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Art Buchwald Couldn't Make This Man Laugh

CBSNews.com Exclusive: Famed Columnist's FBI File Shows J. Edgar Hoover Was No Fan

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J. Edgar Hoover, left, and Art Buchwald (CBS/ AP)

(CBS) By CBSNews.com's Daniel Carty

Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Art Buchwald poked fun at the powerful during his storied career - but one frequent target, longtime FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, wasn’t laughing.

Hoover, who ran the federal law enforcement agency for nearly a half century, ordered agents to keep close tabs on the humorist - even having one G-man report on a Buchwald interview in Playboy, the columnist’s FBI file reveals.

Buchwald’s columns - including one in which he suggested Hoover didn’t exist and was a phantom named after the vacuum cleaner company - apparently rankled the FBI boss. Hoover repeatedly referred to Buchwald as a “sick comic,” according to the file, amassed over nearly two decades.

The 239-page file was obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, which allows such documents to become public after the subject dies. Buchwald, whose Washington Post-based column was syndicated for decades, died in January 2007.
Editor's Note: CBSNews.com producer Daniel Carty obtained the FBI file on Art Buchwald last year while a student at the City University of New York Graduate School of Journalism.

Buchwald’s file dates back to June 18, 1956, when an unnamed FBI informant told agents the writer had received a visa to visit the Soviet Union while working for the New York Herald Tribune.

The informant, whose name was redacted from the FBI files, had been interviewed by Buchwald two years earlier and apparently held a grudge against the columnist for making him, in his words, “look like a fool.” The informant described Buchwald to agents as a “screwball.”

The bureau launched an investigation into the Soviet Union trip and found that Buchwald, who was traveling with a contingent of Air Force officials visiting an air show, had committed no acts of disloyalty and no further action was taken.

Buchwald reappeared on the bureau’s radar in 1961 when, in a satirical column, he claimed to have uncovered the “Orlov Plan.” Buchwald often created fictitious characters, and in this column said Soviet agent Serge Orlov revealed a plan to cripple the United States by using right-wing anti-communist groups to sow seeds of distrust in the nation.

“When I proposed the plan in Moscow the Kremlin thought I was crazy. But they figured they had nothing to lose. Well, you can see the results for yourself. The seeds of doubt about America are being planted by their own people and we’ve been making more progress in wrecking the U.S. Constitution in the last few years than my predecessors have been able to do since the Revolution,” Buchwald quoted “Orlov” as saying.

Read Key Documents From Buchwald's FBI File

Not all readers got the Cold War-era satire. Some sent letters to the FBI inquiring about the Orlov “plot.” John Lindsay, a New York congressman who would later become the city’s mayor and run for president, sarcastically praised Buchwald for the "reportorial know-how plus the good sense and good humor to uncover the Orlov Plan. He even beat J. Edgar Hoover."

Hoover, spurred by readers’ letters, renewed his interest in Buchwald. There is a handwritten note from the agency director in the margin of a clipping of the Orlov column: “Let me have summary on Art Buchwald.”

The following year, after moving from Paris to Washington, Buchwald visited FBI headquarters and met with Cartha DeLoach, a high-ranking official who rose to deputy director by the end of his 28-year career in 1970. During the visit, DeLoach criticized Buchwald for a column that suggested one-fifth of the 8,500 registered communists in America actually were undercover FBI agents.

According to a memo prepared for DeLoach, “Buchwald apologized for having written in the vein he did but noted that he meant no harm and was sorry that it was misinterpreted.”

In December 1964, Buchwald turned his pen directly on Hoover, joking that then-President Lyndon Johnson couldn’t fire the FBI director - because the lawman didn’t actually exist.

“What happened was that in 1925 the Reader’s Digest was printing an article on the newly formed Federal Bureau of Investigation and as they do with many pieces they signed it with a nom de plume,” the column read. “They got the word Hoover from the vacuum cleaner - to give the idea of a clean-up. Edgar was the name of one of the publisher’s nephews, and J. stood for jail.”

The column attracted much attention, with citizens ranging from Nebraska housewives to Indiana high school students writing to the director seeking the truth, according to correspondence in the bureau's files. In many cases, they received notes personally signed by Hoover, often with enclosures like “Communism and The Knowledge to Combat It!”

The column did not endear Buchwald to Hoover. In June 1965, an unnamed ABC News correspondent called DeLoach to inform him that Buchwald would be at his house one evening for a monthly poker game, in which the humorist had won money in 17 out of the last 18 sessions. The goal of the call was to set up a prank to throw Buchwald off his game. Hoover was to place a call to Buchwald during the evening informing him that agents had been ordered to pick him up following the article questioning the director's existence.

The crowd of would-be card sharks, which was to include key U.S. diplomat Llewellyn Thompson and officials from the White House and U.S. Information Agency, optimistically dubbed the game “Buchwald Will Lose Tonight.”

Hoover’s response: “I most certainly would have nothing to do with such a motley crew.”

Besides tracking poker games, agents also filled out their Buchwald files by perusing the April 1965 issue of Playboy magazine. The columnist told Playboy, “You’re allowed to make fun of the FBI because they have such a good sense of humor.” The FBI agent who read the interview was careful to note the rest of magazine was “typical trash,” according to internal memos.

Through the years, Hoover’s responses to Buchwald’s work got more colorful and personal. In response to one 1966 column predicting that communists would win the 1984 elections and actor George Hamilton would be the president overseeing the crisis, Hoover responded, “Who is the author of this tripe?” On a number of occasions, handwritten notes in the file labeled Buchwald a “sick, alleged humorist.”

In 1975, three years after Hoover’s death, Buchwald requested his own file, at which point the FBI stopped compiling information about him. In subsequent years, Buchwald continued to entertain audiences with columns and numerous books.

In 2006, when he started experiencing kidney failure, he chose to discontinue dialysis treatment and opted instead to live his remaining few weeks in hospice care. Even then, Buchwald’s humor was irrepressible.

Still alive five months after entering the hospice, he claimed to have earned the nickname “the man who would not die.” He even left the hospice in July 2006 to return to his Martha's Vineyard home, where he completed a book titled "Too Soon to Say Goodbye," which included eulogies from family and friends that had not yet been delivered.

He finally passed away on Jan. 17, 2007.
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Cyril Wecht MD is a forensic pathologist who has been at the forefront of
exposing the cover-up in the President Kennedy assassination autopsy.
He has now become a FBI  target for neutralization.
couple of reads ...click the links for the FBI role in covering up the Kennedy assassination.
1st read
This just in ...todays news

House Committee Investigating Wecht's Prosecution By Feds
Pittsburgh Channel.com, PA - 3 hours ago
The subpoena requests any memos or communications involving Wecht's case, as well as all reports of FBI interviews. Wecht, the former Allegheny County ...
Congress subpoenas Wecht, Siegelman documents Pittsburgh Tribune-Review
all 5 news articles »
House panel subpoenas Wecht prosecution documents
Pittsburgh Post Gazette, PA - 6 hours ago
... FBI interview notes and case notes on both cases. In addition, Mr. Conyers has asked for information involving any contact between jurors and any Wecht ...

Congress subpoenas Wecht, Siegelman documents
By Jason Cato
Monday, June 30, 2008

The House Judiciary Committee, which is investigating whether certain public corruption probes were politically motivated, has subpoenaed the Justice Department for documents related to the prosecutions of Dr. Cyril H. Wecht and former Alabama Gov. Don Siegelman.

U.S. Rep. John Conyers Jr., the committee chairman, sent a letter Friday to Attorney General Michael Mukasey.

"Although the committee seeks to obtain information necessary for its oversight responsibilities cooperatively whenever possible, utilizing subpoenas as a last resort, we have concluded that a subpoena is warranted in this instance in light of our many prior requests for these documents," wrote Conyers, D-Michigan. "We trust this subpoena will now facilitate the prompt production of the requested documents."

Wecht is a prominent Western Pennsylvania Democrat who served as Allegheny County coroner. U.S. Attorney Mary Beth Buchanan, a Republican, was appointed in 2001 by President Bush as the region's top federal prosecutor.

The Judiciary Committee also is investigating whether several U.S. attorneys across the country were fired for pursuing charges against Republicans or refusing to prosecute Democrats. Buchanan was questioned about any role she might have played in helping the Justice Department make those decisions. She has denied any involvement.

The parts of the nine-page subpoena concerning Wecht call for "complete and unredacted versions" of documents concerning whether and to what extent to pursue criminal charges; communications concerning the case from the White House, members of Congress or their staff, state or local political parties and any private individuals; internal memos or communications regarding the case; and all FBI interview reports produced during the Wecht investigation.

The committee also is seeking documents related to the leak that exposed the identity of former CIA agent Valerie Plame. It wants the documents by July 9.

Wecht, 77, of Pittsburgh's Squirrel Hill neighborhood, is accused of using his public office for personal gain. His first trial ended in a hung jury in April, when jurors could not agree on verdicts for any of the 41 counts of fraud and theft.

A second trial has been postponed by the 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which is considering several issues related to the case.

Siegelman, another Democrat, is fighting to overturn a bribery conviction. He claims his prosecution was orchestrated by former White House political director Karl Rove. The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in March ordered Siegelman released from prison on bond, ruling he was not a flight risk

2nd read

Cyril Wecht: Forensic Pathologist
click link for full story


Smaller | Larger
By Katherine Ramsland
Advocate for Truth

In his fourth book for popular reading, Mortal Evidence, forensic pathologist Dr. Cyril Wecht writes, "We scientists are driven by the desire to understand how someone met his fate."

He knows that the "facts" are not always as they seem, and nowhere is his passion for finding the truth within the complications of a person's death more forceful than with the November 22, 1963, assassination of John F. Kennedy.

In 1965, Dr. Wecht undertook an analysis of the Warren Report for the American Academy of Forensic Sciences.  Then in 1972, he was the first non-government forensic pathologist permitted to observe and study the Kennedy autopsy materials that were preserved in the National Archives.  To his mind, the way the entire incident had been handled was appalling: the autopsy had been superficial and the investigation incomplete.  He concluded that the Warren Commission's "lone assassin, single bullet" theory could not be supported.  Further, Wecht was dismayed to discover that certain key items were missing: photographs of Kennedy's internal chest wounds, glass slides of his skin wound, and most importantly, President Kennedy's brain.  How could something so significant to the case be missing?  That August, Wecht helped The New York Times break this news.

Three years later, he was invited to testify as part of a medical expert panel before the Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States, also known as the Rockefeller Commission.

Then in 1978, he served on a nine-person panel of eminent forensic pathologists, appointed by the U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations, who reviewed the case together to determine if there had been governmental involvement.  He stood firm against all the others in insisting that there was no way one bullet had caused all the wounds to both Kennedy and Texas governor John Connally, who were riding together in an open-top car.  In fact, he believed that Kennedy was struck twice in a synchronized fashion, from the rear and the right front side.  In years to come, he supported writers and researchers who believed there had been a cover-up.

By 1991, Dr. Wecht's reputation was such that Oliver Stone invited him to consult on the medical evidence for his conspiracy-heavy film, JFK.

Wecht's insistence that all of the evidence needs to be made public has never flagged, and in November 2003, he was instrumental in organizing a conference in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: "Solving the Great American Murder Mystery: A National Symposium on the 40th Anniversary of the JFK Assassination."  For three and a half days, the Cyril H. Wecht Institute of Forensic Science and Law, in conjunction with the Duquesne University Law School, offered an impressive panel of scholars, scientists, authors, attorneys, and pathologists from around the world.  It was clear from the number in attendance and the intensity of debates that the mystery is still significant for many Americans.

At least two bullets hit Kennedy that fateful day, and one wounded Governor Connally.  Kennedy was rushed to Parkland Memorial Hospital, but when he was pronounced dead, he was illegally transported to Bethesda Naval Hospital in Washington, where a botched autopsy and quickly classified reports soon inspired theories about an assassination conspiracy and/or a governmental cover-up.  Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested for the shooting, but his version of events was soon silenced by Jack Ruby, who shot and killed Oswald during a jail transfer.  Did he do it to shut up the "patsy" or simply because he desired to kill the man who had killed the president?

Lee Harvey Oswald
Lee Harvey Oswald
Wecht points out that before Oswald died he was interrogated for those two days by top experts, none of whom had kept any notes or recorded the proceedings.  Not a single piece of written documentation of one of the most important interrogations in American history has been presented.  Understandably, Wecht finds that suspicious, if not downright duplicitous.  It also bothers him that the government is still withholding information on the case.  If Oswald acted alone, and there is no cover-up, why the need for secrecy so many years later?

Cyril Wecht, speech at JFK conference

It was his hope that the conference would inspire people to keep pressuring for answers from the government. As if in response to this appeal, some 1,400 people attended one or more days of the conference.

"I was extremely delighted, exhilarated, and very gratified by the tremendous turnout we had," says Dr. Wecht.  "Not only people that have attended JFK assassination conferences for 20, 30 years but also people who are top-level professionals, physicians, politicians, and attorneys of different kinds who go to any number of national professional meetings.  Many said that they had never seen anything that was so exuberant, so well attended, so well organized.  It generated a tremendous amount of enthusiasm and rekindled and renewed spirits."

Wecht considers that event a catalyst for more conferences, such as the one he will help to organize in Washington, D.C., on the 40th anniversary of the release of the Warren Commission Report.

But Wecht has not spent all of his time on the Kennedy assassination.  Indeed, his education and career have been multifaceted from the start.
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Author Index


July 3, 2008    Global Research Coverage of US Elections (click here)   
"Keeping America Safe"--from the Constitution
Total Information Awareness Finds its "Second Life" at IARPA

Global Research, July 3, 2008

Like countless resurrections of Freddy Krueger, it appears that John Poindexter's Total Information Awareness (TIA) program has found a new, more accommodating home for its "mission" of "keeping America safe"--from the Constitution--at the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Agency (IARPA).

According to McClatchy investigative journalist Warren Strobel,

IARPA ... is the U.S. intelligence community's counterpart to DARPA, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, which has been in business for more than 35 years and is meant to be a small, flexible R&D agency that funds high-risk, but potentially high-payoff technologies. ("What's IARPA?", McClatchy Washington Bureau, June 30, 2008)

IARPA has been organized under the auspices of Office of Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) Mike McConnell, a former executive vice-president with spooky mega-contractor Booz Allen Hamilton. As Tim Shorrock reported in March,

As Booz Allen's chief intelligence liaison to the Pentagon, McConnell was at the center of action, both before and after the September 11 attacks. During the first six years of the Bush administration, Booz Allen's contracts with the U.S. government rose dramatically, from $626,000 in 2000 to $1.6 billion in 2006. McConnell and his staff at Booz Allen were deeply involved in some of the Bush administration's most controversial counterterrorism programs. They included the Pentagon's infamous Total Information Awareness data-mining scheme run by former Navy Admiral John Poindexter, which was an attempt to collect information on potential terrorists in America from phone records, credit card receipts and other databases. (Congress cancelled the program over civil liberties concerns, but much of the work was transferred to the NSA, where Booz Allen continued to receive the contracts.) ("Carlyle Group May Buy Major CIA Contractor: Booz Allen Hamilton, CorpWatch, March 8, 2008)

According to the agency's website, IARPA's brief is centered on three program areas:

Smart Collection, "The goal of the programs in this office is to dramatically improve the value of collected data from all sources."

Incisive Analysis, "The goal of the programs in this office is to maximize insight from the information we collect, in a timely fashion."

Safe & Secure Operations, "The goal of the programs in this office is to be able to counter new capabilities implemented by our adversaries that would threaten our ability to operate freely and effectively in a networked world."

There's no argument that preventing sociopaths--state-sponsored or otherwise--using malware to cause the meltdown of a nuclear power plant's uranium core or the sudden release of methyl isocyanate into the atmosphere should be a priority of any sane government. Certainly such laudatory goals would be optimized by writing better programs rather than through intrusive data-mining ops carried out by the state's outsourced and well-paid private "partners."

Unfortunately, we aren't dealing with a sane government here in the United States. According to Virtual Worlds News, one IARPA program seeks to "mine" information from virtual worlds and online gaming sites for its potential to "model" terrorist activity.

Reynard, a data-mining project from Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity (IARPA), is an exploratory effort to monitor activity in virtual worlds and online games and then model what terrorist activity in those worlds would look like. The Director of National Intelligence recently released a Congressionally mandated report on various data-mining projects of which Reynard is just one. While it's just an early effort right now, "If it shows early promise, this small seedling effort may increase its scope to a full project."

Data-mining is defined as "a program involving pattern-based queries, searches or other analyses of 1 or more electronic databases" in order to "discover or locate a predictive pattern of anomaly indicative of terrorist or criminal activity...." and will now be ongoing "in a public virtual world environment. The research will use publicly available data and begin with observational studies to establish baseline behaviors."

No word on what world that will be in, but we already know that the CIA has a presence in Second Life and that IARPA has investigated Linden Lab's world as well. ("U.S. Project Reynard Mines Data Looking for Virtual Spies," Virtual Worlds News, February 25, 2008)

One can only wonder what IARPA will do once "baseline behaviors" are mapped! But apparently there's no need to fret since "the government understands that 'applications of results from these research projects may ultimately have implications for privacy and civil liberties,' so 'IARPA is also investing in projects that develop privacy protecting technologies,'" Secrecy News reports.

We bet they are! But as Strobel points out, "IARPA's ancestry is a wee bit interesting":

In the beginning, there was Total Information Awareness, a DARPA information-gathering program run by noneother than former Iran-Contra figure and Reagan national security adviser John Poindexter. Critics saw the program as a major, post-9/11 intrusion on American's privacy and civil liberties, and Congress killed funding for it in 2003. But there were persistent reports--confirmed by yours truly in conversations with former U.S. intelligence officials--that portions of the Total Information Awareness research had simply been shunted off to other agencies.

As readers undoubtedly recall, Total Information Awareness (TIA) was "terminated" by Congress when it learned that Poindexter was setting up a program that would sift through "public databases storing credit card purchases, rental agreements, medical histories, e-mails, airline reservations, and phone calls for electronic 'footprints' that might indicate a terrorist plot in the making," according to Shorrock's excellent read, Spies for Hire.

