.S. intelligence agencies keeping tabs on the rapidly growing ranks of foreign students and professors.

“There’s a real tension between what the FBI and CIA want to do and our valid and necessary international openness,” said Rice University President David Leebron, a member of the National Security Higher Education Advisory Board, created in 2005 to foster dialogue between intelligence agencies and academic leaders.


Compromised Campus - Sigmund Diamond - Oxford University Press
In the early 1950s, a young Harvard professor named Henry Kissinger approached the FBI with alleged evidence of communist subversion among the foreign ...
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Jul 29, 1992 - Compromised Campus The Collaboration of Universities With the Intelligence Community, 1945-1955 By Sigmund Diamond 371 pages.
Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with ... - jstor
Sigmund Diamond. Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Uni- versities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-1955. New York: Oxford University Press ...
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Jul 24, 2013 - Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-1945. Oxford University ...
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Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the ... Sigmund Diamond is a Columbia professor who received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1953.
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Title, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-55. Author, Sigmund Diamond. Publisher, Oxford ...
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Jan 18, 2011 - Another general overview of CIA on campus (1989) ...... Compromised Campus, the product of Diamond's lengthy bureaucratic battle for.
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Compromised campus : the collaboration of universities with the intelligence community, 1945-1955. by Sigmund Diamond;. eBook : Document. English. 1992.
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Compromised campus : the collaboration of universities with the intelligence community, 1945-1955 /. Main Author: Diamond, Sigmund. Format: Book.


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See link for full story


Glenn Miller or Cross? Suspect may have once been in witness protection

03/04/2015 3:01 PM

Sitting in a wheelchair, F. Glenn Miller Jr. listened to testimony in the first day of his preliminary hearing Monday in the Johnson County Courthouse in Olathe. Miller is charged with capital murder in the killings of William Corporon, Reat Underwood and Terri LaManno on April 13 at the Jewish Community Center and Village Shalom in Overland Park.

Sitting in a wheelchair, F. Glenn Miller Jr. listened to testimony in the first day of his preliminary hearing Monday in the Johnson County Courthouse in Olathe. Miller is charged with capital murder in the killings of William Corporon, Reat Underwood and Terri LaManno on April 13 at the Jewish Community Center and Village Shalom in Overland Park.

The federal government appears to have shielded murder suspect F. Glenn Miller Jr. in the early 1990s as part of its witness protection program, potentially providing money for his family - and causing lingering confusion over his name.

Federal authorities on Tuesday would not confirm his participation in the program, as is their policy.

But records strongly suggest he has spent at least some time under the government’s protective umbrella.

In 1987, Miller reached a plea bargain with federal prosecutors on weapons charges. In exchange for a reduced sentence, he agreed to testify against associates in paramilitary and white supremacist movements.

But Miller’s plea bargain likely included federal witness protection services as well. The 1987 sentencing memorandum recommended witness protection for Miller, according to Chris Shields, a domestic terrorism researcher.

Miller’s 1999 autobiography, “A White Man Speaks Out, “ provides his account.

“I was to plead guilty to one count of felony possession of a hand grenade and answer all questions posed to me by the authorities, “ Miller wrote. “In return, they would recommend a 5-year prison sentence, immunity from any further prosecution by either state or federal authorities, and entrance into the Federal Witness Protection Program which included the financial support of my family while I served my sentence.”

Federal authorities will not say whether Miller actually joined the program. But records show Frazier Glenn Cross Jr. received a Social Security number in 1990. That was the year Miller was released from prison - and 35 years after Frazier Glenn Miller Jr. obtained his Social Security number.

Public records connect both names and Social Security numbers to Miller’s address in Aurora, Mo.

A name change and new Social Security record are consistent with participation in the witness protection program, said Gerald Shur, who designed the federal program and supervised it until his retirement.

“It’s a court-ordered name change at the request of the government, “ he said. “If you didn’t change their names, they could be more easily located.”

Shur also has said people entering the program commonly keep their first names.

Additionally, an acting U.S. attorney told The Associated Press in 1988 that Miller had been approved for the federal government’s witness protection program. Name-change court records for federally protected witnesses are sealed.

In his autobiography, Miller said he served his time in the federal prison at Otisville, N.Y., a medium- security facility. Shur said Otisville is one of a handful of prisons with special facilities for inmates in the witness protection program, further suggesting Miller’s participation.

Relocations are also part of witness protection. After his release, Miller moved to Iowa, not Missouri or North Carolina where he had engaged in his anti-government activities.

There is little doubt that Miller was in danger when he was released from custody in 1990. His decision to testify against other members of the movement had infuriated other supremacists and members of the paramilitary.

He testified in a 1988 sedition trial in Fort Smith, Ark., where 14 white supremacists were accused of conspiring to kill a federal judge and FBI agent, and plotting to overthrow the federal government.

All were acquitted.

But word of Miller’s testimony roared through the ultraconservative underground, leading some members to call Miller a traitor “who deserves the time honored penalty for treason, “ as one website declared.

The FBI provided bodyguards at another Miller court appearance, The Daily Beast reported Tuesday.

Taking part in the protection program would afford Miller at least some defense against retaliation.

In his book, Miller said he trained as a truck driver after his release. He made no other mention of federal financial support for him or his family, although some limited compensation is common, Shur said.

In any event, Miller slowly worked his way back into the supremacist movement. At some point he began using the Miller name publicly, in his political campaigns, newsletters and Internet posts.

That’s also common, Shur said. Many people who enter the witness protection program leave it voluntarily.

“If he went back to using his old name, he’s out of the program immediately, “ he said. “He would not have the physical protection, and he would not have any assistance in his life.”

But Miller apparently retained the Cross name as well. He is charged under that name.

Critics said Tuesday the government should not have plea-bargained with Miller in 1987.

“That man shouldn’t have been running around free, “ said Leonard Zeskind, president of the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights. “He should’ve died in prison.”

Former federal prosecutor Patrick McInerney discounted speculation that a longer prison term might have prevented Sunday’s tragedy.

“For someone to predict that 30 years after he testified for the government he would do something like this is a little bit of a stretch, “ McInerney said.

Miller’s road to federal prison and witness protection was long.

In his book, Miller claimed he received $200,000 from Robert Mathews, the leader of The Order, a violent white supremacist group, in August 1984. Mathews’ goal was to lead a white underground army to establish a separate Aryan Republic in the Pacific Northwest.

The group funded its activities by robbing banks and armored cars, and members were involved in the murders of Denver radio talk show host Alan Berg in June 1984 and a Missouri state trooper in April 1985.

Miller said he asked whether the money was stolen and that Mathews replied, “Yes, it is, but it was stolen from ZOG’s banks.” ZOG is a white supremacist acronym for Zionist Occupation Government.

Miller said that although he’d committed numerous misdemeanors in his life, accepting the money marked his first foray into breaking the law in his capacity as leader of a “white racist organization, “ in his own words.

“I decided to accept the money, knowing full well I’d be committing a felony and subjecting myself to possible imprisonment, “ he wrote. “But since I was convinced the federal government was either going to throw me in prison on trumped up charges or kill me anyway, then accepting the stolen money didn’t seem unreasonable at the time.”

Getting the money, Miller said, “was like a dream come true.”

But within a few months of Miller’s accepting the final installment, Mathews was killed in a fire after a machine-gun battle with federal agents.

In 1986, Miller was found guilty of a criminal contempt-of-court charge after violating the terms of an agreement that settled a lawsuit filed against him and his group by the Southern Poverty Law Center. He was sentenced to a year in prison, with six months of the term suspended, and ordered to have no contact with white supremacists.

On April 30, 1987, authorities raided a mobile home he and others had rented in Ozark, Mo.

“Inside the mobile home and in one of our vans parked outside, the feds found C-4 plastic explosives, dynamite, pipe bombs, hand grenades, fully automatic M-16, AR-15 machine guns, sawed off shotguns, pistols, cross-bows, and around a half-ton of ammunition, to list some of it, “ he wrote.

That kind of ammunition might have led to a lengthy prison term for Miller. But legal experts say prosecutors have good reasons to make deals.

For one, penetrating a hate group can be particularly difficult for authorities, said Kansas City criminal defense lawyer and former prosecutor John Osgood.

Prosecutors typically look at the least culpable defendant with the greatest access to the conspiracy as a good candidate for a deal. Potential witnesses may disclose what they know to prosecutors and investigators in what’s known as a “proffer” session - with the understanding that if prosecutors decide to pass on a deal, the information cannot be used against the witness.

Former U.S. Attorney for Western Missouri Steve Hill described the calculation: “What does he know? What do I have to give up to get it? And how bad a guy is this?”


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Couple of stories


Suspicious Fires Twice Destroyed Key Sharpton Records


March 11, 2015 4:00 AM
And he didn’t comply with tax and campaign filing requirements.

As Al Sharpton ran for mayor of New York City in 1997 and for president in 2003, fires at his offices reportedly destroyed critical financial records, and he subsequently failed to comply with tax and campaign filing requirements.

The first fire began in the early hours of April 10, 1997, in a hair-and-nail salon one floor below Sharpton’s campaign headquarters at 70 West 125th Street. From the start, investigators deemed the fire “suspicious” because of “a heavy volume of fire on arrival” and because many of the doors remained unlocked after hours, according to the New York Fire Department’s fire-and-incident report.

As the fire crept upward into Sharpton’s headquarters, it destroyed nearly everything, including computers, files, and campaign records, the Reverend’s spokesperson at the time told Newsday, adding that “we have lost our entire Manhattan operation.” But a source knowledgeable about the investigation tells National Review Online that Sharpton’s office was mostly empty, and that the damage was not extensive.

Top city officials, including then-mayor Rudy Giuliani, said initial suspicions centered on the hair-and-nail salon, not on Sharpton’s campaign, Newsday reported. The fire department sent the case as an arson/explosion investigation to the New York Police Department. By the time of publication of this report, the NYPD had not provided the records requested by National Review Online on December 16, 2014, but it confirmed that the investigation had been closed without an arrest.

More Al Sharpton
How the Obama-Sharpton Alliance Began
Eric Garner's Daughter: Al Sharpton 'All About the Money'
FDNY’s report references a “flammable liquid,” and firefighters’ photos of the scene show traces of an incendiary puddle. Another photo captures what appears to be a singed rag that someone is holding next to a fuse box, perhaps because that is where it was found. But a 2003 Newsday article says “the 1997 fire started when a curling iron overheated in an adjoining beauty parlor.” NRO could find no other sources referencing a curling iron as the cause, and the fire department’s reports make no mention of it, either.

View slideshow of FDNY fire investigations

As the mayoral campaign continued, Sharpton missed tax and campaign disclosure deadlines.

The 1997 fire occurred five days before Tax Day and, the New York Post reported, “just after Sharpton announced that he would open his financial records.” After the fire, Sharpton said he would seek an extension because crucial financial records had been destroyed. It’s unclear whether that extension was granted.

In July 1997, Sharpton also missed the deadline to file his personal financial-disclosure forms with the New York City Conflict of Interests Board, violating a legal requirement and risking a fine of up to $10,000. He said the destruction of records in the fire had prevented him from filing. When Sharpton finally filed a year later, in July 1998 — months after the November 4, 1997 elections — he paid a $100 late fee. It’s unclear what information his filing did or did not contain; in accordance with Section 12-110(f) of the administrative code, the board shredded Sharpton’s financial-disclosure forms more than a decade ago.

More Al Sharpton
How the Obama-Sharpton Alliance Began
Eric Garner's Daughter: Al Sharpton 'All About the Money'
During the campaign, Sharpton criticized his opponents for having a “penthouse mentality,” calling one a “limousine liberal.” But while his competitors had voluntarily released their income-tax returns to the media, Sharpton had not even filed his yet, much less publicly disclosed them, Newsday noted.

He finally filed his tax returns on August 15, publicly offering only estimates of his earnings that year, which he said were between $50,000 and $60,000.

A New York Daily News report a few weeks later alleged that Sharpton owed $100,000 in overdue federal and state taxes and fines, reportedly prompting him to finally release his tax records. A federal tax lien assessed in 2005 also estimated that Sharpton’s nonprofit, National Action Network, owed more than $15,000 for 1997.

In early September 1997, the New York City Campaign Finance Board cited Sharpton for accepting political contributions in excess of the limits established in the Campaign Finance Act, the New York Daily News reported.

Six years later, on January 23, 2003 — one day after Sharpton filed paperwork to create a presidential exploratory committee — another fire caused heavy damage at National Action Network, located at 1941 Madison Avenue. (The Federal Election Commission (FEC) later determined that Sharpton had actually become a candidate no later than October 2002, although, contrary to law, he had not filed his statement of candidacy until April 2003.)

The battalion chief who responded to the fire initially coded it as suspicious. On the fire-and-incident report, the cause of fire is designated as “NFA [Not Fully Ascertained] — Heat from electrical equipment (Extension Cords).” But by the evening of January 24, the chief fire marshal told the New York Times that “both an eyewitness account and a physical examination by fire marshals point to the cause as accidental.”

Nevertheless, significant oddities surrounded both the fire and the investigation, and the story of the key eyewitness had some holes that were apparently never addressed.

James Kelty, a supervising fire marshal who responded to the 2003 fire, tells NRO he was unexpectedly relieved from the fire investigation. “I was on the fire, and then I wasn’t on the fire; I was on the fire scene, and then I was no longer at the fire scene,” he says, adding that it was unusual.