And to whom did DARPA turn to manage TIA? Why none other than Booz Allen Hamilton, of course! Joining SAIC (Science Applications International Corporation), Booz Allen "won" some $63 million in contracts to run Poindexter's pet project. While the program--and contracts--were allegedly cancelled, portions of TIA had simply been spun-off to other agencies including the FBI and NSA.

Where else did TIA migrate? It turns out, many of its data-mining projects, including the Scalable Social Network Analysis (SSNA) operation, which seeks to model networks of connections like social interactions, financial transactions, telephone calls, and organizational memberships into a coherent analytical tool, were "assimilated" by the Advanced Research and Development Activity (ARDA), managed by NSA.

Strobel reports that "ARDA was later renamed, given the ominous-sounding moniker, Disruptive Technology Office." And now ARDA and DTO along with a "new and improved" TIA, have apparently been folded into IAPRA.

Which just goes to show, you can't kill off that which the state decrees is necessary for "your protection." As Wired's Ryan Singel advises online gaming enthusiasts, you'd better "be careful who you frag"!

Tom Burghardt is a researcher and activist based in the San Francisco Bay Area. In addition to publishing in Covert Action Quarterly, Love & Rage and Antifa Forum, he is the editor of Police State America: U.S. Military "Civil Disturbance" Planning, distributed by AK Press.

Tom Burghardt is a frequent contributor to Global Research.  Global Research Articles by Tom Burghardt
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Anthropological Intelligence: The Deployment and Neglect of American Anthropology in the Second World War


Posted on: Thursday, 10 July 2008, 06:00 CDT


By Gonzalez, Roberto J

David H. Price, Anthropological Intelligence: The Deployment and Neglect of American Anthropology in the Second World War. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008. 352 pp. Approximately half of all anthropologists in the United States contributed their expertise to the World War II effort. This timely book explores the wide range of roles they played through dozens of accounts profiling their work. The book's methodology is innovative and eclectic. It relies upon an array of sources including declassified documents requested through the Freedom of Information Act, anthropologists' letters and obituaries, government reports, and interviews, among others.

Price begins by providing a historical framework, specifically an analysis of anthropologists' roles in the "war to end all wars," WWI. During this time, Franz Boas developed a " radical ethical critique" in response to American archaeologists who worked as spies in Central America (p.12). According to Price, "Boas's belief in the existence of pure science independent of the corrupting influence of a militarized and politicized nation-state fueled this attack more than his disapproval of American participation in the war" (p. 12). It also set the stage for ethical struggles that would erupt throughout the course of the century.

Subsequent chapters thoroughly cover a wide range of topics. For example, Price examines the role of professional associations (notably the American Anthropological Association and the Society for Applied Anthropology), and finds that " few anthropologists had second thoughts about the ethics of applying anthropology to warfare" (p. 49), as the needs of the war effort were assigned high priority by most members of the organizations. Laura Thompson was among the few concerned that some anthropologists had become " social engineers" and " technicians for hire to the highest bidder" (pp. 34, 35).

The book includes a fascinating chapter that analyzes "Allied and Axis Anthropologies," and reveals that Japanese and German anthropologists' "silence was remarkably similar to that which emerged in the writings of the postwar Allied anthropologist victors" (p.71). Another chapter documents the ways in which WWII transformed college campuses, most notably through the creation of foreign language and area studies programs, and, after the war, the creation of the GI Bill. Yet another explores the work of institutions that together functioned as a kind of "brain trust." These included the Human Relations Area Files, the Smithsonian Institution and its Ethnogeographic Board (created to generate information about potential theaters of war), and the Institute of Social Anthropology, among others. Academics were not always able to see the risks that such projects might entail: "The war's needs shone so brightly that they seemed to blind anthropologists to the possiblity that America's interests and those of the cultures they were studying might diverge" (p. 89).


Among the most shocking sections is a description of "social engineers" such as Henry Field (p. 127). Field and several other anthropologists were deeply involved in the "M Project" initiated by President Roosevelt in 1942. The goal was to search the globe for regions where millions of wartime refugees could be resettled. (Ales Hrdlicka, a physical anthropologist, who was an informal advisor to Roosevelt, also gave suggestions on relocating refugees.) Declassified documents reveal that "library bound bureaucrats [were] designing contingency plans to move tens of millions of people thousands of miles away from their native lands. Field and his staff appear[ed] comfortable planning to move inventoried people about the globe like fungible commodities" (p. 126). Even more disconcerting is that fact that "in almost every case, the peoples identified for relocation were victims of the aggression of others (e.g., the Roma, Jews, etc.), as if the reward of being victimized was being moved so that the aggressor could live in peace" (p. 127).

Price's account of some anthropologists' involvement in the War Relocation Authority-the agency charged with the internment of nearly 120,000 Japanese and Japanese-Americans-will be well-known to many anthropologists. Even so, Price's careful synthesis and analysis leads to an extraordinarily powerful and well-informed critique of wartime anthropology for the military, even in a "good war" against fascism. Such anthropology is too easily compromised by " the captive thinking of a government bureaucracy" under military control during WWII (p. 168). This may explain why so many of those who provided their anthropological expertise to the war effort were often silent about their experiences in the post-war period, an observation that Price makes early in the book.

Others were engaged in more secretive endeavors. The Office of War Information employed nearly a dozen anthropologists, who among other things designed propaganda custom made for Japanese audiences for the purpose of convincing them to surrender. Some (including Clyde Kluckhohn and Ruth Benedict) recommended that a post-war US military occupation force retain the Japanese emperor, following the method of imperial rule established by British and other colonial administrators. Several anthropologists were recruited into the FBI's Special Intelligence Service, an office dedicated to coordinating US intelligence operations in Latin America. Still others were recruited into the Office of Strategic Services (established in 1942), a spy agency that was the precursor to the CIA. For example, Gregory Bateson carried out clandestine missions in South Asia; Carleton Coon used his anthropological knowledge to train assassins and kidnappers in North Africa; Rhoda Metraux studied the war's impact on the morale of German civilians; and David Mandelbaum directed a unit that planned strategies for the OSS's famous Detachment 101, tasked with funding and coordinating Kachin resistance groups in Burma. In the conclusion, Price acknowledges the "ambiguities" of the post-war period. At the same time that anthropologists' efforts might have helped defeat the forces of fascism, they unleashed other forces that could potentially be used for harm.

Price has done a masterful job of weaving a complex tapestry of American wartime anthropology. It is much more than a collection of case studies- the whole is certainly greater than the sum of its parts, and several themes emerge throughout the text. Price's work reveals that even in a "good war" like WWII, anthropologists often stood on ethically shaky ground when working for military and intelligence agencies, and some of them came to regret the long- term consequences of their participation. In addition, the book reveals that the during the war, military officials had a tendency of "selectively ignoring and selectively commandeering social scientists' recommendations" (p. 198). All too often, anthropologists had little impact on policy making and functioned as cogs in large bureaucracies with clearly established goals. In worst- case scenarios, he notes that anthropologists may "often find themselves doing 'piecework' on large projects that have grand designs beyond their control or comprehension'" (p. 142). Price's accounts also dramatically illustrate how secretive research can be pernicious and long-lasting-especially in a time of war: "those who committed anthropology to warfare in this context were unaware that their actions were releasing a genie from a bottle, unleashing forces they could not control in new, unimagined Cold War contexts" (p. 280). Anthropological expertise deployed in WWII set the stage for more troubling chapters in the history of the discipline, including Project Camelot and the "Thai affair."

Anthropological Intelligence could not have come at a more critical time as the Pentagon, the CIA, and countless private contract firms (such as BAE Systems and NEK Advanced Securities) aggressively seek to recruit social scientists for positions ranging from " Intelligence Analyst" to "Field Anthropologist" on experimental counterinsurgency teams. Price's work gives us fair warning of the pitfalls that are likely to accompany such collaborations.

Roberto J. Gonzalez

San Jose State University

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A serious writer of the left

Review by Phil Shannon
12 July 2008

All Governments Lie! The Life & Times of Rebel Journalist I. F. Stone
By Myra Macpherson
Scribner, 2008
564 pp, $29 (pb)

Why was the prominent left-wing journalist, I. F. Stone, never called before senator Joe McCarthy’s rabid red-hunting House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in the Cold War 1950s? “What was McCarthy going to do to me? Expose me?? It would be like exposing Gypsy Rose Lee. I was exposing myself every week anyway.”

Stone’s response may have been jocular from a journalist who had never hidden his disgust with the manufactured Cold War “red scare”, but the battle waged by Stone against dissent-stifling witch-hunts was serious and courageous as Myra MacPherson’s biography of Stone, All Governments Lie!, shows.

Born in 1907 in Philadelphia to Jewish exiles from czarist Russia, the teenage Isador Feinstein dumped the life of a petit-bourgeois shopkeeper in the family business for the world of left-wing flavoured books and ideas. He found a home in the handful of liberal newspapers that questioned the depression-era status quo, where he supported, but criticised from the left, president Franklin Roosevelt’s reformist New Deal.

Describing himself as “a socialist by conviction but an individualist by temperament”, Stone abstained from left-wing parties, unimpressed by either the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA) with its “flip-flops on cue from Moscow” or what he disparagingly saw as the non-Stalinist revolutionary left’s “Lilliputian universe of sectarians”.

Changing his name to I. F. Stone (to avoid being dismissed as a “special-pleading” Jew in his stance against fascism), he exposed the pre-war indifference and anti-Semitism of US politicians concerning Hitler’s persecution of Germany’s Jews while US multinationals and banks did profitable business with the Nazi regime.

After the war, which the anti-fascist Stone supported as a troubled pacifist, he was faced with the demise of his liberal media haven and the rise of McCarthyism. His famous answer was I. F. Stone’s Weekly, his self-published, twenty-year-long, four-page broadsheet that began with a modest 5,000 subscribers (including Bertrand Russell, Albert Einstein and Marilyn Monroe) but which grew to 70,000 subscribers with a much further reach.

Stone was one of the few journalists to protest the McCarthyist hysteria, which “made a mockery of civil liberty, free speech, international peace, truth in government and a human society”. The pensions of wounded World War II veterans who had been communists or Trotskyists were taken away and hundreds of writers, labourers, schoolteachers, cafeteria workers and others were sacked and blacklisted to intimidate thousands more into silence and conformity.

The bogey of “communism” was wheeled out to run flak for an imperialist US foreign policy aggressively pursuing “harsh and cynical collaboration with crooked and dictatorial elements” overseas.

Stone stood up to McCarthy and his FBI collaborator, the spy-agency director J. Edgar Hoover. McCarthy and Hoover were both terrified of Stone’s ridicule and McCarthy dodged those witnesses and accused who, like Stone, would have been tough, informed, articulate and, above all, mocking, adversaries in McCarthy’s kangaroo court.

The Weekly’s informed investigation, colourful style and open political commitment won Stone a dedicated readership, greatly boosted by the Vietnam War. Each year of this criminal endeavour in south-east Asia added 10,000 subscribers who came to the Weekly for the hard facts of a war that was being sanitised into irrelevance or fogged up into invisibility by Pentagon and Washington officials.

Stone became a major speaker at anti-war rallies and meetings, demonstrating the unity of journalism (when dedicated to exposing official lies) with political activism, a concept moribund through disuse in the corporate media world.

Stone was also to the forefront in covering the civil rights struggle for black equality in the sixties, explaining that the “pool of cheap labour” created by “white supremacy” was a driving force of discrimination in the north and the lynchings, burnings and Klan terror in the south.

As Stone and the Weekly hit retirement in 1972, Stone continued to oppose secrecy in government and the class wars of president Ronald Reagan at home and abroad before heart failure finally dimmed Stone’s mind and body in 1989.

Politically, Stone was not perfect. Like many leftists of the 1930s, he supported the democratic socialist gains made by the Russian Revolution. Despite Stalin’s assiduous grave-digging excavations, he was initially loathe to believe the negative news filtering out of Russia about Stalin’s terror, discounting such reports in a capitalist media renowned for its anti-socialist bias.

In the ’30s and ’40s, anti-fascist unity was a value that sometimes meant ignoring ugly facts and Stone, who subscribed to the principle of “no enemies on the left”, was silent on the fatal persecution of the Trotskyist and independent left during the Spanish Civil War by the Stalinists.

As MacPherson notes, however, Stone was never uncritical (in private) of the Stalinist bureaucracy, even in the ’30s, and in subsequent decades he was publicly assailing police state repression in the Soviet Union, describing Stalin and his system as “rotten to the core” and belittling the “little Stalins” in the CPUSA.

Stone also derided the hypocrisy of those US journalists who were fearless critics of Stalin abroad, but who were nowhere to be heard at home, when the victims were sacked and driven to suicide as a result of HUAC and other investigatory witch-hunts or killed overseas by US bullets and CIA-sponsored coups.

Stone as “Soviet apologist” was always a fantasy construct of opportunistic right-wingers but even more phantasmagorical was the groundless slander, put about even now, that Stone was a Soviet spy. As MacPherson argues, today’s conservatives have a vested interest in smearing Stone as a paid Kremlin stooge to justify the history and current activities of right wing witch-hunts and anti-democratic ideas.

Stone was, however, a proselytiser for a Jewish homeland in Palestine but, as soon as he began speaking up for the Palestinian Arab victims of Zionist terror and advocating a democratic peace in Israel, he was vilified by Zionist Jews, leading him to bitterly reflect on how “I was a hero when I spoke up for Jewish refugees, and then when I began to speak up on Arab refugees, I was not kosher any longer”.

Stone was a believer in a just and democratic capitalism and he wanted the US to live up to its proclaimed ideals (“always the patriot, he referred to the United States as we”, notes MacPherson) and the US’s repeated failure to do so outraged Stone. As a liberal, his belief in the transformative power of reason and knowledge was affronted by the selfish power of those who believed in propaganda and profit.

The “Establishment media”, said Stone, were compliant dupes in the failures of capitalism. Stone rejected the idea of the reporter as a “robot with no political passion”. Journalists need accuracy and documentation but they don’t need to be “neutral”, he said, believing that journalists should use their influence for those on the losing end of power.

That such journalists are so rare today is a sign of the moral sickness of the profession and its corporate masters. “If you want to know about governments”, said Stone distilling his philosophy of journalism, “all you have to know is two words, ‘governments lie’.”

These two words served Stone well in his fight for truth and humanity.
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FBI Spin Meister Ronald Kessler is up to his old tricks.
a couple of easy reads with and without spin.

Partners For Life
Monday, Feb. 22, 1993 By SIDNEY URQUHART

The motto of the FBI is "Fidelity, Bravery, Integrity." How well did William Sessions' all-powerful predecessor, J. Edgar Hoover, uphold these words? Not very, according to a just published biography of the late FBI chief. Anthony Summers' Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover is sure to disturb the old crime fighter's final rest.
Even as he railed against gays as "sexual deviants," Hoover apparently struggled with his own homosexuality. Summers offers fresh details of Hoover's 40-year friendship with Clyde Tolson, a handsome young agent he plucked out of the rank and file and quickly promoted to assistant director. The pair ate dinner together almost every night and vacationed together every year; Summers contends that Luisa Stuart, a former fashion model, once saw them holding hands in the back seat of a limo. According to Summers, the Mafia claimed to have the goods on Edgar and Clyde, including compromising photographs of the two men engaging in oral sex. That knowledge provided the mob with rich blackmail material. It protected gangsters like Meyer Lansky and Frank Costello from FBI scrutiny for more than 20 years and forced Hoover to insist that syndicated crime was not a national problem.

Perhaps Summers' most bizarre revelation is an account provided by Susan Rosenstiel, the wife of a liquor distiller and gambling crony. Rosenstiel recalls attending what she thought would be an elegant private party at New York City's Plaza Hotel in the company of lawyer Roy Cohn, Hoover and others. Instead, Cohn introduced Rosenstiel to a woman named "Mary," dressed in a fluffy black dress, lace stockings and high heels. It was obvious Mary was no woman. "You could see where he shaved. It was Hoover," said Rosenstiel. Joined by Cohn, Hoover stripped down to a tiny garter belt and proceeded to have sex with two young boys. Cohn later joked about the evening. "That was really something, wasn't it, with Mary Hoover?"

Hoover's presidential snooping included efforts to pin an illicit liaison on Eleanor Roosevelt and culminated, most famously, with eavesdropping on J.F.K. frolicking with Mafia moll Judith Campbell and Marilyn Monroe.

"We had to be not only as straight as an arrow," recalled a former agent last week on PBS's Frontline. "We had to give every perception that we were straight as arrows." In 1972, at age 77, the omnipotent FBI chief became the first civil servant to be granted a state funeral, at which he was eulogized by Richard Nixon in the Rotunda of the Capitol as "one of the giants . . . a national symbol of courage, patriotism and granite-like honesty and integrity." But the year before, bedeviled by fallout from his efforts to tap the phones of journalists, the President had confided to John Ehrlichman, "We may have on our hands here a man who will pull the temple down with him, including me." It is not surprising that not one of the eight Presidents he served dared fire him.
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Great Museums
Back to Society
Newseum Highlights Mysteries of J. Edgar Hoover
Ronald Kessler July 21st 2008
Cutting Edge Contributor

World Citizens - J. Edgar Hoover
J. Edgar Hoover

After 9/11, security concerns shut down the FBI tour in Washington's Newseum, which was a popular destination for school groups and out-of-town visitors. The highlight was a deadeye shooting demonstration by a real live agent.

Now the Newseum, two blocks away in its new digs on Pennsylvania Avenue, has revived and updated the essence of the old tour with its new exhibit "G-Men and Journalists: Top News Stories of the FBI's First Century." And while there's no bang-bang, shoot 'em up, the thrills and chills are of a subtler nature.

On display in the 250,000-square-foot museum are the Unabomber's cabin, John Dillinger's death mask, and the electric chair in which convicted Lindbergh baby kidnapper Bruno Hauptmann was executed.

But because the mysteries surrounding former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover are endlessly fascinating, the exhibit's Hoover artifacts may prove to be the biggest draw.

Among them are the desk, chair, telephone, and office accessories that Hoover used; a Hoover memo urging wiretapping of the telephone of New York Times reporter William Beecher; and a Ten Most Wanted poster that resulted from Hoover's Most Wanted Fugitives Program.

Father of Modern FBI

The father of the modern FBI, Hoover was a Jekyll and Hyde figure. On the one hand, he brilliantly conceived what has become the most admired law enforcement organization in the world. Hoover created the field offices that respond to orders from headquarters.

He gave agents broad training so they could be shifted, as needed, from espionage to kidnapping investigations or from Mafia to terrorism investigations.

When forensics was in its infancy, he created the FBI laboratory. When police brutality was common, he insisted that FBI agents treat suspects with dignity.

Long before the Supreme Court's 1966 decision in Miranda v. Arizona, Hoover required FBI agents to warn suspects of their rights when they were arrested. Reports had to be written honestly and without typos.

Before computers, he created a filing and indexing system that effectively kept track of massive amounts of information.

Hoover understood the importance of the press. It could enhance the power of the FBI by creating a glowing image of its agents as supermen. If people believed in the bureau, they were more likely to cooperate with agents and trust them.

There was no better example of Hoover's PR savvy than his creation on March 14, 1950 of a Ten Most Wanted list. An International News Service reporter asked Hoover to name the "10 toughest guys you would like to capture." From that question — memorialized in a 1949 Washington Daily News story on display in the FBI exhibit — evolved a program that has led to the capture of 150 fugitives based on tips from the public.

But during his nearly 50-year career as FBI director, Hoover also presided over massive abuses. As detailed in my book "The Bureau: The Secret History of the FBI," Hoover ordered illegal wiretapping of domestic targets, blackmailed presidents and members of Congress to keep his budget and his job, spied on political opponents for presidents, and illegally used the FBI to maintain and refurbish his home.

Hoover outrageously violated the rights of Martin Luther King Jr. FBI memos show that Hoover knew that Joseph Salvati was in prison for a murder in Boston he did not commit and did nothing about it.

Hoover had massive blind spots. It took the well-publicized 1957 meeting of Mafia leaders at Appalachin, N.Y. for him to finally go after the Mafia. He also refused to investigate political corruption.

Because he confused political dissidents with spying, Hoover did a poor job of uncovering real spies and violated Americans' rights in the bargain.

As Hoover grew older, his leadership style became more rigid. When Howard D. Teten began teaching police officers who attended the FBI National Academy the rudiments of what became known as criminal profiling, Teten and his supervisors were afraid that Hoover would veto the innovative idea. They never told him what they were doing.

As Hoover aged, he imposed even more of his quirks on the bureau. Hoover outlawed drinking coffee on the job. Apparently, drinking coffee conflicted with the image of hard-working supermen who never took a break. As a result, agents took more time off from work in search of a coffee shop.

When it came to keeping his position as director, Hoover wanted to be in complete control. The secret to his power was the FBI files, which contained embarrassing tidbits on everyone from Marilyn Monroe to John F. Kennedy.

"The moment [Hoover] would get something on a senator," said William Sullivan, who became the No. 3 official in the FBI, "he'd send one of the errand boys up and advise the senator that 'we're in the course of an investigation, and we by chance happened to come up with this data on your daughter. But we wanted you to know this. We realize you'd want to know it.' Well, Jesus, what does that tell the senator? From that time on, the senator's right in his pocket."

Lawrence J. Heim, who was in the FBI's Crime Records Division, confirmed to me that the bureau sent agents to tell members of Congress that Hoover had picked up derogatory information on them.

"He [Hoover] would send someone over on a very confidential basis," Heim said. As an example, if the Metropolitan Police in Washington had picked up evidence of homosexuality, "He [Hoover] would have him say, 'This activity is known by the Metropolitan Police department and some of our informants, and it is in your best interests to know this.' But nobody has ever claimed to have been blackmailed. You can deduce what you want from that."

Unsavory Tactics

Of course, the reason no one publicly claimed to have been blackmailed is that, by definition, blackmail entails collecting embarrassing information that people do not want public.

One exception to the code of silence is Roy L. Elson, the administrative assistant to Sen. Carl T. Hayden. For 20 years, Hayden headed the Senate Rules and Administration Committee and later the Senate Appropriations Committee, which had jurisdiction over the FBI's budget.

Elson will never forget an encounter he had with one of the FBI's top officials. As the bureau's liaison with Congress, the official routinely came to meet with Elson in his office next to Hayden's. In the early 1960s, the FBI wanted an additional appropriation for a new FBI building, which Congress approved in April 1962. Elson had reservations about the request, but the FBI official was persistent.

The FBI official "hinted" that he had "information that was unflattering and detrimental to my marital situation and that the senator might be disturbed," said Elson, who was then married to his second wife. "I was certainly vulnerable that way," Elson said. "There was more than one girl [he was seeing] . . . The implication was there was information about my sex life. There was no doubt in my mind what he was talking about."

Elson said to him: "Let's talk to him [the senator] about it. I think he's heard about everything there is to hear about me. Bring the photos if you have them." At that point, Elson recalled, "He started backing off . . . He said, 'I'm only joking.' Bulls***," Elson said. "I interpreted it as attempted blackmail."

While Hoover engaged in such misuse of the FBI's power until he died in office in 1972, two claims about him are not true: that he was a cross-dresser who wore a red dress to a Mafia party at the Plaza Hotel in New York and that his deputy, Clyde Tolson, was his lover.

The red dress claim was made by a woman who had been convicted of perjury and was quoted in Anthony Summers' "Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover," published in 1993. Summers claimed that Hoover did not pursue organized crime because the Mafia had that sort of blackmail material on him.

Oliver "Buck" Revell, a former associate director of the FBI, notes that if the Mafia had had anything on Hoover, the FBI would have picked it up in wiretaps mounted against organized crime after the Appalachin meeting. There was never a hint of such a claim or even rumors along those lines, Revell said.

Hoover was more familiar to Americans than most presidents. The director of the FBI simply could not have engaged in such activity at the Plaza, with a number of witnesses present, without having it leak out.

While no one except Hoover and Tolson knew for sure the nature of their relationship, extensive evidence points to its simply being an unusually close friendship. If Hoover was gay, he likely suppressed his orientation.

Beginning in the 1950s, the FBI regularly assigned agents from the Washington Field Office to discreetly follow Hoover and Tolson as a security precaution.

R. Jean Gray, one of the agents assigned to what was called HOOWATCH, told me the surveillance consisted of agents in two Bu-cars, as they were called, who would follow Hoover and Tolson as they left the Justice Department at the end of the day. While the two knew that agents watched over them, they usually did not spot them.

"We followed them to Harvey's or to the Mayflower, where they had dinner," Gray said. "Then we took them to Tolson's apartment on Cathedral Avenue, where Tolson got out. Then we went to Hoover's home. We stayed overnight. The next morning, agents would follow Hoover as he picked up Tolson and went through Rock Creek Park and down Constitution Avenue to the Justice Department," Gray said.

"We speculated about Edgar and Clyde," Gray said. "But if anything scandalous had happened with the director, it would have gone coast to coast within the bureau in 30 minutes."

"When Hoover buzzed Tolson, he jumped like everyone else," said Joseph D. Purvis, who headed the Washington Field Office from 1964 to 1970. "It would have been impossible for Hoover and Tolson to carry on a gay relationship without agents knowing."

Ronald Kessler is chief Washington correspondent of Newsmax.com. Pamela Kessler contributed to this article. For more news and features, go to Newsmax.com.

2nd read
Published on Sunday, August 25, 2002 in the New York Times
Hoover's F.B.I. and the Mafia:
Case of Bad Bedfellows Grows
by Fox Butterfield

BOSTON — It was March 1965, in the early days of J. Edgar Hoover's war against the Mafia. F.B.I. agents, say Congressional investigators, eavesdropped on a conversation in the headquarters of New England's organized-crime boss, Raymond Patriarca.

Two gangsters, Joseph Barboza and Vincent Flemmi, wanted Mr. Patriarca's permission to kill a small-time hoodlum, Edward Deegan, "as they were having a problem with him," according to an F.B.I. log of the conversation. "Patriarca ultimately furnished this O.K.," the F.B.I. reported, and three days later Mr. Deegan turned up dead in an alley, shot six times.

It was an extraordinary situation: The Federal Bureau of Investigation had evidence ahead of time that two well-known gangsters were planning a murder and that the head of the New England Mafia was involved.

But when indictments in the case were handed down in 1967, the real killers — who also happened to be informers for the F.B.I. — were left alone. Four other men were tried, convicted and sentenced to death or life in prison for the murder, though they had had nothing to do with it.

One, Joseph Salvati, who spent 30 years in prison, filed notice with the Justice Department last week that he planned to sue the F.B.I. for $300 million for false imprisonment.

His is the latest in a series of lawsuits against the F.B.I., the Justice Department and some F.B.I. agents growing out of the tangled, corrupt collaboration between gangsters and the F.B.I.'s Boston office in its effort to bring down the mob.

The lawsuits are based on evidence uncovered in the last five years in a judicial hearing and a Justice Department inquiry. But some of the most explosive evidence has only recently come to light, including documents detailing conversation in which Mr. Patriarca approved the murder. They were released as part of an investigation by the House Committee on Government Reform, which has pressured the department into turning over records about the F.B.I in Boston.

The documents show that officials at F.B.I. headquarters, apparently including Mr. Hoover, knew as long ago as 1965 that Boston agents were employing killers and gang leaders as informers and were protecting them from prosecution.

"J. Edgar Hoover crossed over the line and became a criminal himself," said Vincent Garo, Mr. Salvati's lawyer. "He allowed a witness to lie to put an innocent man in prison so he could protect one of his informants."

Mr. Barboza was a crucial witness at trial against Mr. Salvati and may have implicated him because Mr. Salvati owed $400 to a loan shark who worked for Mr. Barboza.

Asked about the documents showing that Mr. Hoover knew of Mr. Salvati's innocence when he was put on trial, Gail Marcinkiewicz, a spokeswoman for the F.B.I. in Boston, declined to comment, citing the pending litigation.

A Justice Department task force is continuing to investigate misconduct in the Boston office. In one of the first results of the investigation, one retired agent, John J. Connolly, is awaiting sentencing next month after being convicted of racketeering and obstruction of justice for helping two other mob leaders who were F.B.I. informers, James Bulger and Stephen Flemmi. Vincent and Stephen Flemmi are brothers.

The Government Reform Committee, led by Representative Dan Burton, Republican of Indiana, has uncovered memorandums from the Boston office to headquarters in Washington revealing the bureau's knowledge that Vincent Flemmi and Mr. Barboza were involved in killing Mr. Deegan. A memorandum a week after the killing described the crime, including who fired the first shot.

Then, on June 4, 1965, Mr. Hoover's office demanded to know what progress was being made in developing Vincent Flemmi as an informer.

In a reply five days later, the special agent in charge of the Boston office said that Mr. Flemmi was in a hospital recovering from gunshot wounds but because of his connections to Mr. Patriarca "potentially could be an excellent informant."

The agent also informed Mr. Hoover that Mr. Flemmi was known to have killed seven men, "and, from all indications, he is going to continue to commit murder." Nevertheless, the agent said, "the informant's potential outweighs the risk involved."

A Congressional investigator called the exchange chilling. "The most frightening part is that after being warned about Flemmi's murders, the director does not even respond," the investigator said. "There is no message not to use a murderer as a government informant."

The origin of the corruption scandal was public and political pressure on Mr. Hoover to move more forcefully against the growing power of the Mafia, which he had largely ignored. In Boston, F.B.I. agents recruited Mr. Barboza and Mr. Flemmi and developed close ties to a rival criminal organization, the Winter Hill Gang, led by Mr. Bulger.

Both sides got what they wanted, according to the investigations and the trial of Mr. Connolly. The F.B.I. got information that eventually helped destroy the Patriarca and Angiulo families, which controlled organized crime in New England. Mr. Bulger's gang was able to take over the rackets in Boston, sell drugs and even commit murder while the F.B.I. looked the other way.

One reason the F.B.I. may not have used its information about Mr. Patriarca's involvement in the Deegan murder, Congressional investigators say, is that it came from an illegal listening device in his Providence, R.I., headquarters. The F.B.I. agent who transcribed the conversation made it appear that the information was coming from unnamed informants, to disguise the use of the device, the investigators say.

Mr. Salvati, a former truck driver, now 69, had his sentence commuted in 1997 by Gov. William F. Weld. Last year, while he was still on parole, his murder conviction was dismissed by a Massachusetts state judge after the Justice Department task force made public documents suggesting his innocence.

Two of the other wrongly convicted men died in prison. Their survivors have joined the fourth man, Peter Limone, in a $375 million lawsuit against the Justice Department. Mr. Limone was sentenced to die in the electric chair. His life was spared only when Massachusetts outlawed the death penalty in 1974.

Mr. Salvati lives in a modest apartment in Boston's North End with his wife, Marie, who visited him in prison every week during those 30 years. Each week Mr. Salvati sent her a romantic card, which she put on the television set. It was, Mr. Garo said, all they had of each other.
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H. Paul Rico

H. Paul Rico, one of the most corrupt FBI agents in history. Died in 2004 while under indictment for murder in Oklahoma. According to Frank Salemme, Rico, the son of Spanish immigrants and a BC graduate, set up at least two Boston mobsters for assassination – Ron Dermody in 1964, and Punchy McLaughlin in 1965. Arrested Whitey Bulger in a Revere bar in 1956; was able to spot Whitey in spite of his disguise because he’d gotten to know Whitey in the days when both he and Whitey frequented Boston gay bars.
Read Rico’s obituary below, including his famous dismissal of framing innocent men for murder: “What do you want, tears?”     

Bureau's dirty star founded original trenchcoat mafia
By Tom Mashberg  Boston Herald
Sunday, January 18, 2004

     They say H. Paul Rico was one of J. Edgar Hoover's favorite G-men - a law enforcement hellion who had it in for the Mafia and could turn an informant like a flapjack.

     But the real Harold Paul Rico was in evidence in 1968, the day after a group of four Italian-Americans from Boston were sent up for life for knocking off a small-potatoes Irish-American thief and gunsel, Edward ``Teddy'' Deegan.

     The prosecution of the four - Joseph Salvati, Peter Limone, Henry Tameleo and Louis Greco - was a trumped-up case allegedly set in motion by Rico and his key hand-picked turncoat hood, murderous Joseph ``the Animal'' Barboza.

     Of the four Italian fall guys sentenced, only Greco - a double Bronze Star recipient for his World War II heroics at Bataan in the Philippines - had a bronze-clad alibi: Multiple witnesses put him in Florida the night of Deegan's killing.

     Rico and his FBI confederate, agent Dennis Condon, showed up at the Central Auto Body Shop in Boston, where local Mafia kingpin Frances ``Cadillac Frank'' Salemme held court, to gloat about how easily they sent the four pigeons up the river.

     Rico, according to law enforcement documents reviewed by the Herald, began to chuckle to Salemme about Greco in particular - about how funny it was that Greco was on death row when he in fact had been tanning in Miami when the hit went down.

     Salemme, the documents show, ``blew his top'' at the two feckless G-men, Rico in particular, whom he saw as a ``rackets guy'' and a ``rogue agent'' who indulged in booze and horse racing and ``on one occasion wrecked his FBI vehicle while at the track'' - a wreck Salemme arranged to have fixed for no charge on the q.t.

     Salemme was legendary for never ratting on his cohorts - and was foolish enough to include on that list informants James J. ``Whitey'' Bulger and Stephen ``the Rifleman'' Flemmi, two of the criminals who spent years conspiring with Rico and others to let some thugs prevail over others in Boston.

     But even Salemme drew a line at Rico - a man he described as venal and arrogant, a man who sought revenge against gangsters when he heard them on wiretaps joking that Rico was a homosexual partner to J. Edgar Hoover himself.

     Rico may have written his own epitaph in October 2003, when he was asked to justify the wrongful jailing of Greco, et al. by a U.S. House Judiciary Committee looking into the Boston FBI's corrupt past. Greco died in prison and as a result his conviction remains in place.``What do you want, tears?'' Rico, 78, said with a smirk.

     Rico and convicted former FBI agent John J. Connolly were later named in a lawsuit accusing the FBI of withholding evidence that would have freed all four men.

     Rico grew up like a typical Boston suburbs kid. A degree in history from Boston College in 1950 led to a career start with the FBI.

     He was legendary among his fellow crewcuts for bringing mobsters in from the cold - even though it has been claimed his two top informants, Flemmi and Bulger, were given license to extort, peddle heroin and kill so long as they helped bust up the Italian Mafia and helped Rico look good.

     Rico still has fans. Yesterday, John F. Kehoe, an ex-Bay State Public Safety commissioner and an FBI special agent in Boston for 29 years, defended him as ``a very capable and tremendous agent who was very adept at developing informants.

     ``I don't think he ever did anything that went over the line,'' Kehoe said. ``He stayed within the bounds of the bureau and the regulations that we all lived by.''

     But the family of Roger Wheeler has a different view. They believe Rico led Bulger and Flemmi to Wheeler in Tulsa, Okla., in 1981 so Wheeler could be killed for trying to get the two goons out of his Miami-based World Jai Alai pari-mutuel wagering company.

     Yet attorney John Cavicchi of East Boston, who has spent decades trying to clear Greco, said even his client would have felt sympathy for the ailing Rico at the end of his days.

     ``I might be in the minority but I felt sorry for him when I saw how sick he looked,'' Cavicchi said. ``And I'm sure if Louis Greco were alive today, he'd have felt sorry for him and for his family, too.''

4th read
The Hartford Courant

Former FBI Agent Indicted In Mob Case

December 23, 1999

BOSTON - One of the FBI's former top organized-crime investigators was arrested Wednesday on charges of conspiring to arrange payoffs from two notorious gangsters while protecting them from arrest and helping them extort real estate from a young South Boston couple.