When NRO told him that the investigative report was only six pages long and accompanied by 38 photographs, Kelty said: “Big fires and fires involving prominent people are generally much more exhaustive. Thirty-eight photos


Al Sharpton's Secret Work As FBI Informant | The Smoking Gun
Apr 7, 2014 - The civil rights leader, referred to as "confidential informant #7," once helped the FBI target bosses of the Genovese crime family.
Al Sharpton: Coke Dealing FBI Informant Alex Jones' Infowars ...
Apr 10, 2014 - Al Sharpton, the ambulance chasing civil rights careerist, race baiter and MSNBC fixture, served his government as an FBI informant. Sharpton ...
Rev. Al Sharpton worked as FBI informant in the '80s: report - NY ...
Apr 7, 2014 - As an FBI informant in the 1980s, the Rev. Al Sharpton taped conversations with mobster pals using a bugged briefcase, helping the feds bring ...
Al Sharpton, FBI Informant? New Claims Revive '80s Mob Story : NPR
Apr 8, 2014 - Al Sharpton's past work for the FBI is under new scrutiny. ... documents that it claims detail Sharpton's work as a confidential informant during ...
Al Sharpton downplays claims he was an FBI informant - USA Today
Apr 8, 2014 - Al Sharpton is denying -- or at least downplaying -- claims made by The Smoking Gun website that he worked as an FBI mob informant in the ...
Rev. Al Sharpton is a former paid FBI informant: report - Washington ...
Apr 7, 2014 - Mr. Sharpton was known by the FBI as “CI-7” — short for confidential informant No. 7 — and began working for the a


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see link for full story


Documents: Ferguson informant filmed suspect talking about cop shooting
Ferguson, Mo.

March 22 2015

Ferguson police informant secretly filmed suspect as he talked about shooting two cops, court documents say

The man charged with shooting and wounding two police officers outside the Ferguson, Mo., Police Department this month was caught after a police informant secretly videotaped him talking about the shooting, according to court documents.

Jeffrey Williams, 20, who lives near Ferguson, faces life in prison if convicted of carrying out the March 12 shooting, which came as a protest was winding down outside the police station.
Ferguson authorities say man confessed to shooting 2 officers

No one reported seeing who fired the shots, which came from a hill overlooking the station. One officer was wounded in the shoulder, the other on the side of his face. (Both officers were treated and released from the hospital on the same day.)

When officials announced Williams' arrest a few days later, they were coy about what led investigators to him.

According to court documents obtained and published by Yahoo News on Monday, a confidential informant contacted police to say Williams had claimed involvement in the shooting during a phone conversation.

Police gave the informant a hidden camera, which the informant used to film Williams talking about the shooting as they drove around northern St. Louis County and around the site where shell casings were found, according to a police affidavit filed in support of a search warrant.
Jeffrey Williams
Jeffrey Williams (St. Louis County Police Department)

"The suspect then told the [confidential informant] that he discharged a handgun at unknown individual(s) from an area which was consistent with the location of the fired cartridge casings," the affidavit says. "Through an additional conversation, the suspect acknowledged that he remained in possession of the handgun used in the assault."

Officials found a .40-caliber handgun on the floor of a bedroom at Williams' home that matched shell casings at the scene, according to the court documents and St. Louis

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Kelly Boaz, a former Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Joint Terrorism Task Force officer who boasts of his ability to lie and deceive, was at the center of one such operation in Orlando, Fla. He was exposed only after online reports led to Boaz’s cover being blown. In 2012, Boaz, working with other federal agents and informants, created a phony biker gang called the 1st SS Kavallerie Brigade Motorcycle Division. This gang had no real members but it quickly drew attention to itself by declaring its allegiance to Adolf Hitler and al Qaeda. Boaz targeted some of the most fringe figures in America’s white activist movement, trying to fabricate a bogus “terror conspiracy.”

August Kreis III is a disabled man with a long history of questionable ventures. A self-declared leader of the Aryan Nations, who is rejected by the Church of Jesus Christ Christian (the real Aryan Nations) and many successor groups, Kreis is a showboater who likes to draw attention to himself by calling in to television and radio shows and announcing his support for al Qaeda. His antics have led him from bizarre cults devoted to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to federal prison for failing to report a small inheritance on a welfare form.

Kreis was a perfect target for Boaz, who immediately named him fuehrer of Boaz’s imaginary biker gang and announced that al Qaeda was aligned with the Aryan Nations.

This implausible pairing was stopped by happenstance before it could become the TV’s latest terrorist conspiracy. But the effort to link the radically opposed doctrines of al Qaeda and Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) with white supremacy continues.

So the questions arise: Who burned Bishop Gordon’s church, and where did they get the idea of an Islamic white supremacist danger?

Real white nationalists back nations like Russia, Iran and Syria, which have been at war with ISIS and Sunni extremists for decades.

But the real questions are, how did the Obama administration touch this crime? Did a group of “white supremacist Muslim bikers” organized by the FBI commit this crime?

Or did Bishop Gordon, being black and Christian, decide to combine her perceived white and Muslim enemies into a single boogeyman?

Or did a copycat read about Boaz’s antics in the Orlando Sentinel or some other mainstream newspaper?

The only thing that is clear is that no legitimate white or Muslim group was involved in the attack. Further, while it is understandable that some halfwit would create such an imaginative conflation of viewpoints, it is a testament to the ignorance of the American people that they can nod

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Informant linked to a high-profile Sandy Springs murder.
Murder charges dropped against former Russian mobster in Fulton Co.


8:11 p.m. EDT, Tue March 31, 2015


Fulton County prosecutors dropped murder charges against a former Russian mobster turned FBI informant.

District Attorney Paul Howard called Channel 2 consumer investigator Jim Strickland with the news. Howard had previously credited Strickland with helping break the case, and had subpoenaed Strickland to testify at Mani Chulpayev's trial in the murder of rapper Lil' Phat.

Chulpayev will soon have his freedom, and the Georgia State Supreme Court ruled two of his statements to police must be stricken. The opinion also put his final statement and much of the evidence gathered from his discussions with police in doubt. Promises made to Chulpayev by his FBI handler were key in the courts finding that the statements were involuntary.

"Our case against him was essentially gutted," Howard told Strickland. "It's still our feeling that he was involved in the death of this young man."

An Alabama gang member is doing life for gunning down Lil' Phat at Northside Hospital in 2012 in a murder for hire over stolen drugs.

Others involved are sentenced anywhere from eight to 30 years.

Chulpayev once told Strickland he wanted to testify at his murder trial, but he'll soon be released after waiting two years to face a jury.

"This defendant, Mani Chulpayev, got away with murder," said Howard.

Chulpayev has consistently maintained his innocence. The rapper was shot in a car Chulpayev, a one-time Atlanta car dealer, had leased the victim.

Chulpayev is expected to be transferred to DeKalb County, where he faces theft charges relating to the car business.

He's also being ordered to pay $30,000 to car customer Travis Jones. Jones' tip first triggered Strickland's investigation, which later became part of a Nightline segment with ABC's chief investigative correspondent Brian Ross.

Chulpayev's FBI handler, Dante Jackson, remains under investigation. Jackson used Chulpayev as an informant without official sanction from Jackson's superiors.

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A Brief Index to FBI Agents
and Snitches

(discussed by name on these pages)

Click on the name to be taken to the page(s) where the individual is discussed.

See also the HALL OF SHAME page at http://www.zpub.com/notes/fbi-shame.html

Robin Andrews met with the undercover FBI Special Agent Michael A Fain ("Tait") with her partner, Special Agent Paul Szczepaniak, in the Earth First! investigation called THERMCON. Fain gained the trust of the members of an Arizona cell of Earth First! and suggested they cut power pylons with THERMITE. The cell decided an acetylene torch was more appropriate, but the FBI forgot to change the case codeword. Oops!

John Michael Anticev was the supersisor of informant Emad A Salem, along with S/A Nancy Floyd. The FBI claims that Salem wasn't an active informant in the seven months before the first bomb went off, but agents admitted that they had been following one of the conspirators (Mahmud Abouhalima) just six weeks prior to the explosion. Their investigation was supposedly called off in mid-January 1993, despite warnings that members of the mosque were trying to obtain explosives. This seems unlikely. He was born on November 18, 1958.

E. H. Arkin was a Memphis Police Intelligence chief who served as a source for the FBI during the late 1960's. He boasted that he founded the intelligence unit of his police department with FBI S/A William Lawrence as his mentor. It was Arkin's unit which used the firehouse across from the Lorrraine Motel to surveil Dr. King and his entourage.

Lori Bailey was the FBI Agent in charge of the $2 to 3 million, 50+ agent FBI operation against Earth First! carried out in Arizona from 1987 until at least 1989. In 2001 someone by that name was the media relations officer for the Dallas Field Office of the FBI. Her phone number was 214-922-7638.

Warren Bamford was a sniper/observer with the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. He was a member of the team known as 'Sierra 2'.

Jerome Anders Barker was a sniper/observer with the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. He was a member of the team known as 'Sierra 3'.

Simeon Booker was (perhaps inadvertantly) the FBI's Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) informant. His information allowed the KKK to launch a vicious attack on CORE 'Freedom Riders' as they arrived at Birmingham, Alabama on May 14, 1961. (p 484, Gentry, Curt J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets 1991 WW Norton)

Stockton Buck was the inventory control person for FBI's evidence collection in the Bari / Cherney bombing. He was also placed in charge of finding Bari's new "hideout" after she lowered her profile following threats against and attempts on her life. He had attended the bomb school with Oakland PD officers one month before the March 1990 explosion.

Steven Burmeister was an FBI Lab employee and scientist who helped Dr. Frederick Whitehurst expose improper practices at the FBI Lab.

Julius Carl "Julio" Butler is now a Los Angeles Attorney (CA Bar number 141646), but in the early 1970's he was the primary FBI informant against Elmer "Geronimo" Pratt (now named ji Jaga*) and helped put him in prison falsely* for 25 years, 1972-1997.

ji Jaga was freed from prison in 1997.

Jack R Coler, aged 28, was killed with FBI Special Agent Ronald A Williams on June 26, 1975 on the Pine Ridge Reservation, possibly while trying to provoke a firefight between a small (16 - 30 man) AIM unit and a much larger force (300+) of Bureau of Indian Affairs / FBI / U.S. Marshals. He and Williams were supposedly looking for an indian named James Theodore Eagle.. He was survived by his wife and two children, who lived in Colorado Springs at the time.

E.J. Connelley was an FBI agent in the 1920's. He wrote a memo to FBI Headquarters that they should make "a very prompt decision" as to the nature of the American Civil Liberties Union, or ACLU. Fifty years later, the FBI was still investigating the ACLU. Maybe they still are.

John Conway became the case agent after Hemje in late 1990. He took part in the search of Darryl Cherney's residence and was accused by Bari and Cherney's attorneys of initiating the search for Judi Bari's new home after the explosion. Shortly after the new address was obtained, death threats were delivered to Bari's new landlord. S/A Conway had investigated the Cloverdale timber mill bomb as well as some Earth First! actions in the weeks prior to the attempted murder of Judi Bari. He was also one of the main case agents in the investigation called THERMCON the year before; a sting of Earth First! members in Arizona.

Tom Cook was Birmingham, Alabama Police Chief Eugene "Bull" Connor's Sergeant in charge of intelligence, as well as an informant for both the KKK and the FBI.

Frank Costanza was a helicopter pilot for the FBI's Hostage Recue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. His flight over the cabin drew out Randy Weaver, Kevin Harris, and Sara Weaver. It was this incident which convinced Lon T Horiuchi to take a shot at Randy Weaver and / or Kevin Harris, hitting Vicki Weaver instead.

Christopher Curran was a sniper/observer with the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. He was a member of the team known as 'Sierra 3'.

Ronald Davenport was the Washington, D.C. Supervisory Special Agent in charge of the 1983-1986 CISPES investigation. He was well liked by Daniel Flanagan.

Frank Doyle, Jr. was the chief bomb site examiner in charge of the Bari / Cherney forensic investigation. He was a 20 year veteran of anti-terrorism investigations when the Bari case fell into his lap in 1990. His assertion that the bomb was visible in the rear floorboard was the basis of search warrants sworn out by the Oakland Police Department. He is also accused of misrepresenting other facts in the case.

Douglass Frank Durham was in informant / infiltrator in the American Indian Movement. He became an informant for the FBI around the time he entered the seige at Wounded Knee, South Dakota in 1973 as a left wing 'journalist' with Pax Today. Durham became the pilot for, and later the national director of, AIM security, while falsely claiming he was decended from the Chippewa people. He was born on 9/26/37. (More Details on another website: http://www.mindspring.com/~mike.wicks/dougie.html )

Salvador "Sal" Escobedo was the San Antonio Special Agent who took over handling Frank Varelli after Daniel Flanagan left the FBI. Varelli was a deep-cover informant inside CISPES, a legal political group based in the United States.

Kenneth Fadeley was an informant for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms. Using the false name "Gus Magisono," he posed as a biker and white supremacist to get closer to the Aryan Nations. He was the informant who asked Randy Weaver to sell him two sawed-off shotguns in 1990, finally 'succeeding' in January 1991. A jury later aquitted Weaver of the charge, and Weaver claims that Fadeley sawed the barrels off of two legal-length shotguns in order to fulfil his obligations to BATF Special Agent Herb Byerly. The FBI bacame involved in the case when a US Marshal was shot and killed while surveilling Randy Weaver's property in August, 1992.