In a lengthy racketeering indictment, retired FBI Special Agent John Connolly in effect was charged with going to work for James "Whitey" Bulger and Steven "The Rifleman" Flemmi - two informants he was supposed to be handling for the FBI's Boston division.

Connolly, who was arrested in his Lynnfield, Mass., home, pleaded innocent in federal court to the five- count indictment and was set free on $200,000 bail. Flemmi, currently jailed on related charges, and Bulger, a fugitive, were also charged in the indictment unsealed Wednesday afternoon.

Barry Mawn, special agent in charge of the FBI's Boston office, apologized for what he said was Connolly's violation of the public trust. "I am certainly on the one hand saddened, but on the other I'm angered," Mawn said.

But Connolly's lawyer, Robert Hopedale, said the indictment was flimsy and an embarrassment to the FBI and the Justice Department. "I'm telling you, we'll take it apart," he said.

He said Connolly was being blamed because he participated in FBI-sanctioned dealing with mobsters that the agency now regrets.

"The government now seeks a scapegoat and have decided that John Connolly is the best person to play that role," he said.

Connelly retired in 1990 and now works as director of security for Boston Edison.

For decades, Bulger and Flemmi have been legendary figures in New England crime, imposing their Winter Hill gang's stranglehold on the South Boston rackets. Since the late 1990s, though, the FBI has conceded under court order that the two were at the same time the Boston division's two most productive confidential informants, delivering the evidence the bureau needed to lock up top members of the Italian mafia.

But other law enforcement agencies have long complained that Bulger and Flemmi had an uncanny ability to learn in advance of any criminal investigations directed at them. Detectives with various New England state police agencies believed the two were using a small number of agents in the Boston FBI office to eliminate their competition for the area rackets and win protection from prosecution from other agencies.

Among the crimes Bulger and Flemmi have long been suspected of - but repeatedly able to distance themselves from - is the 1981 murder of former World Jai Alai owner Roger Wheeler. After Wheeler's murder on an exclusive Tulsa, Okla., golf course, two men believed to have had evidence about the crime were violently killed themselves.

The indictment unsealed Wednesday, based on work by a special federal investigative strike force, seems to support the longstanding view that Bulger and Flemmi had an unusually close relationship with the FBI. Connolly and the two, one time informants are named in a five-count indictment accusing them of racketeering, racketeering conspiracy, obstruction of justice and conspiracy to obstruct justice. Flemmi is accused alone in the fifth count of obstruction for passing classified information from Connolly to Patriarca crime boss Francis "Cadillac Frank" Salemme.

The indictment of Connolly, a highly regarded, retired FBI agent, is an extraordinary event. It could not be immediately determined late Wednesday whether a retired FBI agent has ever been linked to criminal activity he was formerly assigned to investigate. Connolly has repeatedly insisted that he has done nothing wrong.

Connolly was an FBI agent from 1968 until January 1990. Midway through his career he returned from New York to his hometown of Boston where, as a youngster, he had grown up with and befriended Bulger. Once back home as an FBI agent, Connolly became a highly regarded member of the Boston division's organized crime squad. Monday's indictment puts him right in the middle of the people he was once assigned to investigate.

Specifically, the indictment unsealed Wednesday charges:

During the 1980s, Connolly helped Bulger and Flemmi pay $7,000 in cash in three payments, as well as two cases of expensive wine, to former Boston FBI supervisor John Morris. Morris was Connolly's boss on the organized crime squad.

Morris admitted taking the money and wine while testifying under a grant of immunity in 1998 as a witness in a related case in a Boston federal court.

Evidence was presented at that hearing that Bulger and Flemmi had an odd social relationship with a variety of federal agents, sometimes dining and exchanging gifts with them. Morris is no longer with the FBI.

Connolly and the two informants also are collectively accused of conspiracy and extortion in the illegal takeover of a South Boston liquor store. There was evidence at the related federal hearing that Bulger and Flemmi extorted Stippo's Liquor Mart from a young couple in 1984. In the Stippo's case, Connolly is also accused of conspiring to prevent other FBI agents from investigating the extortion.

Connolly also is accused of tipping Bulger and Flemmi to law enforcement investigations of which they were targets. In 1988, according to the indictment, Connolly told them an associate named Baharoian was the subject of an FBI wiretap in Roxbury. He is accused of telling the two in December 1994 that they and others were about to be indicted for racketeering. Flemmi is accused of immediately passing that information along to Salemme. The predicted indictment was in fact returned on Jan 10, 1995.

As a result of the tip, Bulger and Salemme became fugitives. Salemme was apprehended in Florida in August 1995. Bulger remains at large.

Flemmi was arrested before he could flee from the 1995 indictment. While sitting in jail for months awaiting trial, he decided to mount a defense claiming that he should be cleared off all charges because whatever he was accused of doing, he did while working for the FBI as an informant.
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a couple of 3 reads about your bodyguards.
see if you can detect any spin from the people whose salaries were/are paid from cigarette advertisements, from alcohol ads and from CO2 emitting car ads.

radio, television and the print media are doing to our minds what industry has done
to the land .
We now think like New York city looks.

1st read

Crime stories fill South Florida party for FBI's 100th anniversary

By Mike Clary | South Florida Sun-Sentinel
July 31, 2008

MIAMI - Soon after being posted to South Florida in 1972, now-retired FBI agent Terry Nelson arrived at work to find a limousine at the front door. And that how's he learned that Jackie Gleason always loaned his car to J. Edgar Hoover when the director was in town.

Ex-Broward County prosecutor John Hanlon recalled the day he was shot in the head by bank robbers. "I still get chills thinking of it," he said.

And Bill Kelly, now 82, told of being issued a six-shot revolver and these instructions: "If you miss with the first six, throw the gun at 'em and get the hell out of there."

Those were just some of the reminiscences ricocheting around the Rusty Pelican restaurant Wednesday when some 350 law officers, family and friends gathered at a luncheon to mark the 100th anniversary of the founding of the agency.

"What the FBI did was to absolutely give me the opportunity to have the time of my life," said Hanlon, 70, who survived the 1986 shootout in Miami to become a prosecutor and later inspector general for the Broward Sheriff's Office. He retired from that post in February.

"Every day you lay your life on the line for people you don't even know. You've got to respect that," he said.

Founded in 1908 as the Bureau of Investigation, the FBI under Hoover, its director for 48 years, gained renown for battling Depression-era gangsters such as Al Capone, who had a home in Miami, and investigating World War II spies. Since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, current Director Robert Mueller wrote in an essay for the FBI's centennial, the agency is "striving to be more proactive, predictive and preventive to counter dangerous threats."

The reality of such threats came home clearly to South Floridians in the days just after the 2001 terrorist attacks. Several of the hijackers spent time living and taking flying lessons in Broward and Palm Beach counties in preparation for their suicide mission.

Palm Beach County also is the scene of one of the FBI's most notorious unsolved cases, the 2001 anthrax attacks that killed five, including a tabloid newspaper photo editor in Boca Raton.

But the bulk of Wednesdays' recollections centered on the celebrated crooks of yore: jewel thief and convicted murderer Jack "Murph the Surf" Murphy; 1980s serial killer Christopher Wilder, and the Cuban exiles who took part in the Watergate break-in.

Kelly, one of the FBI's first Spanish-speaking agents, investigated a 1959 incident at a Miami restaurant in which Cuban emigres fired 27 rounds at a large photo of Fidel Castro and missed. He also remembered arresting Watergate figure E. Howard Hunt, "and then later we became fast friends."

Two FBI agents were slain in the 1986 Suniland shoot-out in which Hanlon was injured. He was awarded the agency's Medal of Valor. "It is a hell of an organization," said Hanlon, who lives in Coral Springs. "I am proud to be a part of it."

2nd read

Deep Politics and the Death of JFK by Peter Dale Scott

Book review by Jodey Bateman

This is the best book so far on the assassination of President John Kennedy. Peter Dale Scott, the author, is a former Canadian diplomat and professor of English at the University of California, which published this book. Scott makes clear why after over 40 years, the Kennedy assassination still affects our lives.

Scott says that at this point it is not possible to say what specific individuals plotted to kill Kennedy. However, there is publicly available information, easy to obtain, on why a much larger group of individuals was willing to stage an official cover-up to make it appear that the Kennedy assassination was simply a horrible accident without political significance.

Scott is not accusing any of the people involved in the cover-up of being part of the assassination plot. but he does say if we understand why they were so unwilling to do a serious public investigation of the facts around the assassination, we will understand why Kennedy was killed and what social forces the assassination came from.

To start with, J. Edgar Hoover, the director of the FBI, was in charge of investigations for the commission his friend President Lyndon Johnson set up, supposedly to find the facts about Kennedy's death. The commission was headed by Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The Warren Commission's report asks – was Jack Ruby, who killed Kennedy's alleged assassin Lee Harvey Oswald, connected with organized crime? The Commission says no. Its investigation, conducted by Hoover's FBI, asked Ruby's long-time friend Dave Yaras if Ruby was connected with the mob. Yaras said no. That was enough for the commission.

The commission's report does not mention that in 1949 this same Dave Yaras was on trial for an important mob hit when the main witness against him was murdered and Yaras went free.

Yet the word of such a person was enough to keep the commission from investigating the possible role of organized crime in the Kennedy assassination.

To Peter Dale Scott, the question is not what the role of organized crime was. What he asks is why did the director of the FBI and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court take the word of someone like Dave Yaras seriously? Or pretend to take it seriously?

For 20 years, up until shortly before John F. Kennedy became president, FBI Director Hoover denied that there was any such thing as organized crime. Although the FBI kept major Mafia figures under surveillance, they were seldom prosecuted at all, usually not by the FBI.

In return for not being prosecuted, the executives of organized crime, as we may call them, gave the FBI tips that led to the capture of small-time crooks who had displeased them. Jack Ruby was a low level organized crime bureaucrat. According to Ruby's FBI file, which was not released until 15 years after the Kennedy assassination, he was the one who gave permission for a shipment of heroin to pass through Dallas. Yet the FBI had him down as a potential criminal informant, one who was willing to give them information about illegal activity in Dallas. Ruby was never prosecuted for his role in the heroin deal.

It is not only law enforcement agencies who developed such relationships of mutual benefit with organized crime. During World War II, the Office of Special Services, which became the CIA, got powerful Mafia figures in prison in the US to send messages to Mafia leaders in Sicily asking them to prepare the way for landings by Allied troops. In return these Mafia figures were released from prison and deported to Italy after the war.

The end of the war did not end friendly Mafia contacts with the US government. After Mafia don Vito Genovese was deported to Italy he became an interpreter for the US occupying army and obtained American military trucks which he used for his black marketing activities.

Relationships between organized crime and American intelligence went on into the Kennedy administration. Mobsters such as Meyer Lansky and Santos Trafficante lost millions when the Cuban revolution confiscated their gambling casinos in 1959. After Kennedy became president in 1961 organized crime supplied money and personnel to help the anti-Castro movement which the CIA organized.

Organized crime's contributions to the CIA were summed up as helping a project to assassinate Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro. Actually, as Castro never seemed to get killed, the assassination plot seems to have been simply a big “get out of jail free card” for the organized crime figures involved. As long as they could say they were involved in a top-secret plot against Castro for national security, the CIA would try to keep them from being prosecuted for criminal acts.

Peter Dale Scott calls long-term relationships which cannot be officially acknowledge (such as the CIA's relationship with organized crime) “deep politics.” So-called legitimate business also benefits from deep politics. Business executives can use contacts with organized crime to get things done quickly that would take too long by legal channels.

A perfect example of deep politics between business, government and organized crime is the career of Dallas oil millionaire Clint Murchison whose money was important in building the career of Lyndon Johnson first as Senator and then as Kennedy's vice-president.

One of the main investors in Murchison's oil company was Mafia figure Gerardo Catena. Murchison was also a close friend of Lyndon Johnson's next door neighbor, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. Murchison let Hoover take free vacations at Rancho del Charro, a resort which he owned. While such blatant Mafia figures as Gerardo Catena did not take their holidays at Rancho del Charro, others with strong but less obvious organized crime ties such as Sid Levison did.

One of the humorous oil men who vacationed at Rancho del Charro said that Murchison exhibited Hoover to his friends at the resort to show them that Murchison “had the sheriff on his side.”

This meant that any deals they wanted to make with Murchison and his organized crime contacts would not be prosecuted.

Murchinson was the co-owner of the Dallas Cowboys with Gordon McLendon, the owner of radio and TV station KRLD in Dallas. Jack Ruby said that McLendon was one of his six best friends in Dallas. Ruby arranged for illegal gambling games for McLendon and his associates.

Twelve years after the Kennedy assassination McLendon started the Association of former Intelligence Agents with Clare Booth Luce, widow of Henry Luce, publisher of Time and Life. McLendon and Luce and the former intelligence agents who joined them were trying to stop the investigations chaired by Senator Frank Church, Democrat of Idaho, which exposed the CIA plots with the Mafia against the life of Fidel Castro.

While none of these powerful and wealthy people such as McLendon and Murchison may have been involved in the Kennedy assassination, they were involved in deep political relationships which were threatened by President Kennedy.

The Kennedy administration doubled the number of prosecutions of organized crime. After the missile crisis of 1962, in return for the Soviet Union withdrawing missiles from Cuba, Kennedy shut down the air strips and boat docks in Florida from which Cuban exiles – and American mobsters – raided Cuba. Mafia figures could no longer claim immunity from prosecution for being part of a plot to kill Castro.

Kennedy's murder removed the threat to a host of deep political relationships. But any honest investigation of his death would have exposed these relationships to the embarrassment of many very powerful people.

So a real investigation never occurred. The beneficiaries of deep politics – who were also beneficiaries of the Kennedy assassination, whether they took part or not – passed their wealth and power on to heirs who are wealthy and powerful today.

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Those familiar with the Seventeen Techniques for Truth Suppression

Q. What's the latest information on the secret love affair between First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton and Vince Foster, the deputy White House counsel who is said to have committed suicide last year?

A. Vincent Foster and Mrs. Clinton worked in the same Little Rock law firm for 14 years before coming to Washington. No one has produced a shred of evidence to suggest that they were ever more than friendly colleagues or that Foster's death was not a suicide. Any rumor you have heard is sheer speculation. And, as Shakespeare put it, "Rumor is a pipe blown by surmises, jealousies [and] conjectures."

Interesting that they even invoke Shakespeare to employ #6 in the Seventeen Techniques, which is to "impugn motives." They had already used number 3, which is to "Characterize the charges as 'rumors.'"

Anyone who has read any one of the six parts of my "America's Dreyfus Affair, the Case of the Death of Vincent Foster" knows that the evidence indicating murder comes in pieces much bigger than shreds, and that there is far more to the murder allegations than "sheer speculation." If that's not enough for you, you can pay a visit to http://www.fbicover-up.com. The Walter Scott operation is also pretty good at no. 15 of the Techniques, as well, which is to "baldly and brazenly lie."

Speaking of lies on behalf of our controlling criminal elite, let's wrap up this session with a final example from Walter Scott's Parade of Lies. This one is from September 10, 1995

Q. Over the years, there have been persistent rumors that J. Edgar Hoover was a cross-dressing homosexual. Are the rumors true or false?-J. J., Ann Arbor, Michigan. (Now really, would anybody ever expect to get a truthful answer from "Walter Scott" to a question like this?)

A. In a one-hour documentary, "Jack Anderson The Fall of J. Edgar Hoover," airing Sept. 15 on the A&E Network, the Pulitzer-Prize-winning columnist explodes the myth that the late FBI director was a cross-dresser. Anderson, PARADE's Washington bureau chief, told us "Hoover was so concerned about his image that he probably wouldn't have put on a dress in his own home, for fear someone might see him. So there's no way he would have appeared in a dress in public."

The show also concludes that Hoover was not gay and notes that when he spoke about homosexuals, "his words were venomous." But Anderson told us he can't comment on Hoover's sexual preference. The answer may depend on whether physical sex is part of one's definition of "homosexual." There's no evidence that Hoover ever had sex with the man who's the other half of those rumors. Clyde Tolson, his assistant and best friend for 44 years. In the book Secrecy and Power-The Life of J. Edgar Hoover, Richard Gid Powers describes the affectionate bond between the two bachelors as a "spousal relationship."

Sounds like a pretty weak denial, doesn't it? To what kind of evidence would the public ever likely obtain access with respect to sexual relations between J. Edgar and Clyde, after all? How do we know that any childless couple with a "spousal relationship," whether they be homo, hetero, or neuter in inclination is actually doing it? And isn't it, or wasn't it in the past, a rather common thing for closet homosexuals to conceal their preference by making a big show of their hostility to homosexuals and homosexuality?

The Walter Scott collective, were it inclined at all toward the truth, would have told us right off the bat that we are dealing with something a good deal more substantive than "rumors" when it comes to allegations with respect to Hoover's sexual preference and his cross-dressing. The cross-dressing charge hit the headlines in 1993, and has been a staple of late-night monologues ever since, when the Irish writer, Anthony Summers, came out with Official and Confidential, the Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover. In chapter 23 of the book we have the eyewitness reports of Susan Rosenstiel, the fourth wife of mob-connected magnate, Lewis Solon Rosenstiel, as she told author Summers she had related them to the New York State Legislative Committee on Crime. Most of that testimony was behind closed doors and remains sealed away from the public. As related in substance by Summers, it makes fascinating reading, starting on page 253.

Susan Rosenstiel's Account

Susan Rosenstiel's previous marriage had collapsed because her first husband was predominantly homosexual. Now, she concluded, she had made a similar mistake. Her husband seemed little interested in having sex with her, but went to great expense to have her dress up in clothes that made her look like a little girl. She discovered, meanwhile, that he enjoyed sex with men.