Michael A Fain, was an FBI agent who called himself 'Mike Tait' in a sting of Earth First! members living in Arizona in 1989. He was introduced to the group by an informant, Ron Fraser, who was paid $53,000 by the FBI while receiving immunity from prosecution for participating in criminal activity. THERMCON

W. Mark Felt was the former Acting Associate Director of the FBI who was convicted of ordering 'black bag jobs' (burglaries) against the families of Weatherman Underground members in the early 1970's. Some people also believe he was Deep Throat, the informant of the Washington Post in the Watergate affair. See also Edward S. Miller.

Michael Fitzpatrick, an FBI informer against Malcolm X's daughter Qubilah Bahiya Shabazz. He was run by Special Agent Dan Scott.

Daniel Flanagan was an FBI Special Agent who ran Salvadoran informant Frank Varelli against the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador, CISPES. Flanagan left the FBI in the late 1980's after he was accused of witholding informant payments from 'Varelli.' He had also committed the unforgivable sin of losing a briefcase full of classified information somewhere on a walk he took in Washington. D.C. in April, 1984. Shortly after the briefcase went missing, death threats and burglaries against CISPES members became much more frequent. Some have suggested that Flanagan had sold or given the information on CISPES to private organizations such as the Western Goals Foundation, the John Birch Society, and the John Rees newsletter Information Digest.

Nancy Floyd was the supersisor of informant Emad A Salem, along with S/A John Anticev. The FBI claims that Salem wasn't an active informant in the seven months before the first bomb went off, but agents admitted that they had been following one of the conspirators (Mahmud Abouhalima) just six weeks prior to the explosion. Their investigation was supposedly called off in mid-January 1993, despite warnings that members of the mosque were trying to obtain explosives. This seems unlikely.

James M Fox was the Assistant Director in Charge of the New York Division of the FBI from 1987 until 1994. The Assitant Director position is unique in the FBI; it is a kind of co-directorship above the usual rank of Special Agent in Charge. Fox retired shortly after he made comments to the press regarding the FBI's role in the conspiracy to bomb the World Trade Center. He went to work for Mutual of America Insurance.

Ron Fraser, was an informant who was paid $53,000 by the FBI while receiving immunity from prosecution for participating in criminal activity. (Arizona Four / Earth First! sting) THERMCON

Louis Freeh was the Director of the FBI from September 1993 until his 'retirement' in June 2001. See Hanssen, R.P.

James Harrison was an informant for the FBI inside the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. His job was to give the FBI advance notice of Dr King's travel arrangements, so the FBI technicians could plan their wiretaps. He was 'run' by Alan G Sentinella.

Robert Phillip Hanssen was a very naughty boy who played both sides of the Cold War for his own amusement. He got people killed before he was finally caught in early 2001. He cost Louis Freeh his job.

Lester B Hazen was the coordinator of the sniper/observers with the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992.

Richard W Held was an FBI agent accused by a fellow agent of railroading Geronimo Pratt into prison in the COINTELPRO against the Black Panther Party in 1972, was the Special Agent in Charge of the San Francisco FBI when Judi Bari's car was blown up in his territory in May, 1990. He retired in 1993.

Walter Hemje was the second case agent in the Bari / Cherney bombing case, although he was not a member of Squad 13 at the time of the blast. He was, however, transferred out of Squad 13 by the end of 1990.

James Holford was one of the first responders to the scene of Judi Bari and Darryl Cherney's bombed-out car on May 24, 1990. He was a member of the FBI's Squad 13.

Frank Holoman was the Memphis official responsible for the police and fire departments of that city in 1968 when Dr. Martin Luther King was assassinated there. He had not only previously been an FBI agent for 25 years, but had been the Special Agent in Charge of the Atlanta Field Office. It was Atlanta that was the nerve center of the King surveillance.

John Edgar Hoover was director of the FBI from 1924 until his death in 1972. There are books about this man. You should read a few and make up your own mind whether he was the most powerful homosexual in the US Government during the 20th century. Despite Hoover's efforts to discredit Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, there exist today many schools, streets, and even a holiday named for him. Hoover's name, on the other hand, still brings foremost to mind something designed to suck dirt from soiled carpets. History is often ironic like that.

Lon Tomohisa Horiuchi was the FBI sniper who shot and killed Vicki Weaver on August 22, 1992 as she stood in her family's cabin door holding her infant daughter Elisheeba in her arms. Horiuchi and his spotter, Dale (or Dave) Monroe, formed sniper team Sierra Four at the rural Idaho seige, which became known as Ruby Ridge. They also deployed to Mount Carmel Center (Branch Davidian Church) near Waco, Texas in 1993. Horiuchi was born on June 9, 1954, and grew up in Hawaii. He is the son of a US Army officer, and graduated West Point in 1976 (Cullum number 34413). He joined the FBI in 1984. He is a Catholic, and has six children. In 1998 his address was PO box 41130, Fredericksburg, Virginia, 22404.

Thomas Jenkins was the Special Agent in Charge of Birmingham, Alabama when one of his agents' informants took part in a vicious KKK attack on Civil Rights activists in that city. See both Gary Thomas Rowe and Tom Cook. Jenkins later became an Assistant to the Director.

Thomas C Kelley was the Special Agent in Charge of the Dallas FBI office in 1984. Described by author Ronald Kessler as a "self proclaimed Hooverite, a man who unabashedly admired the former director's values and method of operating," he was furious when he realized that S/A Daniel Flanagan had let 'Frank Varelli' keep FBI internal paperwork at home, and he blamed S/A Parks Stearns for not stopping the practice.

Roger Love was a sniper/observer with the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. He was a member of the team known as 'Sierra 1'.

Roger Martz was the Chief of the Chesmistry / Toxicology Unit at the FBI when Dr Frederick Whitehurst's allegations hit the FBI Lab like a tidal wave.

Stephen P McGavin was the Deputy Commander of the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. His birthday is October 4, 1950. He lived in the suburbs of Washington, D.C.

Timothy McKinley reported that he heard a report of the explosion on the radio and responded to the scene to help collect debris. He was told by S/A George that the victims were terrorist suspects. (Bari / Cherney Case)

Edward S. Miller was the former Deputy Associate Director who was convicted of ordering 'black bag jobs' (burglaries) against the families of Weatherman Underground members in the early 1970's. See W. Mark Felt.

Roy Martin Mitchell was the FBI Special Agent who recruited and 'ran' a Black Panther Party infiltrator named William O'Neal. His attorneys claim he is the agent depicted in the motion picture Mississippi Burning. Another website also repeats this claim, and mentions that he is now dead (as of late 2000). He retired from the Bureau in 1985.

Dale R Monroe was a sniper/observer with the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team at Ruby Ridge on August 22, 1992. He was a member of the team known as 'Sierra 4' with Lon T Horiuchi.

Roy K Moore was the Assistant Director placed in charge of the investigation of a break-in at the Media, Pennsylvania office of the FBI in March of 1971. The case was called MEDBURG. No arrests were ever made. This break-in was the case which exposed COINTELPRO to the mainstream media.

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Informant America

A blog about the shadowy world of law enforcement informants with particular focus on the story of Michigan prison inmate "White Boy Rick" Richard Wershe, Jr. His amazing story compels us to look at many aspects of this underworld of the criminal underworld.

Sunday, September 13, 2015
White Boy Rick Wershe - 'The Records Do Not Exist'
The story of Richard “White Boy Rick” Wershe, Jr. is an epic tale, sprawling and complex. It is a challenge to keep the story straight because there are so many players, so many events. It is a challenge to tell you about it. It is much more than a story about a white teenage dope dealer in the black underworld. It is every bit as much a tale about police criminality, political corruption and what appears to be a decades-long vendetta, a dark and chilling conspiracy within the criminal justice system against a teenager who dared to help the FBI put politically-connected dope dealers and corrupt cops in jail. It appears to be an organized violation of one man’s civil rights over his entire adult life. There are dozens of important events and hundreds of characters in this story. Two key episodes were Wershe’s 1988 drug trial and his 2003 parole hearing. This lengthy blog post touches on both. Those bothered by how long it takes to read this should remember Rick Wershe has lived with all of this every day, 24/7, in an 8 X 12 prison cell for the past 27 years.

Richard J. Wershe, Jr. in court September 4, 2015 (David Coates, Detroit News)
A fierce, fast-moving battle of legal briefs is now being fought in the Michigan Court of Appeals over the re-sentencing of Richard J. Wershe, Jr. who is serving a life prison term for dealing drugs. Hitman murderers, serial rapists and habitual child molesters have gone to prison and have been let out of prison by the Michigan Parole Board during the nearly three decades Rick Wershe has been kept behind bars. Others convicted of selling far more dope than Wershe ever saw in his life have been in and out of Michigan prisons during his time behind bars.

Many Detroit news organizations have been wrong in their reporting dating back to when Wershe was convicted. Last Friday, for instance, two Detroit TV stations reported a Court of Appeals-ordered postponement of Wershe’s re-sentencing was a setback for Wershe. That is wrong. All parties agreed to the delay and Wershe’s defense team breathed a sigh of relief that the fast-moving court battle had slowed to give them time to hone their legal briefs.

The entire basis for demanding that Wershe remain in prison is the claim that his drug crimes were so vast, so deadly, that he poses a menace to society. If that claim can be shown to be false, there is no evidentiary basis, no factual basis for keeping Wershe in prison one more day.

There are thousands of pages of documents related to Richard J. Wershe Jr., also known as White Boy Rick, in the files of law enforcement and the criminal justice system. The most damning by far is a letter from former Wayne County, Michigan prosecutor Mike Duggan to the Michigan Parole Board. Duggan is now the Mayor of the City of Detroit. In that letter Duggan urges the Parole Board to keep Wershe in prison until he dies. The letter is dated February 17, 2003, several weeks ahead

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New Yorker: Assets and Liabilities – “Nobody knows how many confidential informants are working for the F.B.I. at any time, but in a 2008 budget request the bureau put the number at fifteen thousand. After the degree of official complicity in Bulger’s crimes was revealed, the Department of Justice ordered the F.B.I. to track any crimes committed by its informants. In a 2013 letter, the bureau disclosed that in the prior year it had authorized informants to break the law on 5,939 occasions.”

USA Today: FBI allowed informants to commit 5,600 crimes — “The FBI gave its informants permission to break the law at least 5,658 times in a single year, according to newly disclosed documents that show just how often the nation’s top law enforcement agency enlists criminals to help it battle crime.”


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In hunt for US terror recruits, FBI agents set traps
October 23, 2015


In April, John Booker was arrested for allegedly planning to carry out a suicide bombing at a military base in Kansas on behalf of the Islamic State group.
It turns out that undercover FBI operatives had been manipulating the 20-year-old for six months - helping him make a “martyrdom” video, providing him with a list of bomb-making materials and even building an explosive device for him, albeit an inert one.
Critics say the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s growing army of undercover agents tasked with hunting down terror recruits on US soil sometimes unduly pressures young, impressionable people to plan and move forward with acts they may otherwise not have conceived on their own.
The FBI “may have created terrorists out of law-abiding citizens,” Human Rights Watch has alleged.
In total, the FBI employs at least 15,000 undercover informants who are spread out over a wide span of probes, ranging from pedophilia to drugs to terror.
Often well paid and operating with immunity, an informant can sometimes go so far as to suggest targets or provide weapons to convince a suspected recruit he or she is for real.
“They need to be convinced that you are just like them,” said Mubin Shaikh, a former Canadian counterterrorism operative who has worked undercover, including in an operation that saw the so-called Toronto 18 prosecuted.
“You have to play along, you have to do what they tell you to do. Otherwise your whole operation is compromised.”
Shaikh, who recounted his experiences in the memoir “Underground Jihadi: Inside the Toronto 18,” said there are a number of tactics to find out whether someone is an extremist or potential extremist.
In one approach, Shaikh would ask the suspect whether he would be interested in attending a “(terror) training camp,” with the phrasing kept vague.
“If I say the exact same thing to somebody else and he says ‘yeah, I do wanna go and train them,’ that’s you getting caught, that’s not entrapment,” Shaikh said.
“If that suggestion is well within the operational doctrine of that group, that’s not entrapment, it’s like a dangle. You’re hooking somebody - it’s like fishing.”
Focus on Islamic State
Undercover agents are now heavily focused on identifying sympathizers of the self-proclaimed Islamic State group that has overtaken large swathes of Syria and Iraq.
Earlier this month, FBI Director James Comey said counterterrorism investigators had followed “dozens and dozens” of suspected militants around the United States this summer and disrupted “many” of them.
Shaikh, a Muslim himself, acknowledged that with the high visibility of violent extremists who claim they are acting in the name of Islam today, “the Muslim community is completely under siege.” “Now the trust is really ruined,” he added.
The problem is that in some operations, undercover agents set traps that, at times, appear to force the hand of suspects in their sights.
The topic is the focus of “(T)ERROR,” a documentary that debuted at this year’s Sundance independent film festival.
The film, which scored a Break Out First Feature award at the festival, provides an unprecedented behind-the-scenes view of a counterterrorism sting over a two-year period.
These cases are not without controversy.
In one, the so-called Fort Dix Five group of alleged extremist men were said to have plotted to stage an attack on the US military base of the same name in New Jersey.
Five of the original group of six were found guilty of conspiracy to commit murder and four got sentenced to life in prison, including three Albanian brothers.
Before their 2007 arrest, they were placed under surveillance for a year and half after they had recorded vacation video footage of themselves shooting weapons in the countryside while shouting “Allahu Akbar.”
Critics accuse the FBI of entrapment, saying FBI informants pushed the men to action.
Mahmoud Omar, an Egyptian-born informant in the case, maintains that the Dukas brothers are innocent.
“I still don’t know why the Dukas are in jail,” he told The Intercept in June.
The FBI acknowledges that using informants in investigations “may involve an element of deception, intrusion into the privacy of individuals, or cooperation with persons whose reliability and motivation may be open to question.”
However, the bureau is quick to add, the courts have recognized that the use of informants is “lawful and often essential.”
In addition, the FBI says, “special care is taken to carefully evaluate and closely supervise their use so the rights of individuals under investigation are not infringed.”
Terrorists or just losers?
More often than not, these allegedly radicalized Americans are just youths with low self-esteem who, online, find a reason to exist, observers say.
Take the example of Joshua Ryne Goldberg, a 20-year-old Jewish man living with his parents in Florida who had invented a second life on the Internet where he presented himself as living in Australia and flooded social networks with pro-jihad messages.
He was arrested last month after allegedly distributing information about bomb-making techniques. He faces 20 years in prison.
In Virginia, teenager Ali Amin was sentenced to 11 years in prison for using social media to support the Islamic State.
Amin, 17, is the first minor to be prosecuted by the United States in a terrorism support case. Shaikh called his case “tragic.”
But “when you have those gu