"One day," Susan recalls, "I came into my husband's bedroom and found him in bed with Roy Cohn. It was about nine o'clock in the morning. I was shocked, just shocked. He made some sort of joke about it being so he could be alone with his attorney. And I said, 'I've never seen Governor Dewey in bed with you,' because Dewey was one of his attorneys, too. And I walked out."

Roy Cohn flaunted his homosexuality around Susan. He openly caressed one young man, a former congressional associate, in front of her. He seemed to take pleasure in telling her about the sexual proclivities of her husband's friends-including, especially, the homosexuality of Cardinal Spellman.

Sometime in 1958, probably in the spring, Rosenstiel asked his wife whether, while living in Paris with her previous husband, she had witnessed an orgy. "A few weeks later, when Cohn was there, he commented that I was a 'regular' and knew what life was, that my first husband had been gay and I must have understood because I'd stayed with him for nine years. And they said how would I like to go to a party at the Hotel Plaza? But if it ever got out, it would be the most terrible thing in the world. I told them, 'If you want to go, I'll go.' Cohn said, 'You're in for a big surprise...'"

A few days later Rosenstiel took his wife to the Plaza, the venerable hotel overlooking New York's Central Park. They entered through a side entrance and took an elevator to a suite on the second or third floor. She had the impression her husband had been there before. "He knocked," Susan recalled, "and Roy Cohn opened the door. It was a beautiful suite, one of their biggest, all done in light blue. Hoover was their already, and I couldn't believe what I saw.."

According to Mrs. Rosenstiel, Edgar was dressed up as a woman, in full drag. "He was wearing a fluffy black dress, very fluffy, with flounces, and lace stockings and high heels, and a black curly wig. He had makeup on, and false eyelashes. It was a very short skirt, and he was sitting there in the living room of the suite with his legs crossed. Roy introduced him to me as 'Mary' and he replied 'Good evening,' brusque, like the first time I'd met him. It was obvious he wasn't a woman, you could see where he shaved. It was Hoover. You've never seen anything like it. I couldn't believe it, that I should see the head of the FBI dressed as a woman.

"There was a bar set up with drinks, and we had drinks. Not too much. I think it was about then that Roy muttered to me that Hoover didn't know that I knew who he was, that I'd think he was someone else. I certainly didn't address him the way I had at other times, as Mr. Hoover. I was afraid of my life by then.

"The next thing, a couple of boys come in, young blond boys, I'd say about eighteen or nineteen. And then Roy makes the signal we should go into the bedroom. It was a tremendous bedroom, with a bed like in Caesar's time, with a damask spread, blue, I think, like the suite. And they go into the bedroom, and Hoover takes off his lace dress and pants, and under the pants he was wearing a little, short garter belt. He lies on the double bed, and the two boys work on him with their hands. One of them wore rubber gloves."

After a while, said Susan Rosenstiel, the group returned to the living room. "Cohn had brought up some food. Cold stuff, so as not to have room service. So we had a little something to eat.

"Then Rosenstiel got into the act with the boys. I thought, 'You disgusting old man...' Hoover and Cohn were watching and enjoying it. Then Cohn runs to get himself satisfied-full sex-with the two boys. Those poor boys. He couldn't get enough. But Hoover only had them, you know, playing with him. I didn't see him take part in any anal sex. Rosenstiel wanted me to get involved, but I wouldn't do it."

Later the Rosenstiels went home in their limousine, leaving Cohn and Edgar, with the boys, in the suite. Rosenstiel would not discuss Edgar's part in the evening's events, but Cohn later laughed about it. "He said, 'That was really something, wasn't it, with Mary Hoover?" He told me, as if it had happened before, 'I arrive at the Plaza first, with his clothes in a suitcase.' Cohn said Hoover came in through the side entrance on Fifty-Eighth Street, so he didn't have to go through the lobby. I guess he made it his business not to be followed....."

A year later, according to Susan, Rosenstiel asked her to accompany him to the Plaza again. She agreed, in return for an expensive pair of earrings from Harry Winston's, and the jprocedure was the same as on the previous occasion. Cohn ushered them into a suite to find Edgar, again attired in female finery. His clothing this time was even more outlandish. "He had a red dress on," Susan recalled, "and a black feather boa around his neck. He ws dressed like an old flapper, like you see on old tintypes.

"After about an hour some boys came, like before. This time they're dressed in leather. And Hoover had a Bible. He wanted one of the boys to read from the Bible. And he read. I forget which passage, and the other boys played with him, wearing the rubber gloves. And then Hoover grabbed the Bible, threw it down and told the second boy to join in the sex." (end excerpt)

Susan Rosenstiel insisted to the author Summers that she could not have been mistaken about Hoover's identity and signed a sworn affidavit to that effect. Summers notes further that Rosenstiel was known to be bisexual by his friends, and although Cohn, who died of AIDS not long after being disbarred in New York for unethical dealings with gangsters, was a loud public homophobe who denied his own homosexuality to the end, his unconventional personal proclivities were notorious.

Demonstrating that his entire case for Hoover's cross-dressing does not rest upon the word of one woman, Summers relates further in Chapter 23 the experience of a couple of men in Washington, DC, with friends in the homosexual community. They describe photographs of Hoover in women's clothes that have been shown to them.

It may not be ironclad proof, but Summers' evidence of Hoover's cross-dressing would seem to be a lot stronger than Jack Anderson's pure conjecture. Furthermore, what we have here is not just rumor, as the Walter Scott operation would have you believe. They are charges made by an identified person, and to lay the matter to rest the charges have to be addressed. The Parade people are not aiming at the sort of audience that reads books, though, so they feel no such obligation.

Further Research

At this point the reader of this little essay might want to do some more of his own research by going back to Google.com and typing in "Roy Cohn" "J. Edgar Hoover." Cohn's character seems to have been captured quite well at "Roy Cohn."

Now that you see how revealing this line of inquiry can be, instead of relying simply upon what you are fed by our press propagandists, why don't you try searching the subject "Roy Cohn" "Si Newhouse."

Well, what do you know? It turns out that the notorious, underworld-connected power broker, Cohn, and the Parade-owning media magnate, Newhouse, were close friends from childhood up until Cohn's death. One can even learn how Cohn once used his influence with Newhouse to get a Cleveland Plain Dealer series on mob connections to the Teamsters Union flushed by reading the book, Newhouse All the Glitter, Power, and Glory of America's Richest Media Empire and the Secretive Man Behind It, by Thomas Maier. (By coincidence, I assume, two books with very similar titles have been written about the two men as well, Citizen Newhouse Portrait of a Media Merchant, by Carol Felsenthal and Citizen Cohn, The Life and Times of Roy Cohn, by Nicholas Von Hoffman. Citizen Cohn was made into a critically acclaimed HBO movie starring James Woods in the title role in 1992. )

Parade Magazine hardly needed the personal connection, of course, for it to stand up for the reputation of J.Edgar Hoover. Had the question been, "Has the FBI ever framed anyone for political reasons?" you can be sure that our phantom Walter Scott would have assured us that the agency is as free of taint as the former director who's name adorns its ugly Washington headquarters. (Search "Geronimo Pratt," "Jose Solis Jordan," or "Judi Bari" for a propaganda antidote on this subject.) Protecting the establishment is what a propaganda operation is all about.

Considering the job that the entire American media have done in covering up every major domestic scandal and selling every major foreign adventure for about the last century or so, it is abundantly clear that the mythical Walter Scott and his Personality Parade are hardly alone as a propaganda operation. For continued reading on the subject I commend to your attention the following two items, as well as almost anything else one might find on my own web site

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Ex-judge probes why case vs. ex-FBI agent Lindley DeVecchio 'botched'


                                                                Wednesday, August 6th 2008, 10:54 PM                        


A special prosecutor is looking into why the mob murder case against a former FBI agent was "botched so badly," according to court papers filed in Brooklyn Federal Court this week.

Charges were dropped last year when the Brooklyn district attorney's case collapsed against rogue ex-FBI agent Lindley DeVecchio, who had been accused of helping Colombo hit man Gregory Scarpa kill gangster Nicholas Grancio and three others.

DeVecchio claimed victory again last month when a federal judge tossed out a lawsuit filed against him by Grancio's widow.

The widow's lawyer, David Schoen, is asking the judge to reconsider the suit and says that a special prosecutor in the case, former Judge Leslie Crocker Snyder, is now looking into how the Brooklyn DA handled the case.

The lawsuit claims Snyder's investigation now "has broadened into why the DA's case was botched so badly and dropped."

But Snyder denied that's her goal, insisting her probe is contained only to whether mob moll Linda Schiro should be charged with perjury.

Schiro had testified that DeVecchio was in cahoots with Scarpa, her former lover. Schiro later was caught lying when a reporter came forward with tapes of Schiro contradicting her testimony.

Snyder was close to finishing her work earlier this year but new witnesses have come forward and she plans to talk to at least six more, sources said.

The retired judge, who is running for Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau's seat, said her investigation remains on track.

She said she had not spoken with Schoen and said, "I have no idea who his sources are."

Brooklyn prosecutors declined to comment.

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Aug. 17, 2008

Reid wants to expand whistle-blowers' rights


P. Jeffrey Black, left, a federal air marshal and president of the Nevada chapter of the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association, and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., discussed whistle-blower legislation at a meeting in July.
Photo courtesy of Sen. Harry Reid's staff

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid has called on the Transportation and Security Administration to investigate whether Las Vegas-assigned air marshals have been appropriately sanctioned for acts including drunken driving and reckless use of weapons.

Reid, D-Nev., also said he plans to advance legislation strengthening the rights of whistle-blowers in the air marshal service and other federal agencies.

Reid's statements were prompted by a Review-Journal story earlier this month about the Federal Air Marshal Service's Las Vegas office. The story contrasted the apparently light punishments given to misbehaving agents with the severe discipline handed down to marshals critical of agency policy.

"I believe it is very important for the Transportation and Security Administration to fully examine these allegations," the Nevada senator said.

The Federal Air Marshal Service is the primary law enforcement entity within the TSA.

Its armed agents help protect commercial flights against terrorist attacks.

TSA spokesman Nelson Minerly said his agency responds promptly to concerns from Congress, but he said incidents highlighted in the Review-Journal were "the isolated actions of a very few over the course of many years."

The newspaper found that, since 2001, at least six air marshals assigned to Las Vegas have been criminally or internally investigated for misconduct.

Minerly said all the situations cited by the newspaper were thoroughly investigated and properly resolved.

He denied that his agency has mistreated whistle-blowers: "The Federal Air Marshal Service maintains a policy of zero tolerance of retaliation in the workplace against an employee for raising a concern or complaint through any established formal or informal process.

"Any Federal Air Marshal Service employee who in good faith reports waste, fraud, abuse, mismanagement, or a violation of the law or agency policy shall not be subjected to any form of harassment, adverse employment consequences or other form of retaliation."

P. Jeffrey Black, a Las Vegas air marshal, said he filed 15 whistle-blower complaints against the air marshal service between August 2004 and April 2007.

"For years, TSA has been telling its employees there is a zero-tolerance policy against whistle-blower retaliation, but for the past four years, I have received nonstop retaliation for my whistle-blower disclosures," Black said.

Black said things got so bad at one point that he was ordered by his superiors to paint walls and have cars washed at the agency's local field office.

Last month, Black, who is president of the Nevada chapter of the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association, met with Reid on Capitol Hill to discuss whistle-blower protection legislation.

Danielle Brian, executive director of the Project on Government Oversight, a Washington-based advocacy group, said the Review-Journal story about the air marshal service "demonstrates that whistle-blower protections don't really exist for federal employees."

That's why POGO and more than 100 other groups are urging Congress to finalize new laws that would add teeth to the 1994 Whistleblower Protection Act.

The House and Senate have been trying to resolve differences in separate bipartisan bills that each chamber overwhelmingly passed last year. The goal is to come up with a compromise bill that could be voted on before Congress adjourns this fall.

Advocates of the legislation say the House bill has elements lacking in the Senate version, including the guarantee of a jury trial for whistle-blowers and whistle-blower protections for FBI and intelligence employees.

Federal employees who appeal dismissals by claiming whistle-blower protection have their cases heard by the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, a quasi-judicial agency that critics say lacks the resources to appropriately rule on often complex matters.

Very few rulings in recent years have gone in favor of whistle-blowers at any federal agency, according to Rep. Todd Platts, a Pennsylvania Republican who co-sponsored the House whistle-blower protection bill.

"Unfortunately, we are once again largely back to where we started," Platts said on the House floor last year. "Since the 1994 amendments, 177 whistle-blower cases have come before the federal circuit court; however, only two whistle-blowers have prevailed."

Tom Devine, legal director of the Government Accountability Project, a Washington-based government watchdog group, said no agency better illustrates the need for stronger whistle-blower protections than the Federal Air Marshal Service.

He called the agency's management "a lowest common denominator in bureaucratic incompetence."

"Hopefully, the House and Senate will roll up their sleeves and iron out their differences to get a final bill," Devine said.

As Senate majority leader, Reid will play a key role in determining the fate of the legislation.

Reid said he is committed to seeing it pass.

"I will determine when to bring this important legislation before the Senate, in consultation with Senate sponsors of the legislation and leading whistle-blower advocates," he said.

President Bush has vowed to veto the bill.

A statement of Bush administration policy from March 2007 said the House bill "could compromise national security, is unconstitutional, and is overly burdensome and unnecessary."

It takes a two-thirds vote of both houses to override a presidential veto.

The House whistle-blower bill passed last year by a vote of 331-94 with Nevada's three representatives all voting in favor of it. The Senate bill passed unanimously.

Former air marshals who filed whistle-blower complaints are keeping a close eye on what Congress does.

Robert MacLean was fired from the air marshal service's Las Vegas office for going public in 2003 about TSA plans to temporarily remove agents from cross-country and international flights. He said the American public deserves to know when the government makes bad decisions.

Following MacLean's disclosure, the plan to cut back on air marshal assignments was scrapped. But MacLean was later fired for revealing what the government deemed to be sensitive security information. He is appealing his dismissal with the Merit Systems Protection Board.

"I believe I did the right thing," he said. "But until the laws are improved and there are more protections for whistle-blowers, everybody will be afraid to step forward."

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ticle published Sunday, August 17, 2008
Janis Ian shares her truth at 17 —and today at 57

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Singer-songwriter Janis Ian's autobiography is titled 'Society's Child: My Autobiography.'Janis Ian has lived a rich and wonderful, painful and uplifting life.

In 1966 at age 15, the gifted and precocious folksinger-songwriter had a nationwide hit with the controversial 'Society's Child,' a song about society's reaction to an interracial teenage couple.

Walk me down to school, baby/ Everybody's acting deaf and blind/ Until they turn and say/ 'Why don't you stick to your own kind'/ My teachers all laugh, their smirking stares/ cutting deep down in our affairs/ preachers of equality/ think they believe it/ then why won't they just let us be?/ They say I can't see you any more, baby/ Can't see you any more ...

With the civil rights movement as a backdrop, the song so outraged some, Ian received hate mail and had people heckle her during live performances, she writes in her new book, Society's Child: My Autobiography (Tarcher/Penguin; $26.95).

Many radio stations banned the song. DJs were fired for playing it. Someone even burned down an Atlanta radio station that aired it. A Pittsburgh radio station was one of the first to give the song airplay its first six months.

Ian, enjoyed whirlwind fame and infamy with the success of 'Society's Child.' As a celebrated newcomer to the ‘60s music scene in her teens, she ran with an older, exciting and dangerous crowd of musical geniuses. She did cocaine with Jimi Hendrix in a Los Angeles recording studio, and Janis Joplin once sent her home from a party when people started to shoot up heroin.

'... I fell in with a group of outsiders who were also unacceptable to the mainstream,' writes Ian in her book. 'They didn't care how old I was, or what my opinions were about the generation gap. They just cared about making music. I loved Jimi. To him, I was always, ‘That girl who wrote that song, man, you know.''

Her extremely candid autobiography details in engaging, page-turning prose the soul-soaring joys and profound hardships of a personal and professional life well and fully lived, from the Grammy Award-winning success of her landmark hit, 'At Seventeen,' to $850,000-plus worth of trouble with the IRS for years, courtesy of an unscrupulous bookkeeper.

The FBI monitored her liberal parents' phone lines and activities in the 1950s, suspecting them of Communist ties. She suffered physical and emotional abuse at the hands of male and female partners and describes feeling like a piece of meat the second time she auditioned for famed music producer Clive Davis. She learned of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s, assassination at a B.B. King concert with Hendrix and studied with legendary acting coach Stella Adler for nine years to improve her stage presence. 'I had lived through some fairly interesting times that a lot of people didn't live through, and I thought I might have a different view than my contemporaries because I was 10 years younger,' said Ian in a telephone interview from Nashville, her home of 20 years, in explaining why she wrote the book.

She quite matter-of-factly recounts performances, friendships, and encounters with almost everyone who was/is anyone in music — Odetta, Bob Dylan, Judy Collins, Joan Baez, Billy Joel, Mel Torme, and Dolly Parton, to name a few.

When teased that it seems she knows everyone in the business, she says, simply: 'It was a smaller industry in those days.'

She also has a new CD, a greatest hits compilation of sorts and a companion to the book, titled 'Best of Janis Ian: The Autobiography Collection.' Each of the book's 20 chapters has an Ian song as its title and each song is included in the 29-cut CD set, which also has some never-before-released songs and her very first demo recording made when she was about 13.

A wonderful storyteller, Ian covers a vast amount of ground in 348 pages, from coming to terms with her sexual orientation to seeing the backside of fame and love, to enjoying a resurgence in her popularity to battling one life-threatening health crisis after another, to meeting the love of her life and partner of 19 years, Pat Snyder.

'I guess the story of meeting Pat, that would probably be a personal favorite' she says of countless stories she shares in the book. 'It's just because it's a happy ending.'

Ian's appearance as a musical guest on the very first episode of Saturday Night Live was re-aired about a month ago as a tribute to recently deceased comedian George Carlin, who hosted the very first SNL.

'I had forgotten how funny the show was and how good Carlin was, and I actually wondered why I'd thought I was so ugly,' she said of seeing her 1975
SNL performance, back when she was a 24-year-old, raven-haired beauty.