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blog by retired DA in Mass

viscerating the FBI


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After a lengthy, costly federal investigation, 'Shrimp Boy' Chow finally goes on trial
Chow and Serra

J. Tony Serra, right, an eccentric, highly regarded lawyer with a lifetime distrust of government power, will defend Raymond "Shrimp Boy" Chow, left, when his trial begins.

To federal investigators and prosecutors, Raymond "Shrimp Boy" Chow is and has always been a criminal.

Ever since he arrived in Chinatown from Hong Kong as a 16-year-old with swagger. Even as he testified for the government in exchange for a reduced prison sentence in an earlier racketeering case. And, most particularly, as he assumed the helm of the Ghee Kung Tong as its dragonhead.

Chow goes on trial here Monday in a federal courtroom after a lengthy investigation that cost millions in taxpayer dollars and swept up several dozen others — among them former state Sen. Leland Yee, who pleaded guilty to racketeering in July.

Chow, prosecutors concede, may have put on a decent act as gangster-turned-community-servant. But behind the scenes of the fraternal organization he controlled, they will argue, he was running a criminal enterprise that trafficked in weapons, contraband cigarettes and stolen liquor.

Last month, the U.S. attorney's office upped the ante on the 140-count indictment, adding charges that the 55-year-old Chow had arranged the 2006 murder of his Ghee Kung Tong predecessor and conspired to kill another man who was shot to death in 2013 along with his wife.
The fact that Shrimp Boy is a many-times felon ... makes him look not as pure as the driven snow. - Robert Weisberg, a Stanford University law professor

The defense will tell a very different story — with the highly regarded, eccentric lawyer J. Tony Serra doing the telling.

It is a tale of a government investigation marred by the conduct of an undercover agent. The tactics of the man known mostly as UCE 4599 — his cover name was "Dave" — were so egregious, the defense maintains, that U.S. District Judge Charles R. Breyer should toss the case.

"History will show that this prosecution was the most shocking of all time," Chow's lawyers wrote in a motion for dismissal last week, one peppered with allegations they are sure to revisit at trial. "The only way to maintain the integrity of the federal judiciary in the Northern District is to acknowledge the severity of the government's mis

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couple of stories of FBI agents creating crimes to look like
they are fighting crime and their best buddies PR firm
the SPLC run by Morris Dees

3 or four stories
you know who the bad guys are



Montana Webcast Extremist Convicted of Twin Firearms Charges
Bill Morlin
November 09, 2015

An antigovernment extremist who advocated killing police, judges and burning down a courthouse has been found guilty by a federal jury in Montana of possession of a machine gun and failing to register a firearm.

William Krisstofer Wolf, 52, who broadcast his antigovernment, extremist views on a weekly webcast called “The Montana Republic,” was arrested in April after buying an illegal shotgun from an undercover FBI agent he only knew as “Dirty.” The sawed-off, fully automatic Russian Saiga-12 shotgun was capable of shooting 10 rounds in two seconds, court documents say.

Wolf, convicted last week by a U.S. District Court jury in Billings, faces up to 10 years in prison on each of the two counts when he’s sentenced next year. He will remain in custody until then.

On his webcasts, Wolf blasted the federal immigration policies of the Obama Administration and advocated “direct action to restore a Constitution-based government.” Wolf sought out high-powered weaponry, including a flame-thrower, for a coming "second American revolution."

During his webcasts, West also discussed “taking out bridges or power grids and seizing law enforcement vehicles and weapons,” court documents say.

Wolf‘s interest in buying illegal firearms began one year ago during secret meetings with an FBI informant who introduced Wolf to the undercover FBI agent known as “Dirty.”

During those meetings, Wolf discussed building a “blowtorch gun” with a 150-foot range to kill police officers wearing body armor. He also discussed using the flamethrower to destroy a “BearCAT” armored vehicle recently acquired by the Bozeman Police Department SWAT team.

In another broadcast, Wolf said federal judges who overturned gay marriage bans should be considered “viable targets” for Patriots “because they violated the Constitution.”

Before his arrest, the Bozeman, Mont., resident repeatedly expressed contempt for local judges, law enforcement, the county attorney, city and county commissioners a


Washington Babylon — November 2, 2007, 9:58 am
The Southern Poverty Business Model

By Ken Silverstein


Many of you out there have no doubt received in the mail desperate cries for help from the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), the do-gooder group that does very little good considering the vast sums of money it raises. But before you pull out your checkbook, make sure to read the following letter that Stephen Bright, an Atlanta-based civil rights and anti-death penalty attorney, recently wrote in declining an invitation to an event that honors Morris Dees, head of the SPLC.

Kenneth C. Randall, Dean and
Thomas L. McMillan, Professor of Law
School of Law
University of Alabama
249 Law Center
Box 870382
101 Paul W. Bryan Drive
Tuscaloosa, AL 35487-0382

Dear Dean Randall:

Thank you very much for the invitation to speak at the law school’s commencement in May. I am honored by the invitation, but regret that I am not able to accept it due to other commitments at that time.

I also received the law school’s invitation to the presentation of the “Morris Dees Justice Award,” which you also mentioned in your letter as one of the “great things” happening at the law school. I decline that invitation for another reason. Morris Dees is a con man and fraud, as I and others, such as U.S. Circuit Judge Cecil Poole, have observed and as has been documented by John Egerton, Harper’s, the Montgomery Advertiser in its “Charity of Riches” series, and others.

The positive contributions Dees has made to justice–most undertaken based upon calculations as to their publicity and fund raising potential–are far overshadowed by what Harper’s described as his “flagrantly misleading” solicitations for money. He has raised millions upon millions of dollars with various schemes, never mentioning that he does not need the money because he has $175 million and two “poverty palace” buildings in Montgomery. He has taken advantage of naive, well-meaning people–some of moderate or low incomes–who believe his pitches and give to his $175-million operation. He has spent most of what they have sent him to raise still more millions, pay high salaries, and promote himself. Because he spends so much on fund raising, his operation spends $30 million a year to accomplish less than what many other organizations accomplish on shoestring budgets.

The award does not recognize the work of others by associating them with Dees; it promotes Dees by associating him with the honorees. Both the law school and Skadden are diminished by being a part of another Dees scam.

Again, thank you for the invitation to participate in your commencement. I wish you and the law school the very best.


Stephen B. Bright

cc: Morris Dees
Arthur Reed
Dees award committee

Also see

The Church of Morris Dees

By Ken Silverstein -- Harper's Magazine, November 2000

How the Southern Poverty Law Center profits from intolerance

Ah, tolerance. Who could be against something so virtuous? And who could object to the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Montgomery, Alabama-based group that recently sent out this heartwarming yet mildly terrifying appeal to raise money for its "Teaching Tolerance" program, which prepares educational kits for schoolteachers? Cofounded in 1971 by civil rights lawyer cum direct-marketing millionaire Morris Dees, a leading critic of "hate groups" and a man so beatific that he was the subject of a made-for-TV movie, the SPLC spent much of its early years defending prisoners who faced the death penalty and suing to desegregate all-white institutions like Alabama's highway patrol. That was then.

Today, the SPLC spends most of its time--and money--on a relentless fund-raising campaign, peddling memberships in the church of tolerance with all the zeal of a circuit rider passing the collection plate. "He's the Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker of the civil rights movement," renowned anti- death-penalty lawyer Millard Farmer says of Dees, his former associate, "though I don!t mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye." The Center earned $44 million last year alone--$27 million from fund-raising and $17 million from stocks and other investments--but spent only $13 million on civil rights program , making it one of the most profitable charities in the country.

The Ku Klux Klan, the SPLC's most lucrative nemesis, has shrunk from 4 million members in the 1920s to an estimated 2,000 today, as many as 10 percent of whom are thought to be FBI informants . But news of a declining Klan does not make for inclining donations to Morris Dees and Co., which is why the SPLC honors nearly every nationally covered "hate crime" with direct-mail alarums full of nightmarish invocations of "armed Klan paramilitary forces" and "violent neo-Nazi extremists," and why Dees does legal battle almost exclusively with mediagenic villains-like Idaho's arch-Aryan Richard Butler-eager to show off their swastikas for the news cameras.

In 1987, Dees won a $7 million judgment against the United Klans of America on behalf of Beulah Mae Donald, whose son was lynched by two Klansmen. The UKA's total assets amounted to a warehouse whose sale netted Mrs. Donald $51,875. According to a groundbreaking series of newspaper stories in the Montgomery Advertiser, the SPLC, meanwhile, made $9 million from fund-raising solicitations featuring the case, including one containing a photo of Michael Donald's corpse.

Horrifying as such incidents are, hate groups commit almost no violence. More than 95 percent of all "hate crimes," including most of the incidents SPLC letters cite (bombings, church burnings, school shootings), are perpetrated by "lone wolves." Even Timothy McVeigh, subject of one of the most extensive investigations in the FBI's history-and one of the most extensive direct-mail campaigns in the SPLC's-was never credibly linked to any militia organization.

No faith healing or infomercial would be complete without a moving testimonial. The student from whose tears this white schoolteacher learned her lesson is identified only as a child of color. "Which race," we are assured, "does not matter." Nor apparently does the specific nature of "the racist acts directed at him," nor the race of his schoolyard tormentors. All that matters, in fact, is the race of the teacher and those expiating tears. "I wept with him, feeling for once, the depth of his hurt," she confides. "His tears washed away the film that had distorted my white perspective of the world." Scales fallen from her eyes, what action does this schoolteacher propose? What Gandhi-like disobedience will she undertake in order to "reach real peace in the world"? She doesn't say but instead speaks vaguely of acting out against "the pain." In the age of Oprah and Clinton, empathy--or the confession thereof--is an end in itself.

Any good salesman knows that a products "value" is a highly mutable quality with little relation to actual worth, and Morris Dees-who made millions hawking, by direct mail, such humble commodities as birthday cakes, cookbooks (including Favorite Recipes of American Home Economics Teachers), tractor seat cushions, rat poison, and, in exchange for a mailing list containing 700,000 names, presidential candidate George McGovern-is nothing if not a good salesman. So good in fact that in 1998 the Direct Marketing Association inducted him into its Hall of Fame. "I learned everything I know about hustling from the Baptist Church," Dees has said. "Spending Sundays on those hard benches listening to the preacher pitch salvation-why, it was like getting a Ph.D. in selling." Here, Dr. Dees (the letter's nominal author) masterfully transforms, with a mere flourish of hyperbole, an education kit available "at cost" for $30 on the SPLC website into "a $325 value."

This is one of the only places in this letter where specific races are mentioned. Elsewhere, Dees and his copywriters, deploying an arsenal of passive verbs and vague abstractions, have sanitized the usually divisive issue of race of its more disturbing elements-such as angry black people-and for good reason: most SPLC donors are white. Thus, instead of concrete civil rights issues like housing discrimination and racial profiling, we get "communities seething with racial violence." Instead of racially biased federal sentencing laws, or the disparity between poor predominantly black schools and affluent white ones, or the violence against illegals along the Mexican border, the SPLC gives us "intolerance against those who are different," turning bigotry into a color-blind, equal-opportunity sin. It's reassuring to know that "Caucasians" are no more and no less guilty of this sin than African Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, and Hispanics. In the eyes of Morris Dees, we're all sinners, all victims, and all potential contributors.

Morris Dees doesn't need your financial support. The SPLC is already the wealthiest civil rights group in America, though this letter quite naturally omits that fact. Other solicitations have been more flagrantly misleading. One pitch, sent out in 1995-when the Center had more than $60 million in reserves-informed would-be donors that the "strain on our current operating budget is the greatest in our 25-year history." Back in 1978, when the Center had less than $10 million, Dees promised that his organization would quit fund-raising and live off interest as soon as its endowment hit $55 million. But as it approached that figure, the SPLC upped the bar to $100 million, a sum that, one 1989 newsletter promised, would allow the Center "to cease the costly and often unreliable task of fund raising. " Today, the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising-$5.76 million last year-as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses. The American Institute of Philanthropy gives the Center one of the worst ratings of any group it monitors, estimating that the SPLC could operate for 4.6 years without making another tax-exempt nickel from its investments or raising another tax-deductible cent from well-meaning "people like you."

The SPLC's "other important work justice" consists mainly in spying on private citizens who belong to "hate groups," sharing its files with law-enforcement agencies, and suing the most prominent of these groups for crimes committed independently by their members-a practice that, however seemingly justified, should give civil libertarians pause. The legal strategy employed by Dees could have put the Black Panther Party out of business or bankrupted the New England Emigrant Aid Company in retaliation for crimes committed by John Brown. What the Center's other work for justice does not include is anything that might be considered controversial by donors. According to Millard Farmer, the Center largely stopped taking death-penalty cases for fear that too visible an opposition to capital punishment would scare off potential contributors. In 1986, the Center's entire legal staff quit in protest of Dees's refusal to address issues-such as homelessness, voter registration, and affirmative action-that they considered far more pertinent to poor minorities, if far less marketable to affluent benefactors, than fighting the KKK. Another lawyer, Gloria Browne, who resigned a few years later, told reporters that the Center's programs were calculated to cash in on "black pain and white guilt." Asked in 1994 if the SPLC itself, whose leadership consists almost entirely of white men, was in need of an affirmative action policy, Dees replied that "probably the most discriminated people in America today are white men when it comes to jobs."

Contributors to Teaching Tolerance might be surprised to learn how little of the SPLC's reported educational spending actually goes to education. In response to lobbying by charities, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants in 1987 began allowing nonprofits to count part of their fundraising costs as "educational" so long as their solicitations contained an informational component. On average, the SPLC classifies an estimated 47 percent of the fund-raising letters that it sends out every year as educational, including many that do little more than instruct potential donors on the many evils of "militant right-wing extremists" and the many splendid virtues of Morris Dees. According to tax documents, of the $10. 8 million in educational spending the SPLC reported in 1999, $4 million went to solicitations. Another $2.4 million paid for stamps.

In the early 1960s, Morris Dees sat on the sidelines honing his direct-marketing skills and practicing law while the civil rights movement engulfed the South. "Morris and I...shared the overriding purpose of making a pile of money," recalls Dees's business partner, a lawyer named Millard Fuller (not to be confused with Millard Farmer). "We were not particular about how we did it; we just wanted to be independently rich." They were so unparticular, in fact, that in 1961 they defended a man, guilty of beating up a journalist covering the Freedom Riders, whose legal fees were paid by the Klan. ("I felt the anger of a black person for the first time," Dees later wrote of the case. "I vowed then and there that nobody would ever again doubt where I stood.") In 1965, Fuller sold out to Dees, donated the money to charity, and later started Habitat for Humanity. Dees bought a 200-acre estate appointed with tennis courts, a pool, and stables, and, in 1971, founded the SPLC, where his compensation has risen in proportion to fund-raising revenues, from nothing in the early seventies to $273,000 last year. A National Journal survey of salaries paid to the top officers of advocacy groups shows that Dees earned more in 1998 than nearly all of the seventy-eight listed, tens of thousands more than the heads of such groups as the ACLU, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and the Children's Defense Fund. The more money the SPLC receives, the less that goes to other civil rights organizations, many of which, including the NAACP, have struggled to stay out of bankruptcy. Dees's compensation alone amounts to one quarter the annual budget of the Atlanta-based Southern Center for Human Rights, which handles several dozen death-penalty cases a year. "You are a fraud and a conman," the Southern Center's director, Stephen Bright, wrote in a 1996 letter to Dees, and proceeded to list his many reasons for thinking so, which included "your failure to respond to the most desperate needs of the poor and powerless despite your millions upon millions, your fund-raising techniques, the fact that you spend so much, accomplish so little, and promote yourself so shamelessly." Soon the SPLC win move into a new six-story headquarters in downtown Montgomery, just across the street from its current headquarters, a building known locally as the Poverty Palace.

(Original URL: http://www.texasls.org/articles/reading_room/church_of_morris_dees.htm)

Copyright Notice: In accordance with Title 17 U. S. C. Section 107, any copyrighted work on this website is distributed under fair use without profit or payment to those who have expressed an interest in receiving the included information for nonprofit research and educational purposes only. Ref.: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml


Mother Jones
Inside the Terror Factory
Award-winning journalist Trevor Aaronson digs deep into the FBI’s massive efforts to create fake terrorist plots.

By Trevor Aaronson | Fri Jan. 11, 2013 6:01 AM EST

Editor's note: This story is adapted from The Terror Factory [1], Trevor Aaronson's new book documenting how the Federal Bureau of Investigation has built a vast network of informants to infiltrate Muslim communities and, in some cases, cultivate phony terrorist plots. The book grew from Aaronson's award-winning [2] Mother Jones cover story "The Informants [3]" and his research in the Investigative Reporting Program at the University of California-Berkeley.

Quazi Mohammad Nafis was a 21-year-old student living in Queens, New York, when the US government helped turn him into a terrorist.

His transformation began on July 5, when Nafis, a Bangladeshi citizen who'd come to the United States on a student visa that January, shared aspirations with a man he believed he could trust. Nafis told this man in a phone call that he wanted to wage jihad in the United States, that he enjoyed reading Al Qaeda propaganda, and that he admired "Sheikh O," or Osama bin Laden. Who this confidant was and how Nafis came to meet him remain unclear; what we know from public documents is that the man told Nafis he could introduce him to an Al Qaeda operative.

Our Yearlong Investigation Into the Program to Spy on America's Muslim Communities [3]
How the Bureau Enlists Foreign Regimes to Detain and Interrogate US Citizens [4]
When Did Lefty Darling Brandon Darby Turn Government Informant? [5]
Charts from Our Terror Trial Database [6]
Watch an FBI Surveillance Video [7]
Documents: FBI Spies and Suspects, in Their Own Words [8]

It was a hot, sunny day in Central Park on July 24 when Nafis met with Kareem, who said he was with Al Qaeda. Nafis, who had a slight build, mop of black hair, and a feebly grown beard, told Kareem that he was "ready for action."

"What I really mean is that I don’t want something that's, like, small," Nafis said. "I just want something big. Something very big. Very, very, very, very big, that will shake the whole country."

Nafis said he wanted to bomb the New York Stock Exchange, and with help from his new Al Qaeda contact, he surveilled the iconic building at 11 Wall Street. "We are going to need a lot of TNT or dynamite," Nafis told Kareem. But Nafis didn't have any explosives, and, as court records indicate, he didn’t know anyone who could sell him explosives, let alone have the money to purchase such materials. His father, a banker in Bangladesh, had spent his entire life savings to send Nafis to the United States after his son, who was described to journalists as dim by people who knew him in his native country, had flunked out of North South University in Bangladesh.

Kareem suggested they rent a storage facility to stash the material they'd need for a car bomb. He said he'd put up the money for it, and get the materials. Nafis dutifully agreed, and suggested a new target: the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. Nafis later met Kareem at a storage facility, where Nafis poured the materials Kareem had brought into trash bins, believing he was creating a 1,000-pound car bomb that could level a city block.

In truth, the stuff was inert. And Kareem was an undercover FBI agent, tipped off by the man who Nafis had believed was a confidant—an FBI informant. The FBI had secretly provided everything Nafis needed for his attack: not only the storage facility and supposed explosives, but also the detonator and the van that Nafis believed would deliver the bomb.

On the morning of October 17, Nafis and Kareem drove the van to Lower Manhattan and parked it in front of the Federal Reserve Bank on Liberty Street. Then they walked to a nearby hotel room, where Nafis dialed on his cellphone the number he believed would trigger the bomb, but nothing happened. He dialed again, and again. The only result was Nafis' apprehension by federal agents.

"The defendant thought he was striking a blow to the American economy," US Attorney Loretta E. Lynch said in a statement after the arrest. "At every turn, he was wrong, and his extensive efforts to strike at the heart of the nation's financial system were foiled by effective law enforcement. We will use all of the tools at our disposal to stop any such attack before it can occur."
How many of these would-be terrorists would have acted were it not for an FBI agent provocateur helping them? Is it possible that the FBI is creating the very enemy we fear?

Federal officials say they are protecting Americans with these operations—but from whom? Real terrorists, or dupes like Nafis, who appear unlikely to have the capacity for terrorism were it not for FBI agents providing the opportunity and means?

Nafis is one of more than 150 men since 9/11 who have been caught in FBI terrorism stings, some of whom have received 25 years or more in prison. In these cases, the FBI uses one of its more than 15,000 registered informants—many of them criminals, others trying to stay in the country following immigration violations—to identify potential terrorists. It then provides the means necessary for these would-be terrorists to move forward with a plot—in some cases even planting specific ideas for attacks. The FBI now spends $3 billion on counterterrorism annually, the largest portion of its budget. Our nation's top law enforcement agency, traditionally focused on investigating crimes after they occur, now operates more as an intelligence organization that tries to preempt crimes before they occur. But how many of these would-be terrorists would have acted were it not for an FBI agent provocateur helping them? Is it possible that the FBI is creating the very enemy we fear?

Those are the questions I set out to explore beginning in 2010. With the help of a research assistant, I built a database of more than 500 terrorism prosecutions since 9/11 [9], looking closely and critically at every terrorism case brought into federal courts during the past decade. We pored through thousands of pages of court records, and found that nearly half of all terrorism cases since 9/11 involved informants, many of them paid as much as $100,000 per assignment by the FBI. At the time of the story's publication in Mother Jones in August 2011, 49 defendants had participated in plots led by an FBI agent provocateur, and that number has continued to rise since.

Historically, media coverage of these operations—begun under George W. Bush and continuing apace under Barack Obama—was mostly uncritical. With their aggressive tactics essentially unknown to the public, the FBI and Justice Department controlled the narrative: another dangerous terrorist apprehended by vigilant federal agents!

But in late 2011, the conversation began to shift. A couple of months after my story in Mother Jones and following the announcement of a far-fetched sting in which a Massachusetts man believed he'd been poised to destroy the US Capitol building using grenade-laden, remote-controlled airplanes, TPM Muckraker published a story headlined: "The Five Most Bizarre Terror Plots Hatched Under the FBI's Watch [10]." Author David K. Shipler, in an April 2012 New York Times editorial [11], questioned the legitimacy of terrorism stings involving people who appeared to have no wherewithal to commit acts of terror: "Some threats are real, others less so. In terrorism, it's not easy to tell the difference." Stories in other major news outlets followed suit, and by October 2012, a post in Foreign Policy was asking: “How many idiot jihadis can the FBI fool? [12]”

Which brings us back to Nafis. "The case appears to be the latest to fit a model in which, in the process of flushing out people they believe present a risk of terrorism, federal law enforcement officials have played the role of enabler," reported the New York Times, after the Justice Department announced Nafis' arrest. "Though these operations have almost always held up in court, they have come under increasing criticism from those who believe that many of the subjects, even some who openly espoused violence, would have been unable to execute such plots without substantial assistance from the government."

In the years since the attacks of September 11, 2001, the federal law enforcement profile of a terrorist has changed dramatically. The men responsible for downing the World Trade Center were disciplined and patient; they were also living and training in the United States with money from an Al Qaeda cell led by Kuwaiti-born Khalid Sheikh Mohammad. In the days and weeks following 9/11, federal officials anxiously awaited a second wave of attacks, which would be launched, they believed at the time, by several sleeper cells around the country.
Anwar al-Awlaki, a US-born, high-ranking Al Qaeda official became something of the terrorist group's Dear Abby. Have a question about Islam? Ask Anwar!

But the feared second wave never crashed ashore. Instead, the United States and allied nations invaded Afghanistan, Al Qaeda's home base, and forced Osama bin Laden and his deputies into hiding. Bruised and hunted, Al Qaeda no longer had the capability to train terrorists and send them to the United States.

In response, Al Qaeda's leaders moved to what FBI officials describe as a "franchise model." If you can't run Al Qaeda as a hierarchal, centrally organized outfit, the theory went, run it as a franchise. In other words, export ideas—not terrorists. Al Qaeda and its affiliated organizations went online, setting up websites and forums dedicated to instilling their beliefs in disenfranchised Muslims already living in Western nations. A slickly designed magazine, appropriately titled Inspire, quickly followed. Article headlines included "I Am Proud to Be a Traitor to America," and "Why Did I Choose Al-Qaeda?"

Anwar al-Awlaki, the American-born, high-ranking Al Qaeda official who was killed in a US drone strike in Yemen on September 30, 2011, became something of the terrorist group's Dear Abby. Have a question about Islam? Ask Anwar! Muslim men in nations throughout the Western world would email him questions, and Awlaki would reply dutifully, and in English, encouraging many of his electronic pen pals to violent action. Awlaki also kept a blog and a Facebook page, and regularly posted recruitment videos to YouTube. He said in one video:

I specifically invite the youth to either fight in the West or join their brothers in the fronts of jihad: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. I invite them to join us in our new front, Yemen, the base from which the great jihad of the Arabian Peninsula will begin, the base from which the greatest army of Islam will march forth.