Although book signings and concerts are consuming her time these days, she points to singer-songwriter Sarah Bettens as one of the contemporary artists she enjoys when she has time to listen to other music.

'I think she's pretty cool,' Ian says.

3rd read
 J. Edgar Hoover, Literary Critic

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Published: April 12, 1992

ALIEN INK The FBI's War on Freedom of Expression. By Natalie Robins. Illustrated. 495 pp. New York: William Morrow & Company.

SINCE antiquity, governments have feared writers because of their willingness to subvert official truths while seductively arguing for visions of their own. If the United States seemed different in its early years -- a new nation welcoming new ideas -- that may have been due less to a real tolerance than to a bustling commercial society's disdain for intellect. Writers were just not seen as important enough to worry about. This laissez-faire attitude changed when it became obvious that the intellectual was going to play an important role in the murderous ideological battles of the 20th century.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation had begun gathering information on American writers at least a decade before J. Edgar Hoover assumed command in 1924, but he brought an energetic efficiency and sense of mission to the task that resulted in hundreds of journalists, novelists, short-story writers and poets receiving unwanted reviews. Rumors circulated for decades about who had been investigated and just what their dossiers contained, but it was not until the Freedom of Information Act was passed in 1966 that subjects were allowed to look at their own files, while researchers gained access to the files of the dead. What they found ranged from the banal (newspaper clippings, extracts from "Current Biography," boneheaded interpretations of the writings that would make a freshman blush with embarrassment) all the way up to serious trouble (malicious and anonymous letters, wiretap transcripts, agent reports) -- all perhaps evidence that they had been victims of the sabotage programs the agency ran against those it considered a threat.

Herbert Mitgang, a book critic for The New York Times, first exposed the alarming extent of these governmental intrusions into private intellectual life in 1988 in his still useful book "Dangerous Dossiers." Natalie Robins, a distinguished poet and one of the authors of the true-crime book "Savage Grace," worked on "Alien Ink" for more than seven years, and has taken the task of reckoning even farther. She discusses 148 writers in this book, ranging from the merest Communist Party hacks to the Nobel Prize winners Pearl S. Buck, William Faulkner, Ernest Hemingway, Eugene O'Neill and John Steinbeck. She has supplemented the F.B.I. material with testimony from people she calls "formal witnesses," including some of those who were investigated as well as current and former F.B.I. agents, former Communist Party members, and observers such as Norman Mailer, Roy Cohn and Svetlana Alliluyeva.

THERE are, of course, legitimate reasons why a Federal agency would seek information on citizens, writers and nonwriters alike. Intellectuals who were also political activists, like John Reed, drew the attention of the F.B.I. not only for what they wrote, but also because of the suspicion that they might be serving as foreign agents. Carl Sandburg, while working as a journalist just after World War I, evidently acted unwittingly as a courier for the Communist International, Ms. Robins reports. Ezra Pound put his voice to the service of Fascism by making anti-American radio broadcasts from Italy during World War II; that later earned him an indictment for treason. But what is one to make of Ms. Robins's accounts of F.B.I. investigations of apolitical writers like Thornton Wilder, Gertrude Stein and Robinson Jeffers, or telephone taps on someone as disconnected from social movements as John Cheever?

It would have taken a fine and subtle mind to keep this information gathering under control -- a director sensitive to issues of intellectual freedom, able to draw a distinction between those who wrote out of a sense of moral outrage and those willing to betray their country; a director aware of the limited right of the state to pry into private lives. Instead there was J. Edgar Hoover, who confused his own prejudices with the highest realms of virtue and patriotism. Indeed, Hoover went adrift well before the end of his tenure at the F.B.I. As William F. Buckley Jr., who had sparked the director's enmity by ridiculing him, observes, "It sounds as though someone was sort of deranged -- giving out these wild orders."

Ms. Robins has accomplished more than just an assembly of dusty files. The use of formal witnesses is a brilliant stroke, since the passionate continuation of their old political and personal quarrels provides energy enough to lift their words right off the page. She has made an admirable effort to be fair-minded, though sometimes her editorial remarks seem overstated. Still, she has written a book that should be required reading for anyone interested in modern American intellectual history.
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Three    major US naval strike forces due this week in Persian Gulf
DEBKAfile    Special Report

August 11, 2008, 1:16 PM (GMT+02:00)

New    America armada around Iran

DEBKAfile's military sources note that the    arrival of the three new American flotillas will raise to five the number of    US strike forces in Middle East waters - an unprecedented build-up since the    crisis erupted over Iran's nuclear program.

This vast naval and air    strength consists of more than 40 carriers, warships and submarines, some of    the last nuclear-armed, opposite the Islamic Republic, a concentration last    seen just before the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Our military    sources postulate five objects of this show of American muscle:

1.    The US, aided also by France, Britain and Canada, is finalizing preparations    for a partial naval blockade to deny Iran imports of benzene and other    refined oil products. This action would indicate that the Bush    administration had thrown in the towel on stiff United Nations sanctions and    decided to take matters in its own hands.

2. Iran, which imports 40    percent of its refined fuel products from Gulf neighbors, will retaliate for    the embargo by shutting the Strait of Hormuz oil route chokepoint, in which    case the US naval and air force stand ready to reopen the Strait and fight    back any Iranian attempt to break through the blockade.

3. Washington    is deploying forces as back-up for a possible Israeli military attack on    Iran's nuclear installations.

4. A potential rush of events in which    a US-led blockade, Israeli attack and Iranian reprisals pile up in a very    short time and precipitate a major military crisis.

5. While a    massive deployment of this nature calls for long planning, its occurrence at    this time cannot be divorced from the flare-up of the Caucasian war between    Russia and Georgia. While Russia has strengthened its stake in Caspian oil    resources by its overwhelming military intervention against Georgia, the    Americans are investing might in defending the primary Persian Gulf oil    sources of the West and the Far East.

DEBKAfile's military sources    name the three US strike forces en route to the Gulf as the USS Theodore    Roosevelt , the USS Ronald Reagan and the USS Iwo Jima . Already in place    are the USS Abraham Lincoln in the Arabian Sea opposite Iranian shores and    the USS Peleliu which is cruising in the Red Sea and Gulf of    Aden.

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couple reads about a FBI  agent and his chronic pathology.
1st read

Former FBI director Freeh to speak at UT

                        Written by Toledo Free Press Staff Writers | | news@toledofreepress.com                                                        

Former FBI Director Louis J. Freeh will speak at The University of Toledo on “Security versus Liberty – Seven Years After 9/11” at 11:45 a.m. Oct. 6 in the Law Center Auditorium.

“Judge Freeh has a broad range of leadership experiences in law enforcement, the judiciary and international affairs,” said Douglas Ray, dean of the UT College of Law said in a news release. “He is uniquely qualified to discuss how our country should balance interests of personal liberty, the rule of law and national security.”

A graduate of the Rutgers School of Law with an LLM from New York University School of Law, he has had a distinguished career of public and private service.  After serving as an FBI Special Agent, he became an Assistant U.S. Attorney participating in several high profile criminal prosecutions and was later named Deputy U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York.

In 1991, President George H.W. Bush appointed him United States District Court Judge for the Southern District of New York.  He left the bench in 1993 when President William J. Clinton appointed him Director of the FBI, a position he held until 2001.  In 2001 he accepted an offer from MBNA America Bank to serve as its Vice-Chairman and General Counsel and, in that role, served as MBNA’s principal lawyer in the 35 billion dollar transaction in which Bank of America acquired MBNA.

In 2007, he formed Freeh Group International, a consulting and legal firm with offices in Wilmington, Delaware, Washington, DC, New York City, London and Rome through which he provides international consulting and legal services.

The event is free and open to the public.

2nd read

Revisiting the Murder of Judge Robert Vance


September 8, 2008 by Robby Scott Hill 

Pan Am 103 Bombing
UTA Flight 772
Murder of Federal Judge Robert Vance
TWA 800 Disaster

What do these supposed terrorist acts all have in common? Former Special Agent J. Thomas Thurman of the FBI Crime Lab. In each case he either manufactured or withheld evidence in order to achieve the results his supervisors wanted and support their version of the facts.

On June 28, 2007, after a four-year investigation, the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission announced that it was granting “Lockerbie Bomber” Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi a second appeal against his conviction in the Pan Am 103 bombing in part due to Special Agent Thurman’s actions.  The Scots discovered that their American cousins at the FBI had lied and presented false evidence for political reasons.

Agent Thurman’s fabrication of evidence in the VANPAC case against Walter Leroy Moody was accepted as impeachment of his testimony in the Lockerby Case because among other things FBI Agent Frederick Whitehurst’s Congressional testimony accuses Thurman of fabricating evidence in the conviction of Moody.

Special Agent Thurman was dismissed from the FBI Crime Lab in 1997, by Director Louis Freeh who at the time was the US Attorney who prosecuted Walter Leroy Moody for the murder of Judge Vance, but Special Agent Thurman’s pattern and practice of disregard for scientific procedure and lack of respect for the legal chain of evidence continue to haunt the search for justice in the Judge Robert Vance case and many others. Walter Leroy Moody was guilty of a lot of things, but not the murder of Judge Robert Vance.

Now, additional evidence against former Special Agent Thurman has surfaced. Who asked Special Agent Thurman to frame Walter Leroy Moody for the murder of Judge Robert Smith Vance and what were they covering up?  My college professors at Faulkner University, former FBI Special Agents Louis M. Harris and Robert Thetford, an Alabama Lawyer may know a thing or two about that because they were working on the Vance case back in the 1980s at the Selma Field Office of the FBI.

Meanwhile, in Washington, D.C., future United States Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts was about to leave government for private law practice when the Judge Robert Vance murder case landed at the Department of Justice.  Justice Department Officials and the Solicitor General’s Office where Roberts was working decided to assign the case to Assistant US Attorney and future FBI Director Louis Freeh who at that time was a low-level Justice Department attorney whose career was going nowhere and who was also about to leave government.

As Freeh was preparing to prosecute Walter Leroy Moody for the murder of Judge Robert Vance, my future college professors at Faulkner University: Former Selma, Alabama FBI Special Agent in Charge Louis M. Harris and FBI Attorney and Alabama Lawyer Robert Thetford and their men were in the field in Alabama gathering the dubious evidence on Moody. Given Special Agent Harris’ infamous reputation for the frame up of Roger Lippman and the Seattle 8 for terrorism and bombings in the late 1960s, I’m not so sure that Walter Leroy Moody was actually guilty of what he was charged with.

After Roger Lippman and The Seattle 8 were sent to jail, it was eventually revealed that the FBI Agents of the Seattle Field Office themselves were behind the campaigns of arson and bombings that had been blamed on the Seattle 8, Weather Underground, New Black Panther Party and other anti-war groups.

Given that FBI Special Agent Louis M. Harris was involved with the Seattle 8 frame up and that he replaced me, the former Chief of Security at Faulkner University with Alabama Attorney John P. Gray (a cousin of Allen Dulles the former Director of the CIA who was fired by President Kennedy and fellow cousin John Foster Dulles) we know who they really work for, the US Intelligence Network.

On the day Judge Robert Vance was murdered Louis Freeh was an unknown prosecutor in the state of New York. Three years later Louis Freeh was director of the FBI.

Although Judge Vance’s caseload was 60% drug related, the FBI, the agency that never communicates with the CIA, immediately responded “drugs were no more prominent than several other avenues we are following,” but Vance had been preparing to hear a series of cases, all pointing to the CIA as a major source of Cocaine and Vance had a reputation for absolute and dogmatic honesty.  At about the same time, Neil Huntley, the CIA agent whose job it was to follow Lee Harvey Oswald in Minsk, Belarus had retired to Montgomery, Alabama.  In 1997, Neil Huntley would tell me that the CIA did not have anything to do with the cocaine trade, but he was concealing the truth.  The cocaine market, Kirksey McCord Nix’s Dixie Mafia and the George H.W. Bush Administration’s hatred of Socialism had everything to do with the death of Judge Robert Vance.

The FBI soon “discovered” that the VANPAC bombs were EXACT duplicates of bombs Walter Leroy Moody had sent years earlier.  Supposedly, Moody had painted both cardboard box bombs interiors with black paint, used the exact same welded end caps etc., etc… Supposedly Moody must have been rather stupid (despite his 130 IQ) and had not known the bombs would point directly to him like a Neon sign.  Another fact is that Moody did not know how to weld.  Ted Banks was accused of doing the welding and a deal was struck to pin it all on Moody. A conviction was secured and the case drifted into history.

Then it all unraveled…

In Federal Appeals Court, counterfeiter turned patriot, Ted Banks, blew the whistle on then Assistant U.S. Atty. Louis Freeh.  Patriot Ted Banks accepted a ten year addition to his sentence as the price of telling the truth. He pointed at Louis Freeh from the stand and said “I lied and he told me to lie, I never welded no bombs for Moody!”  Then FBI Agent Whitehurst charged that the FBI had fabricated evidence, then the Vance bomb was identified in the Unabomber case as originating from Saratoga California.  Then the World Court threw out the Lockerbie conviction because FBI agent J. Thomas Thurman could not be trusted, because he was not credible in their eyes after his role in the Vance debacle and the US press is still silent.

The site, Unabombers.com, provides insights into the activities of the FBI/CIA pre September 11th 2001; activities that include the manufacture and management of a series of high profile, random terrorist events and selective assassinations. The facts have been covered up, despite a wide trail of undeniable proof and multiple witnesses. They are presented at Unabombers.com

Now, Let’s examine the misdeeds of Agent Thurman and the FBI in the TWA 800 disaster:

First of all, why is the FBI even involved? Usually the NTSB and FAA do these things cradle to grave, right? Well, the FBI and CIA got involved to spread disinformation and conduct political subterfuge. Yep, that’s what they get paid to do folks. Otherwise, it’s the NTSB and FAA investigators who get stuck with all the boring aeronautical engineering stuff. That’s why I resigned from my boring job leasing offshore oil wells at the Alabama State Lands Division, too many FBI guys examining public contracts that didn’t get awarded to friends of the Bush Administration.

Unlike the first three cases, it is conspiracy theorists like the John Birch Society and the late John F. Kennedy Administration Press Secretary, Pierre Salinger and not the US Government who contend that TWA 800 was an act of terrorism. The CIA and the NTSB have advanced the most plausible theory to date which is that faulty insulation in the wiring harness caused a short circuit from a high voltage wire that overloaded a low voltage wire which led to a sensor in the fuel tank that was exposed to a fuel vapor/air mixture that had reached the temperature of ignition. This scenario is easily prevented by pumping nitrogen gas into the fuel tank in order to displace the fuel vapor/air mixture (the plausible source of ignition) above the liquid fuel in the tank, but most airliners, including TWA 800 were not fitted with the nitrogen pump because of cost analysis.

Hey, It looks great on paper right? However, like the “JFK One Magic Bullet Theory,” you have something turning left when it should be going right and going up when it should be falling down, figuratively speaking.

Despite the CIA and NTSB’s excellent public relations campaign in arguing this theory, it has three huge holes:

1) Special Agent J. Thomas Thurman removed evidence from the TWA 800 accident reconstruction hangar which tended to prove that the aircraft was shot down by a missile.

2) Why would a jet that is about to cross the Atlantic Ocean with a final destination of Charles DeGaulle Airport, one of the world’s busiest airports where it might have to circle in a holding pattern before receiving permission to land, take off on anything less than a full tank of fuel? I’d like to know what the pilots were smoking because I want some of that stuff. Was it Maui Wowie or Manilla Thrilla?

3) Before the TWA 800 disaster, the Jet-A Kerosene fuel vapor/air mixture had never exploded “in flight” due to a mechanical or electrical failure (anything other than a bomb or missile). Furthermore, the air conditioning unit on TWA 800 which was blamed for the increased temperature inside the fuel tank during the long wait for takeoff was adequately insulated. It most likely could not have been the contributing factor that raised the fuel vapor/air mixture inside the tank above the ambient temperature to the temperature necessary for ignition. Besides, the fuel/air mixture could not be compressed to the density necessary for ignition because the space inside the tank was just too large, especially if the tank wasn’t full and if, as we all learned in elementary school, the density of a gas actually decreases as the altitude increases.

If the aircraft was going to explode, it should have done so on the runway where the outside temperature was greater and the fuel/air mixture in the tank was denser. You had to have the power switched on to run that air conditioner and to the start the engines. The plane did not explode on the ground when the conditions were most favorable for detonation. It exploded later when they were less favorable and electrical power to the supposedly faulty wiring harness was applied at both times.

It would have been necessary for God in Heaven to suspend the Laws of Nature, specifically Boyle’s Ideal Gas Law, for the mixture to have exploded, but with today’s faith based Department of Justice anything is possible. They can seemingly do all things through Christ who stregthens them, to include suspending the Laws of Nature in order to protect Wall Street investments, corporate trust funds and re-election campigns.

If the neocons can get you to believe that Walter Leroy Moody murdered Judge Robert Smith Vance who they themselves considered a communist subversive, then perhaps they can even bear witness to the death of Enron CEO Ken Lay from a heart attack, then like Jesus raise him from the dead in South America like so many Nazi business executives from World War II.

Is Walter Leroy Moody a political prisoner?  Did TWA 800 really go down like they said it did? The truth may be stranger than fiction. Judge Vance may have been murdered by his own government.

Judge may force agency to uncloak FBI lab report

fbi.seal March 7, 1997
Web posted at: 11:57 p.m. EST (0457 GMT)

From Correspondent Terry Frieden

WASHINGTON (CNN) -- Pressure is increasing on the Justice Department to release a report said to be sharply critical of the FBI's crime laboratory.

U.S. District Judge Gladys Kessler, responding to critics, said Friday she will consider forcing the agency to release the inspector general's preliminary report on problems at the FBI lab.

Attorneys for crime lab whistleblower Frederick Whitehurst and members of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers requested the court to intervene.

"This is the government investigating the government. We need sunshine to make sure the investigation is in fact a valid and complete one," said William Moffett of the NACDL.

The preliminary report, which the FBI admits criticizes some of its lab operations, was sent to the bureau last month and resulted in the suspension or transfer of four lab employees, including Whitehurst.


The report also was sent to defense lawyers in certain cases where the handling of evidence may be in question. Among them was the attorney for Oklahoma City bombing suspect Timothy McVeigh.

Conflict of interest?

On Thursday, a Senate subcommittee chairman who oversees the bureau said FBI Director Louis Freeh initially "whitewashed the problem" in the crime lab and still seems to be minimizing its impact.


"The American people are being misled by the FBI on the problems we're seeing in its crime lab," Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, said in a Senate speech. "The FBI's defense -- some would say cover-up -- is slowly, slowly unraveling."

In response, the FBI reissued a statement from Wednesday saying Freeh was "committed to taking the appropriate remedial action with respect to all problems identified in the laboratory."

The Justice Department says it will send Congress a final report by the end of the month but is balking at ever releasing its preliminary findings.

Grassley said leaked information from the report raises questions about the lab's handling of a letter-bombing case that Freeh successfully prosecuted: the 1991 conviction of Walter Leroy Moody for the murders of U.S. Circuit Judge Robert S. Vance and Georgia civil rights lawyer Robert E. Robinson.

Freeh says cases unaffected

In February 1994, Freeh assigned two FBI lawyers in General Counsel Howard Shapiro's office to investigate Whitehurst's allegations of problems in the crime lab. Shapiro had helped Freeh prosecute Moody in what was code-named the VANPAC case.

"What is amazing to me is that neither Mr. Freeh nor Mr. Shapiro recused himself from the decision-making role with respect to the review," Grassley said. "After all, they had prosecuted one of the cases -- the VANPAC case -- in which Dr. Whitehurst alleged misconduct has occurred."


Freeh told Congress this week he still believes the lab problems won't have a significant impact on cases it has handled.

"I have no knowledge and no belief at this point that any of our FBI investigations have been compromised or jeopardized, either past, present or future," Freeh said.

But Stephen Kohn, Whitehurst's attorney, disagrees. He says hundreds of cases have been affected. Whitehurst has been suspended by the FBI pending the final lab report.

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Stevens Witness: FBI Inquiry Was Like "mental Waterboarding"

By Martin Kady II





Text Size:  A  A  A

(The Politico) Everyone is waiting for Ted Stevens to take the witness stand today, but one of his friends provided perhaps the most peculiar quote of the trial.

Testifying Thursday morning about an initial FBI inquiry, Stevens' neighbor Bob Persons said he invited two FBI agents into his house when they wanted to discuss the now infamous renovations to Stevens' "chalet" in Girdwood, Alaska.

To say the least, Persons didn't like the FBI agent's style.

"That was the most hateful guy I've ever met in my life," Persons told the courtroom, laughing a bit on the witness stand. "That made me understand why there might be a lot of innocent people in prison."

Persons said he found the questions confusing and circuitous, making him wonder whether he was asking the questions or whether it was the FBI doing the inquiry.

"It was like being mentally waterboarded," Persons added.

Stevens' corruption trial centers on whether he improperly received $250,000 in gifts and renovations from Veco Corp., a politically connected Alaska oil services firm at the center of a statewide bribery scandal.

Persons, a personal friend and neighbor of Stevens' reiterated this morning that he had asked Veco Corp. for every bill for the renovation. Persons essentially oversaw the renovations while Stevens was back in Washington.

Stevens trial, in its third week, will hit a crescendo this afternoon with the testimony of Catherine Stevens and Stevens himself. Stevens taking the stand carries much risk if he stumbles under cross-examination, but he appears ready to take the plunge and lay his legal future and his political career on the line.
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Friend Testifies In Connolly's Defense

BY EDMUND MAHONY | The Hartford Courant
    3:19 PM EDT, October 21, 2008

MIAMI - A retired FBI agent and close friend of ex-agent John Connolly testified for him at his murder and conspiracy trial today and tried to blunt the prosecution contention that Connolly's boat, Boston condominium, Cape Cod vacation home and stack of uncashed paychecks show that his lifestyle exceeded his former FBI salary.

There was also a long discussion of what kind of behavior is and is not allowed with informants when a second retired agent and Connolly friend testified. That agent admitted accepting a Christmas gift – a sweater – from an unidentified mob informant and attending "an unusual" private dinner with Connolly informants James "Whitey" Bulger and Stephen "The Rifleman" Flemmi.

Retired agent Michael J. Buckley said the dinner meeting with the two killers took place at home of yet another agent while the host's two, young children were present. The dinner was one of several arranged by Connolly to introduce his star informants to other agents – behavior that, in itself, has been described during the trial as unsusual.

"More or less, to be quite candid with you, it was Bulger telling war stories," Buckely said of the dinner. "He talked about sports, he talked about women, he talked about meeting with (mafia boss) Gerry Angiulo in Somerville. It was just a BS session around the dinner table."

Buckley said Bulger and Flemmi provided the wine.

The second week of the defense case at Connolly's trial in Miami-Dade Circuit Court began today much as the first did – with Connolly's lawyers calling short witnesses in an effort to chip away at elements of the prosecution case. Prosecutors tried to convert the witnesses for their own purposes during cross examination.

Connolly claims to have used his informants, Bulger and Flemmi, with devastating effect in the FBI's long fight against the Mafia in New England. But prosecutors claim Connolly became an undercover member of their Winter Hill Gang, taking a cut of the gang's earnings in return for leaking information the gang used to kill witnesses and stay out of prison.

He is on trial for allegedly leaking the information that Bulger and Flemmi used to kill former World Jai Alai president John B. Callahan. Gang witnesses, including Flemmi, testified earlier that Connolly told them that Callahan was likely to cooperate with authorities trying to tie the Winter Hill Gang to an attempt in the early 1980s to take over the parimutual company World Jai Alai.

Retired FBI agent Richard Baker testified Tuesday that, when he worked in the Boston FBI division with Connolly during the 1980s, he and Connolly walked to a bank across the street to cash their checks almost every pay day. A previous witness testified that when she once looked in Connolly's desk draw, in contained numerous uncashed checks.

"From 1980 to 1991, when I knew John, we went to the bank on a regular basis," Baker said.

He also said Connolly was one of more than a half dozen agents in the Boston office who owned boats – Connolly paid about $45,000 for a 27-foot motor craft. He also said Connolly bought homes and property on Cape Cod and in South Boson at a time when prices were low. Baker told Bruce Fleisher, one of Connolly's defense lawyers, that he didn't know that Connolly also was paying tens of thousands of dollars for improvements on a South Boston home with a sweeping view of Boston Harbor.

The defense called Buckley in response to testimony from other witnesses that Connolly took gifts from his informants and met regularly with them - behaviors that are prohibited or discouraged by FBI rules and common practice.

Buckley said he once accepted a gift wrapped sweater, but that it was handed to him by the young daughter of an informant. He said he did not feel at the time that he could tactfully decline the gift. He said he later filed a report on the sweater.

He said he would never bring informants to his home, where they could learn the identities of his three children and his wife. Nonetheless, he said he was not overly concerned when he was asked to meet Bulger and Flemmi over dinner at the home of now retired agent Nick Gianturco, who is scheduled testify for Connolly later today or Wednesday.

"I knew Bulger and Flemmi were well known," Buckley said. "If a meeting was being held it had to be in a very safe, nonpublic location. (Gianturco's house) made sense. I didn't think that much of it."

Buckley said Connolly invited him to the dinner meeting because he wanted Buckley to become familiar with the two gangsters should he ever need to become their informant hander. At the time, Connolly was thinking of retiring and passing Bulger and Flemmi off to a fellow agent like Buckley.

2nd read

Saturday, June 17, 2006
Private Eye Who Investigated 'Mafia Cops' Attacked - Possible Retaliation For Her Work Exposing Corruption

Friends of ours: Gregory Scarpa
Friends of mine: Louis Eppolito, Stephen Caracappa

A private investigator, who helped prosecutors look into several mob murders, was attacked in her car at the intersection of the Shore Parkway and the Bay Parkway in Brooklyn. She was found inside her car, strangled but still alive.

Angela Clemente was involved in many cases for Congress and local prosecutors. Investigators are concerned that that someone strangled Angela Clemente because of her work exposing corruption.

Some detectives wonder what really happened to Ms. Clemente, but police said she told them her attacker was a white man who drove off in a black car. In a statement, the Brooklyn D.A. said, "This is of great concern for us. We have a very active investigation going."

Clemente told detectives that she went to that part of Brooklyn to meet a possible source, after finding a note on her car windshield Thursday night in New Jersey to be there.

Last march Brooklyn D.A. Charles Hynes announced the arrest of former FBI supervisor Lindley de Vecchio, essentially charging him with protecting mob capo Gregory Scarpa Sr. Angela Clemente did a lot of the legwork that led to indictments in that case.

Her work also led to the investigation of the so-called mafia cops Louis Eppolito and Stephen Caracappa. It is unknown at this time whether this work led to her attack.

11 June 2003

An Act of State: the Execution of Martin Luther King
By William F. Pepper
Verso, 2003
334 pages, $49.95 (hb)


Around 5pm, April 4, 1968, John McFerren was shopping at the LL&L Produce Company in Memphis, Tennessee, when he heard the store's owner, Frank Liberto, shouting on the phone, “Shoot the son of a bitch when he comes on the balcony”. An hour later, Martin Luther King, the United States' highest-profile civil rights leader, had been shot dead on the balcony of his Memphis motel room.

It is not surprising that Liberto, with Mafia connections, could be mixed up in the dirty art of murder, but more noteworthy was the person on the other end of the telephone: Memphis Police Department (MPD) lieutenant Earl Clark. Noteworthy, too, were the two US Army special forces sniper teams with rifles trained on King.

As a jury found in 1999, the cast of the assassination plot was wide indeed, involving the criminal underworld, the “City of Memphis, the State of Tennessee and the government of the United States”.

Yet the 20-year investigation by lawyer William Pepper, which resulted in the court's verdict of conspiracy, may as well not have happened. The US government and the corporate media have suppressed the result in favour of the official fantasy that a lone assassin, jail escapee James Earl Ray, was paid by two St Louis racists to kill King.

Like robbers pointing at an innocent bystander and shouting “Stop, thief!”, city, state and federal agencies may well prefer to jail the innocent to hide their involvement in an assassination, but Pepper has shown that Ray was set up as a “patsy” to take the fall for a state conspiracy to murder King.

The “authorised version” of Ray's alleged shooting of King from the bathroom window of a rooming house opposite the Lorraine Motel came apart at the seams with each investigative tug by Pepper. Witnesses saw gunsmoke coming from the bushes behind the rooming house, not the bathroom. Ray was seen leaving in the suspect car but, unfortunately for the approved script, this was before the shooting.

The prosecution's chief witness, an occupant of the rooming house who “identified” Ray as he allegedly ran from the bathroom after the shooting, was higher than a kite from alcohol at the time and incapable of recognising the day of the week, let alone someone from a passing glimpse. The bullet which ripped into King's jaw did not match the rifle allegedly (and very conveniently for the prosecution) dropped by Ray in his haste to flee.

As the case against Ray collapsed, the evidence for a conspiracy mounted. King, contrary to his usual travelling practice of staying in secluded rooms, was allocated an exposed room, at the last minute and allegedly on instructions from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (King's church-based civil rights organisation), on the executive of which there was an FBI informer. Witnesses saw a man (Earl Clark) running immediately after the fatal shot from the bushes to a waiting MPD squad car. They saw another man (Clark's still unidentified MPD colleague who fired the fatal shot) driving off eight minutes after the shooting, past police barricades, as MPD officers looked on with unconcern at an unidentified car leaving a supposedly secure crime scene.

Crucial witnesses had begun to “disappear” from the time of the shooting. A taxi driver who witnessed the shot coming from bushes, not the bathroom, fell from his car in suspicious circumstances that night. An investigative journalist on the trail of organised crime's role in the assassination was murdered in 1971. Another witness almost died in a car accident, her wheel nuts deliberately loosened. A former FBI agent who came forward with important new evidence of conspiracy was threatened. One of the army snipers, a heavy drinker who had begun talking in bars about the army's role in the plot, “disappeared” in 1979.

While he was in prison, Ray twice received offers of money (US$50,000, then $220,000) plus parole to confess guilt, and so abandon his demand for a re-trial. Ray turned down the chance for wealth and freedom, determined to prove his innocence. Having failed to buy Ray's silence, two contracts were taken out on his life, one through the Memphis Mafia and one through the FBI. Both fell through and it was left to cirrhosis of the liver to end Ray's life, and his chance for a re-trial, in 1998.

Pepper's only recourse now was to get the King family to take out a civil action against the one man, Lloyd Jowers, who was willing to implicate himself in return for immunity from prosecution and so open up the legal process to expose the full conspiracy.

Jowers, owner of Jim's Grill near the motel, was in debt to Liberto. To square his account with the Mafia, he was enrolled to assist with looking after the murder weapon and handling the government money paid to the Mafia for its role in the assassination.

Jowers testified that Liberto had arranged for him and the two MPD officers to wait in the bushes and for one of the MPD officers to shoot King. Pepper also exposed the Mafia's role as being designed to provide the US government with “plausible denial” in the plot.

The jury found that a conspiracy to assassinate King had indeed been carried out by bit players like Jowers and the Mafia, under orders from a task force of “national security” agencies including the FBI, the MPD, military intelligence and the US Army's special forces. The latter had tried to assassinate King earlier in 1965, at a civil rights march in Selma, Alabama, as part of their covert operations against domestic political dissidents (which included assassinations of black community leaders).

The FBI had been spying on, and infiltrating, left-wing, anti-racist and anti-war movements and parties throughout the 1960s. King's home and hotel rooms had been bugged by the FBI for tasty morsels of extra-marital scandal to, in their words, “neutralise King as an effective Negro leader”. Army Intelligence, a 2300-strong covert organisation which spied on hundreds of organisations and 19 million individuals, had also watched King since 1947.

King found himself in the gunsights in March 1968 after the Army Psychological Operations Group had discovered in 1967, by interviewing hundreds of arrested “rioters”, that King was the most popular leader amongst urban blacks. King had expanded his campaigns from civil rights in the south to economic struggles (he was in Memphis to support a black garbage workers' strike) and national campaigns such as a “poor people's march” on Washington.

It was King's public opposition to the Vietnam War, however, and his move towards a socialist critique of US society (the “problem of racism, problem of economic exploitation and problem of war are all tied together”, he had concluded) which prompted the US Army and FBI to step up their alert status on King in 1968 to “threat to national security”. The army sniper teams had been told to “take out” King because he was “an enemy of the US who wanted to bring down the government”. By assassinating King, they hoped to decapitate a potential revolutionary movement of black urban revolt.

King was not killed by one man filled with race hate but by a system (capitalism) filled with hate against those who threaten its “national security” to make profits, at home or abroad. The African Americans who erupted into open rebellion in 80 cities the night that King was shot, knew this instinctively. Pepper's brilliant book has confirmed it.

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Today's photo: Bush attends graduation ceremony at FBI academy

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Kevin Lamarque of Reuters took this photograph today as President Bush appeared at the FBI Academy in Quantico, Va.

Attorney General Michael Mukasey, right, and FBI Director Robert Mueller also attended the graduation ceremony for new special agents.

"I ask you to defend the values of fidelity, bravery, and integrity that you have learned here at this academy," Bush said. "I ask you to carry out your duty to protect the lives and liberties of the American people. If you follow these principles, your careers will take you far, this agency will uphold its solemn responsibility, and America's security will be in good hands."

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Erin Nealy Cox makes computers sing - even if info's deleted

12:00 AM CDT on Sunday, November 2, 2008

A wall of Erin Nealy Cox's office is covered with framed milestones: her law degree from Southern Methodist University, a seal from the U.S. attorney's office in the Northern District of Texas autographed by former colleagues. There are plaques from the Internal Revenue Service, the U.S. Postal Service and the FBI thanking her for helping convict bad guys in big cases.

"I jokingly call it the 'I love me wall,' " says Ms. Nealy Cox, who spent 10 years as a federal prosecutor.

The former assistant U.S. attorney was so adept at computer hacking and intellectual property that the feds chose her for a nationwide SWAT team that hunts down and prosecutes cyber-criminals.

Now, as managing director of Stroz Friedberg LLC's new Dallas office, the 38-year-old hopes to do for the for-profit world what she did for the public good: recover information thought to be lost to delete keys or hidden in cyberspace.

Think of it as CSI: Corporate America, and Ms. Nealy Cox as chief investigator Horatio Caine.

"Everything you do with a computer leaves a fingerprint," she says. "Whether you pop in a flash drive, download a file, type a message, view an Internet site – all of this is stored in the memory of your computer. We find the digital fingerprints and assess what happened."

Without getting too technical, forensic sleuths take a mirror image of everything on a hard drive and copy it to another hard drive. They use search techniques to assemble pertinent data.

A company wants to find out what information a high-level executive took with him when he departed. A bank needs data to respond to regulatory or congressional subpoenas. A defense attorney hopes to prove that the client knew nothing about the crime – or a prosecutor wants to prove that the accused did.

Still seeking the truth

Stroz Friedberg was founded in 2001 in New York by Ed Stroz, a former FBI agent, and Eric Friedberg, a former federal prosecutor.

The firm has expanded into Washington, D.C., Minneapolis, Los Angeles and Boston, and all of its offices are headed by former federal prosecutors. The labs are staffed by law enforcement or military intelligence types.

Dallas was picked over Houston because of Ms. Nealy Cox, Mr. Stroz says. "God gave us Erin, who could probably work at any law firm she wants to and has the background in cyber-crime, which is rare for an assistant U.S. attorney."

Ms. Nealy Cox also worked for Carrington, Coleman, Sloman & Blumenthal in Dallas and clerked for Barefoot Sanders, U.S. senior district judge for the Northern District of Texas. She's married to Trey Cox of Lynn Tillotson Pinker & Cox LLP. The couple has two girls, 2 and 6.