Al Qaeda's move to a franchise model met with some success. US Army Major Nadal Hassan, for example, corresponded with Awlaki before he killed 13 people and wounded 29 others in the Fort Hood shootings in 2009. Antonio Martinez, a Baltimore man and recent convert to Islam who was sentenced to 25 years in prison for trying to bomb a military recruiting office, sent Awlaki messages and watched Al Qaeda propaganda videos online before getting wrapped up in an FBI sting operation.

The FBI has a term for Nafis, Martinez, and other alleged terrorists like them: lone wolf. Officials at the Bureau now believe that the next terrorist attack will likely come from a lone wolf, and this belief is at the core of a federal law enforcement policy known variously as preemption, prevention, and disruption. FBI counterterrorism agents want to catch terrorists before they act, and to accomplish this, federal law enforcement officials have in the decade since 9/11 created the largest domestic spying network ever to exist in the United States.

In fact, the FBI today has 10 times as many informants as it did in the 1960s, when former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover made the Bureau infamous for inserting spies into organizations as varied as Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King's and the Ku Klux Klan. Modern FBI informants aren't burrowing into political groups, however; they are focused on identifying today the terrorist of tomorrow. US government officials acknowledge that while terrorist threats do exist from domestic organizations, such as white supremacist groups and the sovereign citizen movement, they believe the greatest threat comes from within American Muslim communities.

The FBI's vast army of spies, located today in every community in the United States with enough Muslims to support a mosque, has one primary function: identify the next lone wolf, likely to be a single male age 16 to 35, according to the Bureau. Informants and their FBI handlers are on the lookout for young Muslims who espouse radical beliefs, are vocal about their disapproval of American foreign policy, or have expressed sympathy for international terrorist groups. If they find anyone who meets the criteria, they move him to the next stage: the sting operation.
The terrorism sting operations are an evolution of an FBI tactic that has long captured the imaginations of Hollywood filmmakers: undercover drug busts.

On a cold February morning in 2011, I met with Peter Ahearn, a retired FBI special agent who directed the Western New York Joint Terrorism Task Force, in a coffee shop outside Washington, DC, to talk about how the FBI runs its sting operations. Ahearn was in the bureau's vanguard as it transformed into a counterterrorism organization in the wake of 9/11. An average-built man with a small dimple on his chin and close-cropped brown hair receding in the front, Ahearn oversaw one of the earliest post-9/11 terrorism investigations, involving the so-called Lackawanna Six—a group of six Yemeni American men living outside Buffalo, New York, who attended a training camp in Afghanistan and were convicted of providing material support to Al Qaeda. "If you're doing a sting right, you're offering the target multiple chances to back out," Ahearn told me. "Real people don't say, 'Yeah, let's go bomb that place.' Real people call the cops."

Indeed, while terrorism sting operations are a new practice for the bureau, they are an evolution of an FBI tactic that has for decades captured the imaginations of Hollywood filmmakers. In 1982, as the illegal drug trade overwhelmed local police resources nationwide and funded an increase in violent crime, President Ronald Reagan's first attorney general, William French Smith, gave the FBI jurisdiction over federal drug crimes, which previously had been the exclusive domain of the US Drug Enforcement Administration. Eager to show up their DEA rivals, FBI agents began aggressively sending undercover agents into America's cities. This was relatively new territory for the FBI, which during Hoover's 37-year stewardship had mandated that agents wear a suit and tie at all times, federal law enforcement badge easily accessible from the coat pocket. But an increasingly powerful Mafia and the bloody drug war forced the FBI to begin enforcing federal laws from the street level. In searching for drug crimes, FBI agents hunted sellers as well as buyers, and soon learned one of the best strategies was to become part of the action.

At its most cliché, the Hollywood version of this scene is set in a Miami high-rise apartment, its floor-to-ceiling windows overlooking the cresting waves of the Atlantic Ocean. There's a man seated at the dining table; he's longhaired, with a scruffy face, and he has a briefcase next to him. Hidden on the other side of the room is a grainy black-and-white camera recording the entire scene. The apartment's door swings open and two men saunter in, the camera recording their every move and word. The two men hand over bundles of cash, and the scruffy man then hands over the briefcase. But instead of finding pounds of cocaine inside it, the two guests are shocked to find the briefcase is empty—and then FBI agents rush in, guns drawn for the takedown.

Federal law enforcement officials call this type of sting operation a "no-dope bust," and its the direct predecessor to today's terrorism sting. Instead of empty briefcases, the FBI today uses inert bombs and disabled assault rifles (and now that counterterrorism is the bureau's top priority, the investigation of major drug crimes has largely fallen back to the DEA). While the assumptions behind both types of stings are similar, there is a fundamental flaw as applied to terrorism stings. In drug stings, federal law enforcement officials assume that any buyer caught in a sting would have been able to buy or sell drugs elsewhere had they not fallen into the FBI trap. The numbers support this assumption. In 2010, the most recent year for which data is available, the DEA seized 29,179 kilograms, or 64,328 pounds, of cocaine in the United States.

In terrorism stings, however, federal law enforcement officials assume that any would-be terrorists caught would have been able to acquire the means elsewhere to carry out their violent plans had they not been ensnared by the FBI. The problem with this assumption is that no data exists to support it—and in fact what data is available often suggests the opposite.

Few of the more than 150 defendants indicted and convicted this way since 9/11 had any connection to terrorists, evidence showed, and those that did have connections, however tangential, lacked the capacity to launch attacks on their own. Of the more that 150 defendants, an FBI informant not only led one of every three terrorist plots, but also provided all the necessary weapons, money, and transportation.
The informant goaded them on the whole time, encouraging the pair with lines like: “We will teach these bastards a good lesson.” For his work on the case, he received $100,000 from the FBI.

The FBI's logic to support the use of terrorism stings goes something like this: By catching a lone wolf before he strikes, federal law enforcement can take him off the streets before he meets a real terrorist who can provide him with weapons and munitions. However, to this day, no example exists of a lone wolf, by himself unable to launch an attack, becoming operational through meeting an actual terrorist in the United States. In the terrorism sting operations since 9/11, the would-be terrorists are usually uneducated, unsophisticated, and economically desperate—not the attributes for someone likely to plan and launch a sophisticated, violent attack without significant help.

This isn't to say there have not been deadly and potentially deadly terrorist attacks and threats in the United States since 9/11. Hesham Mohamed Hadayet, an Egyptian, opened fire on the El-Al ticket counter at Los Angeles International Airport on July 4, 2002, killing two and wounding four. Afghan American Najibullah Zazi, who trained with Al Qaeda in Pakistan in 2008, came close to attacking the New York City subway system in September 2009, with a plan to place backpack bombs on crowded trains coming to and from Grand Central and Times Square stations. Faisal Shahzad, who trained with terrorists in the tribal regions of Pakistan, attempted but failed to detonate a crude car bomb in Times Square on May 1, 2010. While all three were dangerous lone wolves, none fit the profile of would-be terrorists targeted today in FBI terrorism sting operations. Unlike those caught in FBI stings, these three terrorists had international connections and the ability to carry out attacks on their own, however unsuccessful those attacks might have been for Zazi and Shahzad.

By contrast, consider another New York City terrorism conspiracy—the so-called Herald Square bomb plot. Shahawar Matin Siraj, a 22-year-old Pakistani American, struck up a friendship with a seemingly elderly and knowledgeable Islamic scholar named Dawadi at his uncle's Islamic Books and Tapes shop in Brooklyn. Dawadi was an FBI informant, Osama Eldawoody, who was put on the government payroll in September 2003 to stoke Siraj's extremist inclinations. Siraj asked if Eldawoody could help him build a nuclear weapon and volunteered that he and a friend, James Elshafay, wanted to detonate a car bomb on one of New York's bridges. "He's a terrorist. He wants to harm the country and the people of the country. That's what I thought immediately," Eldawoody said in court testimony.

Siraj introduced Dawadi to Elshafay, who had drawn schematics of police stations and bridges on napkins with the hopes of plotting a terrorist attack. Elshafay's crude drawings prompted Siraj to hatch a new plan that involved the three men, Dawadi's supposed international connections, and an attack on New York's Herald Square subway station. The two young men discussed how they'd grown to hate the United States for invading Iraq and torturing prisoners. In Eldawoody's car, the three of them talked about carrying 20- to 30-pound backpack bombs into the Herald Square subway station and leaving them on the train platform. Their conversations were recorded from a secret camera in the car's dashboard. From April to August 2004, the men considered targets, surveilled the subway, checked security, and drew diagrams of the station. The informant goaded them on the whole time, encouraging the pair with lines like: "We will teach these bastards a good lesson." For his work on the case, Eldawoody received $100,000 from the FBI.

The evidence from the sting was enough to win convictions, and Siraj was sentenced to 30 years in prison and Elshafay 5 years. But it was also clear from the trial that Siraj was a dimwitted social recluse—a mother's boy with little capacity to steal a car on his own, let alone bomb a subway station as part of a spectacular terrorist attack. In fact, Siraj was recorded during the sting operation as saying: "Everyone thinks I'm stupid."
During Obama's first term in office, the Justice Department prosecuted more than 75 targets of terrorism stings.

The question underlying the Herald Square case can be asked in dozens of other similar sting operations: Could the defendants have become terrorists had they never met the FBI informant? The answer haunts Martin Stolar, the lawyer who represented Siraj at trial and fully expected to win an acquittal through an entrapment defense. "The problem with the cases we're talking about is that defendants would not have done anything if not kicked in the ass by government agents," Stolar said. "They're creating crimes to solve crimes so they can claim a victory in the war on terror."

The practice is only growing. Though developed under the Bush administration, terrorism stings have become even more common under President Obama. While the Bush administration used terrorism stings to its greatest degree in 2006 and 2007—60 defendants were prosecuted and convicted from terrorism stings during those two years—the Justice Department began to shy away from the practice toward the end of Bush's second term in office. In 2008, Bush's last year as president, the US didn't prosecute anyone from a terrorism sting. But when Obama became president in January 2009, the use of sting operations resumed and increased in frequency. During Obama's first term in office, the Justice Department prosecuted more than 75 targets of terrorism stings.

Obama has been an aggressive president when it comes to national security, successfully disarming the long-standing perception that Democrats are weak on that front. He launched the daring raid that took out Osama bin Laden, has conducted secret wars in Yemen and Somalia, and stepped up extrajudicial killings of terrorist suspects overseas using military drones, for which he has come under sharp criticism from some on the political left. Public opinion polls during his fourth year as president showed that most Americans gave him high marks on national security.

That may help explain why the Obama administration has been so determined to pursue terrorism stings as well. Addressing a gathering of Muslim leaders near San Francisco in December 2010, Attorney General Eric Holder described how the administration believes the ends justify the means. "These types of operations have proven to be an essential law enforcement tool in uncovering and preventing potential terror attacks…And in those terrorism cases where undercover sting operations have been used, there is a lengthy record of convictions," the attorney general said [13], adding that "our nation's law enforcement professionals have consistently demonstrated not just their effectiveness, but also their commitment to the highest standards of professional conduct, integrity, and fairness."

Today, federal prosecutors announce arrests from terrorism stings at a rate of about one every 60 days, suggesting either that there are a lot of ineffective terrorists in the United States, or that the FBI has become effective at creating the very enemy it is hunting.
Source URL: http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2013/01/terror-factory-fbi-trevor-aaronson-book

[1] http://www.amazon.com/The-Terror-Factory-Manufactured-Terrorism/dp/1935439618/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1354811860&sr=8-1&keywords=The+Terror+Factory
[2] http://www.motherjones.com/mojo/2012/05/fbi-informants-data-journalism-award
[3] http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/08/fbi-terrorist-informants
[4] http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/08/proxy-detention-gulet-mohamed
[5] http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/08/brandon-darby-anarchist-fbi-terrorism
[6] http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/08/terror-trials-numbers
[7] http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/08/fbi-surveillance-video-sting
[8] http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/08/fbi-sting-greatest-hits
[9] http://www.motherjones.com/fbi-terrorist
[10] http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2011/10/the_five_most_bizarre_terror_plots_hatched_under_the_fbis_watch.php
[11] http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/29/opinion/sunday/terrorist-plots-helped-along-by-the-fbi.html?_r=2&pagewanted=all
[12] http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/10/17/how_many_idiot_jihadists_can_the_fbi_fool
[13] http://theterrorfactory.com/documents/HolderSpeechDec2010.pdf

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Reply with quote  #32 
another FBI informant created crime...
couple of reads



Prosecutors: Informant led FBI to Chesterfield bombing suspects

Nov 12, 2015 07:59 PM

CHESTERFIELD, VA A tip from an informant led FBI agents to uncover an alleged plot by a pair of Richmond-area men to blow up houses of worship and start a race war, according to testimony in federal court on Thursday.

The special agent from the FBI investigating the case told the court it was an informant who told investigators Robert Doyle and Ronald Chaney III wanted to purchase guns. Prosecutors say the men wanted to rob a Virginia jewelry distributor to raise money to fund a race war. They also say an undercover agent acting as a weapons dealer recorded Doyle describing plans to kill the dealer and dispose of his body.

Investigators say the men met, along with Charles Halderman, at Doyle's home in Chesterfield to come up with a plan for the robbery and to ultimately start a "race war."

Both men have ties to white supremacy groups, prosecutors argued, specifically citing Doyle's alleged ties to the Aryan Brotherhood.

The suspects requested to buy "an automatic weapon, explosives, and a pistol with a silencer," according to prosecutors. It was Chaney who showed up to buy the guns earlier this month, while electronic surveillance showed Doyle was nearby, prosecutors said. Both men were arrested.

A search of Doyle's car found 30 rounds of ammunition and his Chesterfield home contained three ballistic vests and several firearms, prosecutors said. Explosives, firearms and a vest were also found at the Henrico home where he lived with his parents, according to prosecutors. Prosecutors said he has five prior felony convictions and has been on supervised probation since 2007.

While prosecutors say they met at Doyle's home in Chesterfield in September to plot shooting or bombing synagogues and black churches, and also to plan for what they called a "race war," defense attorneys said it isn't clear what exactly took place at the meeting.

The suspects waived their right to a preliminary


Trevor Aaronson: How this FBI strategy is actually ... - TED.com
Video for Trevor aaronson FBI▶ 9:22
There's an organization responsible for more terrorism plots in the United States than al-Qaeda ...
How the FBI Created a Terrorist - The Intercept
Mar 16, 2015 - FBI Tampa Florida Field Office. (Trevor Aaronson). Trevor Aaronson. Informant-led sting operations are central to the FBI's counterterrorism ...
Trevor Aaronson - public speaker, journalist
Trevor Aaronson is an award-winning investigative journalist, author and public speaker.
Book | Trevor Aaronson
The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Manufactured War on Terror shows how the FBI has, under the guise of engaging in counterterrorism since 9/11, built a ...
The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Manufactured ... - Amazon.com
http://www.amazon.com › Books › Law › Criminal Law › Forensic Science
The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Manufactured War on Terrorism [Trevor Aaronson] on Amazon.com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. A groundbreaking ...
The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Maufactured War on Terrorism ...
http://www.amazon.com › Books › Law › Criminal Law › Forensic Science
The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Maufactured War on Terrorism [Trevor Aaronson] on Amazon.com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. A groundbreaking ...
Trevor Aaronson - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Trevor Aaronson is an American journalist. ... for Investigative Reporting. and author of The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Manufactured War on Terrorism.

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Reply with quote  #33 
police snitch website



A CLAMPDOWN on jail security was called for yesterday after files naming police informants were found at a gangster's home.

MSPs have demanded Justice Minister Cathy Jamieson step in following the serious security breach.

Two prison guards have been suspended after the confidential papers were discovered during a police raid.

They included the names of informers and details of their families and their addresses.

Computer printouts were traced to the Greenock Prison jailers.

The papers were discovered when serious crime squad officers raided the gangster's home in Clydebank, near Glasgow, last month.

Tory justice spokeswoman Margaret Mitchell joined calls for Jamieson to intervene. She said: "People who have been informants and then jailed have a right to expect to be safe behind bars. Police gain their intelligence through informants and if this process is being put at risk by people abusing their position then Cathy Jamieson has to urgently get a grip of the situation."

She added: "The Justice Minister should be holding an inquiry into this unacceptable breach."

The SNP's justice spokesman Kenny MacAskill said anyone found guilty of passing on such secrets should be jailed.

He said: "It is an attempt to pervert the course of justice and expose the protection of those who have been part of the law enforcement process.

"If it is found to be true, then these officers must not only be dismissed but be prosecuted."


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Reply with quote  #34 
Legal leaders call for federal investigation into O.C.'s use of jailhouse informants


UCI law school Dean Erwin Chemerinsky is among the signers of a letter this week asking for a federal investigation of the Orange County district attorney's office and Orange County Sheriff's Department over their use of jailhouse informants. (Susan Hoffman / Daily Pilot)

More than 30 retired prosecutors, prominent professors and other legal heavyweights signed on to a letter this week asking for a federal investigation of the Orange County district attorney's office and Orange County Sheriff's Department over their use of jailhouse informants.

"We the undersigned share a firm belief in our criminal justice system and its overall ability to produce fair and reliable results," according to the letter addressed to U.S. Atty. Gen. Loretta Lynch. "Compelling evidence of pervasive police and prosecutorial misconduct in Orange County, however, has caused us grave concern."

The signers — including UC Irvine law school Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, former Los Angeles County district attorneys John Van de Kamp and Gil Garcetti and national legal groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union — said they have turned to Lynch because the U.S. Department of Justice is the only independent entity that can investigate the scope of misconduct they believe may exist.

The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment Wednesday.

There appears to be evidence that prosecutors and sheriff's deputies concealed a jailhouse informant program that may have violated defendants' rights for

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Reply with quote  #35 

We know who the real terrorists are....

couple of reads funded by your tax dime



Look At America’s Convoluted Web Of Terror Watch Lists

BuzzFeed News takes a look at the massive web of watch lists put in place to keep foreign fighters from reaching the U.S. — and the consequences of ending up on one.

In a video reportedly released by a subgroup of ISIS, which claimed responsibility for the Paris attacks that killed at least 129 people on Nov. 13, an armed man in what appears to be rural Iraq vows to “strike America at its center in Washington.”

Other videos released this week also show ISIS fighters warning of more attacks in Paris, as well as Times Square in New York, Italy, and elsewhere.

The threats renewed attention on precautions the United States is taking to keep the threat from reaching the mainland.

The massive network of terror watch lists and databases involved in tracking potential threats across the globe now includes tens of thousands of names, the vast majority of which belong to people who likely have no idea they’ve been flagged.

NBC News reported Tuesday that U.S. terror databases contain more than 2,700 names with connections to France alone, and that 801 of them are considered potential “foreign fighters” who might try to join ISIS in Syria. Several of those people had taken flights to the U.S. out of Paris this year, the network reported, including those who also have citizenship in Pakistan.

But the extensive surveillance apparatus, while allowing authorities to track potential threats, has also proven to be a nightmare for the extremely small percentage of those who find out they are on a watch list, and then try to get off it.

BuzzFeed News took a look at some of their stories and examined just how vast the surveillance network is — and how authorities leverage the system to further intelligence gathering.
The Ever-Expanding No-Fly List

Abe Mashal’s first hint of trouble came in April 2010, when he couldn’t print his boarding pass for his flight to Spokane, Washington.

The next day, within minutes of arriving at Midway International Airport in Chicago, Mashal found himself surrounded by about 30 officers.

“I was in shock,” the veteran told BuzzFeed News. “I had my Marine Corps shirt on.”


How the IRA set up an arms deal with Boston gangster James 'Whitey' Bulger
New book details operation to smuggle weapons from US, writes Jim Cusack

24/02/2013 | 04:00


A new book on the notorious Boston gangster, James 'Whitey' Bulger, details his meetings with the Provisional IRA in setting up the arms smuggling deal which led to the arrest of Sinn Fein TD Martin Ferris in 1984.

The book also says that Bulger's involvement with the IRA "took off" after he began working as an FBI informer and quotes one of Bulger's associates saying that C4 plastic explosive supplied to the IRA came from a corrupt FBI agent who was supposed to be one of the Irish-American gangster's handlers.

The book is written by Boston Globe journalists Shelley Murphy and Kevin Cullen. Cullen, for


The FBI Fosters, Funds and Equips American Terrorists : The ...
Apr 18, 2013 - The next day, a plane departing Boston Logan Airport returned to the ... and C4 explosives in a harebrained attempt to bomb the Pentagon.
Amputee Actor Caught Getting Into Position Boston Hoax [Max ...
Jun 20, 2013 - FBI Agents Caught Red Handed Boston Hoax httpwww.youtube. ... Boston Hoax ;feature=c4-overview&list=UUceQcELWQTm9ge7BY0Mcdnw.

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Reply with quote  #36 


Time for a Congressional Investigation? Shattering New Developments of Corruption in Rep. Renzi Trial
| Nov 23, 2015

The case of the corrupt prosecution against imprisoned former Congressman Rick Renzi continues to explode with new evidence of wrongdoing - literally every few weeks something else comes out. It is beginning to look like Fast and Furious as more information pours out implicating the government.

As I’ve explained previously, the crux of the case against Renzi was he had proposed a federal land exchange that allegedly would have benefited himself. Evidence came out during the trial and especially afterward revealing this wasn’t true. The FBI offered to give money to the government’s key witness/”victim,” Philip Aries, to change his story and say the land exchange was Renzi’s idea. The DOJ prosecutor, Gary Restaino, whose wife worked closely under Janet Napolitano, never disclosed this information to the defense.

As more evidence came out about this collusion in July, U.S. Federal District Court Judge David Bury granted a hearing to consider a new trial. I attended the hearing, where I met several of Renzi’s 12 children, who have developed into impressive young adults, sure of their dad’s innocence. I was shocked by what I heard as Aries and the main FBI agent repeatedly contradicted each other's testimony on the witness stand. How can you convict someone based on that?

The prosecution offered Renzi a deal right before the trial where he would have only done 10 months in prison if he would just lie and plead guilty to a small public corruption charge of failure to properly disclose his financial interest. If Renzi didn’t accept it, he was looking at possibly more than 35 felony charges and over 150 years in prison. Renzi prayed and fasted for seven days, drinking only water and asking God for wisdom. At the end of the fast, his son had to help assist him so he could eat. After eating, decided he could not accept the deal.

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Reply with quote  #37 


FBI agent: Cabbie acting as informant shuttled money, prostitutes for St. Martin spa

Jackson County District Attorney's Investigator Scott McIlrath, left, and Sheriff's Sgt. Jeff Smith post a 'closed' sign outside J.J. Spa LLC in St. Martin on Friday Nov. 20, 2015. Officials announced that state and federal human trafficking charges have been filed against the owners and a civil charge of public nuisance was used to close the business down. JOHN FITZHUGH/SUN HERALD Jackson County District Attorney Tony Lawrence and assistant DA Kathlyn VanBuskirk walk through J.J. Spa LLC in St. Martin on Friday Nov. 20, 2015 after a press conference announcing state and federal human trafficking charges and a civil charge of public nuisance used to close the business down. JOHN FITZHUGH/SUN HERALD Jackson County Sheriff's Investigator Lonnie Ward, left, and District Attorney's Investigator Scott McIlrath post a 'closed' sign outside J.J. Spa LLC in St. Martin on Friday Nov. 20, 2015. Officials announced that state and federal human trafficking charges have been filed against the owners and a civil charge of public nuisance was used to close the business down.

GULFPORT -- A St. Martin spa saw at least 50 prostitutes pass through its doors in a five-month period, according to testimony in federal court Tuesday.

The spa manager, Yeon Sook "Jackie" Hwang, is accused of bringing women to Mississippi from other states to work as sex slaves.

U.S. District Magistrate Judge John C. Gargiulo ordered her held without bond Tuesday during a detention hearing in U.S. District Court. She will remained jailed until her Jan. 4 trial.

Hwang was heading up operations at JJ Spa and the 777 Spa, at the same location in a strip mall on North Washington Avenue, when she was taken into custody earlier this month. She is being held on federal charges of transporting women across state lines for prostitution, conspiracy to commit money laundering and four counts of money laundering.


FBI agent James Grunwald testified Tuesday a cab driver who acted as a courier for money and prostitutes for the spa was working undercover for the FBI. He said the driver would take women to and from the airport, and make cash deposits of less than $10,000 at various banks to avoid reporting requirements that would bring attention to larger deposits. Three accounts were in Hwang's name, Grunwald said, and deposits were made into other accounts or directly to the women working as prostitutes as well as others.

Between July and December 2013 at least 50 prostitutes were counted at the spa, Grunwald said, and over a two-year period at least $924,000 passed through Hwang's hands.

The businesses, authorities said, were nothing more than fronts for an elaborate prostitution ring.

Hwang's attorney, Jim Davis, said his client was simply a "receptionist" at the business and had never been arrested on a prostitution charge. Hwang pleaded not guilty to the charges.

Read more here: http://www.sunherald.com/news/local/crime/article47423875.html#storylink=cpy

Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #38 
I was unable to open this link to Mass Live

also see the second group of stories


Inside the Mob: Freddy Geas, Artie Nigro have little in common but ...

Bologna, of New York, was acting as an FBI informant while committing all manner of crimes ... Two of the eight convicted defendants - former West Springfield mob ...


December 6 2015


EVERYTHING SECRET DEGENERATES: ... A. Congressional Oversight ... Beginning in the mid-1960s, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI” or “Bureau”).
House Report 108-414,Volume 1 - EVERYTHING SECRET DEGENERATES: THE FBI'S USE OF MURDERERS AS INFORMANTS (Parts 1 - 2)108th Congress ...
Use of Confidential Informants - Special Report
The Benefits and Risks of Using Confidential Informants in FBI Investigations ...... (7) Consider holding annual Informant Coordinator Conferences similar to ... Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of Murderers as Informants, 3rd ...
Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of ... - Amazon.com
http://www.amazon.com › ... › Specific Topics › Law Enforcement
Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of Murderers as Informants [Committee on Government Reform, United States Congress] on Amazon.com.
Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of ... - Amazon.com
http://www.amazon.com › ... › Specific Topics › Law Enforcement
Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of Murderers as Informants (Paperback) - Common [By (author) United States Congress By (author) Committee ...
yardbird.com: Congress details how FBI used murderers as informants
"Jonathan Luna's ongoing problems with FBI informant Warren Grace, and his FBI ... Cover from the 2004 congressional report, "Everything secret Degenerates: ...
The FBI Wall of Shame: Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's ...
Dec 20, 2008 - Congressional Reports: H. Rpt. 108-414 – Everything Secret Degenerates: The FBI's Use of Murderers as Informants Vols. 1 & 2. November 20 ...
Catalog Record: Everything secret degenerates : the FBI's use ...
By: United States. Congress. ... Everything secret degenerates : the FBI's use of murderers as informants : third report / by the Committee on Government Reform.
United States Congressional Serial Set, Serial No. 14913, House ...
237 108th Congress ) f Report 2d Session } HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES { 108_414 EVERYTHING SECRET DEGENERATES: THE FBI's USE OF ...

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Reply with quote  #39 

Inside the Mob: Retired FBI agent Cliff Hedges says slain gangster Adolfo Bruno not informant, just talked too much

on December 09, 2015 at 6:30 AM, updated December 09, 2015 at 10:11 AM

About this series: Adolfo Bruno's 2003 murder has been thoroughly vetted in the courts and news reports over the past 12 years, but new light has been shed on the case and the workings of the Springfield mob with a treasure trove of new information. Two of the eight convicted defendants - former West Springfield mob enforcer Fotios "Freddy" Geas, and onetime acting Genovese Mafia boss Arthur "Artie" Nigro, of Bronx, NY - have filed fresh motions asking a judge in U.S. District Court in Manhattan to vacate their life sentences. Among the court filings related to those appeals, new details about government witnesses have emerged, including local strip club magnate James Santaniello. Also, retired FBI Agent Clifford Hedges, was prompted to speak out about his controversial report on Bruno that has been billed as the final trigger that sent the Bruno murder conspiracy in motion.

It was the million-dollar question in the Adolfo Bruno murder case: Was he or wasn't he?

Mafia rivals in 2003 paraded a court document around organized crime circles from Springfield to New York City, suggesting the already vulnerable mob boss had at least developed a too-familiar relationship with an FBI agent. At worst, he was a suspected informant. According to a snippet of an FBI report that later became part of a pre-sentencing memo for convicted racketeer Emilio Fusco, Bruno had confirmed to now-retired Agent Clifford W. Hedges in 2002 that Fusco had been "made" while Bruno was in jail.

"Big no-no," one government witness somewhat ironically testified in a 2011 trial focused on Bruno's 2003 murder.

The issue had been murky for years. The FBI always offered the underwhelming response that it would "neither confirm nor deny" any witness for the agency.

But Hedges, who recently gave his first post-retirement interview to The Republican, said Bruno was never an informant to his knowledge, but instead, a gangster who may have become too comfortable talking to law enforcement officials whom he knew well.

"In fact, I always believed the contrary to be true, since he was always a target in every case I worked," Hedges said.

The ex-agent confirmed that he was at the Red Rose restaurant in the city's South End in February of 2002, staking out a political fund-raiser for then-City Council candidate Luis Garcia. He said he was there simply to rattle some cages at the height of a public corruption probe. Hedges bumped into Bruno, and by coincidence, had been tasked a week earlier to inform the mobster that there had been a threat to his life. Hedges said it was an obligation he took seriously, whether the threat was serious or not.

"I saw him in the hallway, and I told him there had been a threat on his life. He was basically like: 'I get threats against me all the time.' ... he kind of shrugged it off, and then it seemed to infuriate him," Hedges said, adding that Bruno volunteered the information about Fusco's promotion.

"He started talking to me for 45 minutes in the hallway with everyone watching ... When I walked away, I was absolutely dumbfounded he was comfortable enough with me to talk to me about something like that.'"

The entire report of the conversation, submitted by Hedges and obtained by The Republican, shows Bruno did engage the agent in conversation but it ran the gamut of asking after family members, B

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Reply with quote  #40 
Top cop OK’d hefty payments to murderous snitch but says he didn’t know of crimes

December 17 2015


One of Chicago’s most notorious informants — who provided drug tips to the police while secretly killing and robbing people and doing drug deals — was paid hundreds of thousands of dollars for his information with the approval of police supervisors who have since reached the highest levels of the department, records show.

Saul Rodriguez was a top snitch for the Chicago Police Department’s narcotics section between 1996 and 2001. Over that period, he received more than $800,000 from the department for his information.

Interim Chicago Police Supt. John Escalante, former police Supt. Phil Cline and chief Eugene Williams were all supervisors in the narcotics division over that period and approved payments to Rodriguez, records show. During those years, Rodriguez was involved in two killings and other serious crimes like holdups, according to federal prosecutors.

Asked about Escalante’s role in supervising the department’s use of Rodriguez as a snitch in the late ’90s and early 2000s, police spokesman Anthony Guglielmi issued this response Thursday:

“There have been absolutely no accusations lodged against Interim Superintendent John

Posts: 8,748
Reply with quote  #41 

Barbeau Qued in Seattle Search Warrant Affidavit or Fishing License


December 20, 2015

As we continue to investigate the curious circumstances that on December 6, lead to an arrest, the search of a car, and the search of a ranch some 280 miles away, in what appears to be a simultaneous effort, more revelations to come to light. Why were the Search Warrants served on the Aenk Ranch? What did that have to do with Schuyler Barbeau? Was the government grasping for straws?

The Affidavit of Special Agent Michael Baldino (BA), in support of the search warrants, provides additional insight into what led to those events of December 6, 2015.

The Affidavit starts out nearly identical to the Criminal Complaint (CC). However, we see some deceptions revealed in this second document. For example, in the CC, paragraph 5, we find, “On June 5, 2015, the Seattle Division of the FBI received information from a Confidential Human Source (“CHS”) regarding potential threats to law enforcement made by Washington State resident, Schuyler Pyatte Barbeau.” This would lead one to believe that Oliver Murphy approached the FBI. However, in paragraph 9 of BA, we find, “On June 5, 2015, the Seattle Division of the FBI received information from another law enforcement agency that resulted in FBI Special Agent Daniel Bennett contacting a Confidential Human Source (“CHS”) regarding potential threats to law enforcement made by Washington State resident, Schuyler Pyatte Barbeau1.” So, now we see that there was another law enforcement agency involved, although we have no idea what led them to Murphy. However, the footnote to the superscript provides even more insight, when we read that footnote, “1The FBI has paid the CHS for his involvement in this matter over $3,500.” That’s right; Oliver Murphy sold his friend, Schuyler Barbeau, out to the government. So, now, we have to evaluate whether what Murphy told the government is truthful, partially truthful, or fabricated. After all, that is an incentive to make sure that the feds get what they want so that he gets his “paycheck”.

Interestingly, as well, in the CC, it appears that Baldino has personal knowledge, where in the BA, we find that SA Bennett is the contact with Murphy. So, we can see from the beginning that they are just throwing words on paper in order to achieve their rather nefarious ends. And, that they bought a source to go after Schuyler Barbeau.
Special: An Extremely Brilliant Way to Pay Off Your Mortgage

Interestingly, in CC paragraph 13, and again in BA paragraph 14, we find, “the CHS [Oliver Murphy] met with Barbeau and informed him that

had a buyer interested in purchasing his SBR for the 5,000 dollars Barbeau had asked for previously.” Rather ironic, in that on December 5, 2015, Murphy’s Facebook page shows that he started a relationship with Sam Erickson, which is confirmed on Sam Erickson’s Facebook page. However, the government was simply trying to protect the gender of the informant, but, rest assured, we will out the informants, as they arise.

The CC ends with paragraph 17, which is the same as BA paragraph 18. This is a rather interesting statement, as I spoke with the person that was with Barbeau the day (November 22) that he dropped the case off at Murphy’s house. The case contained a receiver and 2 barrels. This paragraph tells us that “ATF Special Agent Claudia Grigore inspected the SBR at the FBI’s office in Seattle and certified that the barrel was less than 16 inches in length”, however, they don’t mention that there were two barrels, nor do they say whether they had to affix one of the barrels to the receiver, to make that statement. Not very professional, but, it does appear to suit their purpose of demonizing Barbeau to omit such a crucial detail.

The Affidavit, however, continues, and this is where the justification for the raid at the Aenk Ranch begins.
Special: Stephen Hawking Says This Smart Pill Is Proven to Double IQ

On December 4 (this is the day before Oliver developed a relationship with Sam), in a recorded phone conversation, Murphy asked if the Aenks knew how much money Barbeau was getting from the sale of the parts. Was this an effort to try to implicate the Aenks in criminal activity? Barbeau’s answer, “They know what’s going on”, is rather innocuous, but it just might help to demonize the Aenks for having a friend like Schuyler Barbeau.

In paragraph 20, the Affidavit states that according to Murphy, “Barbeau said that he had stolen some blasting caps and detonation cord from his U.S. Army National Guard unit.”
In paragraph 21, FBI SA Bennett spoke with the National Guard on June 29 and 30. This then would be the first investigation after Barbeau came onto the government radar (June 5). However, they do not receive any information regarding the possible theft at the National Guard until October 19, over four months later. I suppose that the FBI has some mystical crystal ball with which to determine the course of an investigation, before the investigation develops information—or they are lying, or otherwise purposely excluding something.

However, it is interesting that in contacting the National Guard, they find that Barbeau had an Honorable Discharge from both the Marines and National Guard, over the course of his eight years of service. They do point out that he was a “combat engineer” suggesting that he would know what to do with blasting caps and detonation cord. However, whether they asked, or not, they do not tell us if any blasting caps or detonation cord was missing. If none was missing, it would blow the story. If some was missing, then surely they would have so stated. Either that, or their investigative skills are lacking.
So, we have no definitive proof that what might just be bragging, “I stole some blasting caps and detonation cord”, is supported by any evidence that any blasting caps or detonation cord is missing. However, if you want to “get your man”, why quibble over facts or details.

On November 8, Barbeau, Carrie Aenk, and Murphy met at a restaurant. According to the BA, Murphy was wired for sound. However, rather than providing quotations from the recording, we get Bennett’s interpretation, which does not let us know the context of anything said, or whether all present were privy to what was being discussed. Then, after the meeting, Murphy informs Bennett that they were planning to retrieve a bag from the woods. Why would Murphy have to inform Bennett, if Bennett has a recording of all that transpired? Bennett does provide some quotes, but the context that would suggest knowledge, as opposed to observations, demonstrates that deficiency is indicative of inability.
Special: Have Your IRA Delivered to Your Home - Find Out How Today

After the meeting, incompetence on the part of “law enforcement” is demonstrated, when Barbeau and Aenk left the restaurant. The tail apparently lost contact with the vehicle.
Later, that same evening, the FBI observed Aenk in the car, but does not mention Barbeau. Twenty-seven minutes later, the vehicle was gone. Boy, that’s twice in one night that law enforcement and/or the FBI could not keep track of a vehicle. No wonder that Muslims can shoot up Christmas parties, even though they are on the watch list.

The BA continues, with superfluous information, mostly to try to establish that Barbeau was a tough guy. The end result was that the Search Warrants were issued on December 5, and executed the following day.

Perhaps most interesting however, is the fact that the search yielded nothing that led to any additional charges being filed against Barbeau. The original charges, based upon the Arrest Warrant for tax violations, are all that the government can prosecute S

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Reply with quote  #42 
couple of stories



FBI wanted terror suspect as informant, grandma says

Monroe County (N.Y.) Sheriff's Office

Emanuel Lutchman, 25, of Rochester, N.Y., was arrested Dec. 30, 2015, and accused of plotting to abduct or kill patrons New Year's Eve at a Rochester bar.

ROCHESTER, N.Y.(Rochester Democrat and Chronicle) — Within the past two months, a New Yorker arrested earlier this week talked several times with an FBI informant about his willingness to carry out a terrorist attack, according to the criminal complaint filed against him.

But Emanuel Lutchman's role could have been reversed. The FBI contacted the 25-year-old Rochester man in the fall to recruit him as an informant, said Lutchman's grandmother, Beverley Carridice-Henry, who lives in the Tampa area.

He posted some complaints about the system on Facebook while on parole that apparently caught the FBI's attention, Carridice-Henry said Friday.

"When he got out, they interviewed him and asked him to be an informant" about people who might attack in the United States, she said. "He said he wouldn't be an informant because he didn't know anyone who would do something like that, so how could he inform."

She didn't know the exact nature of what Lutchman posted on Facebook and his profile was not searchable Friday. An FBI representative declined Friday to comment on



Trevor Aaronson

Trevor Aaronson is executive director of the Florida Center for Investigative Reporting and a contributing writer at the Intercept. Previously, he was a reporter with Al Jazeera's Investigative Unit and a fellow at the Investigative Reporting Program at the University of California-Berkeley. He has also been an editor and reporter at newspapers in Florida and Tennessee. A two-time finalist for the Livingston Awards, Aaronson has won the Molly National Journalism Prize, the international Data Journalism Award, and the John Jay College/Harry Frank Guggenheim Excellence in Criminal Justice Reporting Award. Aaronson is the author of The Terror Factory: Inside the FBI's Manufactured War on Terrorism.
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