Ms. Nealy Cox will supervise the lab staff (currently two forensic examiners, but eventually eight) and act as a go-between with clients, typically corporate general counsels or attorneys at major law firms.

She doesn't consider her shift as going to the dark side.

"I definitely cannot envision myself as a criminal defense lawyer," Ms. Nealy Cox says. "The part of my job that I liked most was seeking the truth. If I knew that my client was guilty, I think that would inhibit my ability to do my job well."

With this gig – which pays three times the $101,000 she earned from the government – Ms. Nealy Cox turns over the findings to lawyers and corporate clients and lets the digital chips fall where they may.

As Mr. Stroz, who founded the FBI's computer crime squad in New York in 1996, puts it: "We aren't advocates for the client. We're advocates for the evidence."

All about intent

Proving or disproving intent is a biggie in many white-collar cases.

Mr. Stroz helped the government convict former Enron executives in an accounting sham. His team proved that a crucial memo had been read by the accused and saved – nailing him as a knowing participant.

In a cyber-stalking case, the accused claimed he didn't know where the victim lived. The firm found her address and directions to her house in his temporary MapQuest file.

Stroz Friedberg often gets called in when a high-level executive leaves a company and is suspected of taking confidential files, Ms. Nealy Cox says. "We can see what he downloaded or e-mailed to his Yahoo account the day before he left."

The firm's services aren't cheap. A hard-drive search can run as little as $10,000. A tougher, time-sensitive, global assignment can cost 10 times as much.

Connecticut-based Wiggin and Dana LLP successfully defended a senior executive at CVS Caremark in a 23-count federal case of conspiracy, mail fraud and bribery – thanks in large part to evidence retrieved by Stroz Friedberg.

Defense attorney Scott Corrigan hired the firm to search the hard drives of three computers owned by the government's key witness.

"I learned so much from Ed and his team," Mr. Corrigan says. "If I delete a file on my computer, it doesn't go away entirely. Bits and pieces remain in areas of my hard drive as fragments. They were able to come up with a number of fragments and piece them together into one e-mail, which was very exculpatory to our client's defense."

This cost about $50,000.

"From our client's perspective, it was worth every single penny," Mr. Corrigan says.

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Fighting cybercrimes across borders to be discussed at SC World Congress

Cooperation between law enforcement agencies across borders to fight international incidents of cybercrime is an ongoing process. One set of challenges comes from the nefarious, but sophisticated perpetrators, often organized into gangs and equipped with the latest tools to perform their mischief.

But a whole other set of challenges comes in the attempt to coordinate efforts across borders to thwart these acts. The process of prosecuting and bringing to justice the often anonymous criminals, hidden behind remote ISP addresses, often involves different governments, disparate branches of law enforcement and differing priorities.

“Criminals are moving from more traditional crimes into the hi-tech world,” says Kevin Hyland (left), detective inspector, Scotland Yard. “They feel safe to operate often thousands of miles away and feel law enforcement agencies will not pursue them across international boundaries. The joint operation I headed between Scotland Yard, the FBI and other European Police Services shows how wrong they can be.”

Hyland will be elaborating on these ideas as part of a panel, International Cybercrime, scheduled for 10:45 a.m. on Tuesday, Dec. 9 at the SC World Congress.

The panel includes Phyllis A. Schneck, Ph.D., founding chairman and chairman emeritus, InfraGard National Members Alliance; and vice president, research integration, Secure Computing Corporation; John Iannarelli (right), supervisory special agent, FBI; Kim Marcus (below), assistant director, Office of the Special Representative of Interpol to the United Nations; Kevin Hyland, detective inspector, Metropolitan Police ACC; Ed Lowery, assistant special agent in charge, U.S. Secret Service.

These IT security and law enforcement experts will be discussing such topics as what happens when your company network has been breached and information stolen. Or, what to do when one of your company laptops is stolen at an international location.

Who can help and how? And in the end, how do all these various divisions of the government and law enforcement work together?

These experienced professionals are on the forefront of 21st century investigations.

About the SC World Congress

To keep today's companies and organizations secure requires up-to-the-minute information about current threats to the corporate environment, best practices and optimum solutions. The inaugural SC World Congress offers attendees the opportunity to become better informed, while at the same time providing a hands-on sampling of state-of-the-art technologies and services being used to thwart the increasing range of threats trying to interfere with business operations and abscond with corporate and customer data.

Located in New York, the largest concentration of corporate headquarters and federal and local government offices in the United States, the SC World Congress is the only dedicated IT security event focused on providing the latest solutions and inside information to help IT & data security professionals do their jobs better.

The inaugural SC World Congress takes place Dec. 9-10 in New York City's Javits Convention Center.
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After storied career, agent retires

FBI took Norm Brown to Ruby Ridge, L.A. riots

Special Agent Norm Brown is retiring after 25 years with the FBI. He said his last five years as "supervisory special agent" in charge of the terrorism task force have been among the most important in his career. (Colin Mulvany The Spokesman-Review)

FBI Special Agent Norm Brown traveled a long, exciting and sometimes dangerous series of assignments before returning to his hometown of Spokane, where he graduated from Ferris High School in 1975.

There weren't many boring days along the way, he said.

Brown has been a point man for the agency, serving on the elite hostage rescue team in Quantico, Va.; on duty with the FBI director's protection squad; as a SWAT team commander in Seattle; and as the first commander of the Inland Northwest Joint Terrorism Task Force.

He'll retire Sunday after 25 years with the FBI, not regretting a day.

An FBI agency rule says supervisors can hold a post for only five years. If Brown wanted to keep working until the mandatory retirement age, he faced a transfer.

For the Spokane native, the choice was easy, albeit somewhat sad.

"I'm going to take a break," he said. His wife, Bernadette Brown, who's also an FBI agent, will continue to work for a time, but when she retires, the couple plan to travel and do volunteer work.


"I have no immediate employment plans," said Norm Brown, who works out every day – weightlifting, bicycling or running. He wants to buy a digital camera, pursue photography and fly-fishing and spend time with his two brothers and his 85-year-old father, Richard Brown, the founder of Brown Building Materials.

U.S. Attorney Jim McDevitt, the region's top federal law enforcement official, describes Brown "as the model of an FBI agent. He's not a supervisor, but a leader. He treats people with respect.

"He's selfless and puts his people first, and is willing to stick up for them, even at the risk of his own career," McDevitt said. "He's not a bureaucrat, and he's not afraid to buck the bureaucracy when it's necessary."

Brown attended Washington State University, getting a degree in criminal justice in 1979, while working as a Spokane County sheriff's cadet his senior year. He worked as a Spokane deputy from 1980 until late 1983, when he was hired as an FBI agent.

His last five years as "supervisory special agent" in charge of the terrorism task force have been among the most important in his career, Brown said.

In that post, he supervised a team of federal, state and local agents and officers who work out of an office at a semi-secret location, tracking extremism activity in Eastern Washington and North Idaho. The work involves analysis and intelligence gathering, confidential informants, monitoring and infiltration of suspected groups and coordination with 100 other terrorism task forces across the United States.

"The term 'terrorist' just doesn't apply to Osama bin Laden or Mohammed Atta," Brown said. "It can be used to describe groups of individuals that are involved in anarchy as well as white supremacists and militias.

"Our primary goal is to ensure that a terrorist attack does not occur in the Inland Northwest," he said.

The task force has brought several high-profile cases, including that of a militia bomb-maker convicted in a plot to kill a judge and a university student who was deported after being acquitted of suspected ties to al-Qaida.

The task force also watched the remnants of the Aryan Nations unsuccessfully attempt to regroup after a devastating civil suit in 2000, followed by the death in 2004 of the group's founder.

"We've noticed a significant downturn in white supremacy activities after Richard Butler died," Brown said.

He got his chance to return to Spokane in 1997 from Seattle, where he'd been SWAT team commander in the FBI field office since 1991. He also worked bank robberies, drug cases and did surveillance work while in Seattle.

In 1996, Brown's Seattle SWAT team was sent to Portland to watch for a team of "Phineas Priest" bank robbers and bombers. The group of North Idaho-based domestic terrorists had struck twice in Spokane, detonating two deadly bombs, and were planning another robbery in Oregon.

When the would-be robbers got to Portland, the FBI had closed the bank to avoid another bombing or gunfire, while Brown and his team conducted surveillance. Brown's team later arrested the heavily armed trio without incident during a stop at a service station.

Brown also led the Seattle SWAT team to the streets of Los Angeles for 10 days to protect firefighters during rioting following the 1992 acquittal of police officers involved in the beating of Rodney King a year earlier.

"I remember standing on a street corner in L.A. with my riot gear on, with my submachine gun, and thinking, 'This can't be America – where people are taking pot shots at firemen who are just doing their duty.' "

In August 1992, Brown and his SWAT team spent 10 days living in tents in a mountain field in North Idaho during the deadly standoff known as Ruby Ridge. As SWAT team leader during various shifts, Brown was within 25 yards of the cabin at the center of the incident, but he never fired a shot.

He described the standoff as a "very unfortunate situation for law enforcement and the (Randy) Weaver family," but leveled no criticism at anyone involved. Brown points out that the FBI changed the way it deals with hostage-standoff situations following the deadly siege.

Before being transferred to Seattle, Brown spent two years as a member of the special security detail assigned to then-FBI director William Sessions. The assignment came at a time when Colombian drug lords were putting out contracts on senior American officials.

"I traveled with the director to 25 states and eight foreign countries in less than two years," Brown recalled.

That assignment came after Brown spent four years as a member of the FBI's 50-member hostage rescue team, based in Quantico, another sought-after post. The selection process for the hostage team "was the most physically demanding two weeks of my life," he said.

Brown remembers one team assignment in Montana where he and his camo-clad sniper partner had crawled within 75 yards of a remote cabin where two escaped murderers were holed up.

"Suddenly we heard a shot go directly over our heads," he recalled. "It was close, too close. We look at each other in disbelief and remained motionless for 10 minutes."

Later, they heard more gunshots about the time the cabin burst into flames. One of the escapees killed the other before starting the fire and committing suicide.

Brown's first assignment after graduating from the FBI Academy was Butte, but the young agent was only there for two weeks before being transferred to Coeur d'Alene.

He arrived in North Idaho in 1984 about the time the FBI was opening a "major case" into a group of white supremacists known as the Order. The group, also known as "Bruder Schweigen," was robbing banks and armored cars and printing counterfeit money to fund a "race war."

In Coeur d'Alene, Brown teamed up with FBI senior agent Wayne Manis to track down various members of the Order. Manis, now retired from the FBI, recalled last week that Brown was "always soft-spoken and unexcitable" and brought those traits to the job. Manis nominated Brown to become a member of the hostage rescue team.

In the fall of 1984, Brown and another agent searched a rural home near Sandpoint where Order member Gary Yarbrough had stashed an arsenal of weapons, including the assault weapon used to kill Jewish radio talk show host Alan Berg in Denver.

He also was involved in the search of a home in Laclede, Idaho, used as a "safe house" by Order members. Another arsenal was found, but, more importantly, Brown, two other agents and three identification specialists turned up fingerprints identifying seven or eight members of the group.

"We even got fingerprints from the bottom of the toilet seat," he said with a laugh.

Official charged with FBI cover-up: Ruby Ridge report trashed, filing says.
The Washington Times

October 23, 1996
Seper, Jerry
A high-ranking FBI official was charged yesterday with illegally destroying an internal report on bureau actions in the 1992 siege of white separatist Randall Weaver, telling a subordinate to "make it appear" as if the report never existed.

E. Michael Kahoe, who formerly headed the FBI's violent-crimes section and was the agent in charge of the Jacksonville, Fla., office, was named in Washington on a one-count "felony information" accusing him of obstructing justice.

Mr. Kahoe was accused of ordering that an FBI after-action critique of the bureau's institution of "shoot-on-sight" orders during the Ruby Ridge, Idaho, siege be destroyed to make it unavailable in ...

Monday August 8, 2005 Longtime FBI agent sentenced to prison on child porn count


Associated Press Writer

BOISE, Idaho (AP) A longtime FBI agent who helped arrest mountain-man Claude Dallas and was involved in a deadly 1984 siege involving white supremacists in Washington state is going to prison for 12 months after pleading guilty to possession of child pornography.

William Buie, 64, of Boise, most recently worked as an investigator for the Idaho attorney general's office.

He was sentenced Monday in U.S. District Court to a year in prison on one count of possession of sexually exploitative materials involving minors. He had pleaded guilty in March.

Buie told agents with the Utah Internet Crimes Against Children Task Force that he learned to access child pornography Web sites while attending a seminar on preventing child exploitation as part of his law enforcement training in 2000 or 2001.

He acknowledged using his bank debit card to gain access to child erotica and child pornography Web sites, including using the card to buy a month of access to a child pornography Internet site entitled ''Eternal Nymphets.''

Buie, a former FBI sniper who worked for about 30 years for the agency in Seattle, Butte, Mont., and Salt Lake City, participated in the arrest of Dallas in 1982 in Paradise Valley, Nev., after the self-proclaimed mountain man had spent a year on the run after killing two Idaho Fish and Game agents. Dallas served 22 years in prison for manslaughter.

Buie also took part in the 1984 siege on Whidbey Island, Wash. in which Robert Mathews, leader of the violent racist cell called ``The Order,'' was killed following an 18-month wave of armed robberies and assassinations.

U.S. District Judge Edward Lodge gave Buie a reduced sentence of just a year behind bars, down from the standard sentencing range of 27 months to 33 months. That's after his lawyer, Mark Manweiler, argued that Buie's efforts to find sex-addiction treatment and his exemplary work record as well as concern that as a longtime FBI agent he would be in danger behind bars entitled him to a sentencing break.

"He would be unusually susceptible to abuse in a federal correctional institution,'' Manweiler wrote in his motion.

In a statement, the Justice Department said that as many as 150 sexually explicit images depicting children were found on Buie's home computers. It said no images were found on Buie's work computer.

After leaving the FBI, he worked as a criminal investigator for the Idaho attorney general's office for about six years, according to court documents.

According to terms of his sentencing, Buie must turn himself in on July 20 to begin serving his federal prison term.

Phone messages left by the Associated Press late Monday at Buie's Boise residence and on his cell phone weren't immediately returned.


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                                                                                                                                FBI Special Agent in Charge Rob Grant played a key role in the arrest of Gov. Rod Blagojevich. But he's also a Naperville resident who used to live on Joni Hirsch Blackman's cul-de-sac.                                                        
                Brian Hill | Staff Photographer                                                        
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Special Agent in Charge just typical Naperville dad
By Joni Hirsch Blackman | Daily Herald Columnist
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Published: 12/22/2008 12:07 AM

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You've heard about the Naperville woman driving Barack Obama's old car?

Well, move aside. I live on FBI agent Rob Grant's old cul-de-sac.

You may have heard his already famous quote from the Dec. 9 news conference announcing the arrest of Gov. Rod Blagojevich: "If Illinois isn't the most corrupt state in the United States, it's certainly one hell of a competitor."

Though he spoke just a short time at the news conference, his was the line most often quoted - including by Barbara Walters on "The View," although she wrongly attributed it to U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald.

Google that, and you'll get more matches than you'll want to read. It seems virtually everyone who wrote about the news conference quoted Chicago's Special Agent in Charge, Rob Grant.

Well, they call him Robert Grant. But if your daughter and his daughter were best friends from the time they were 2 until some fed moved Grant out of Chicago when the girls were 6, you could call him Rob.

Perhaps you've figured out that if my preschool daughter hung out with Grant's preschool daughter, running back and forth between our houses annoying siblings and ringing doorbells for Popsicles, he lived in Naperville.

And yes, the Grants live in our fair city again, although no longer on the same cul-de-sac where Rob tested whether watering a vegetable garden with beer improves the crops.

Several of the other agents who were instrumental in investigating the governor are also area residents - Supervisory Special Agent Patrick Murphy of Naperville and Special Agent Daniel Cain of Bolingbrook.

Just more people for Napervillians to be proud of. I mean, "American Idol" contestant Gina Glocksen was cool, but Rob, Pat and Dan are in another category - more hero than idol.

They are not the only FBI agents who either live or have lived in our city; Rob is not even the only FBI agent we've known while living here.

Why, I asked him, do so many agents live in Naperville?

The short answer: The same reason the rest of us do. The long answer, "Naperville was originally identified as an 'Agent Ghetto' because it offered tremendous value, good schools, low crime and a nice place to raise a family," Grant said in an e-mail.

Don't worry, he explained, the term 'Agent Ghetto' is more positive than it sounds. The FBI lingo refers to a place "where agents who are transferred from other places gather based upon good recommendations made by people who transferred before them.

"Naperville has always enjoyed an outstanding reputation for quality of life issues and, as a result, agents began to live there and it eventually earned the time-honored distinction of 'Agent Ghetto.'"

Alas, rising housing prices stemmed the flow of young agents into Naperville, he said. Perhaps the housing crash can reverse that trend because, I figure, it's nice to have FBI agents living nearby.

Though it's been 10 years since they left our street for Texas, we still call the house they lived in "the Grants' house."

It's not often you see your old neighbor on TV (unless he's Drew Peterson or a news anchor), and it was with a slight start I realized it was Rob that day, commenting on the Blagojevich investigation.

Not that I hadn't seen him there before in the four years since he returned to Chicago, but this time was, well, you live in Illinois, you know what that news conference was like.

Rob was the guy who called the governor to tell him agents were at his front door, the guy who answered the question "Is this a joke?"

Ah, no. But come to think of it - the men on our close-knit street years ago may have prepared Rob for just such a morning.

A more serious thought about that morning: When I read agents had planned the early morning arrest, in part, with the thought of avoiding the governor's children having to see their dad arrested, I flashed to a mental picture I have of Rob, walking around downtown Naperville when we first met his family, always with a daughter on his shoulders.

I assumed it was Rob and the other dads involved in this case who took the time to consider a child's trauma. I was only partially right.

"All the people involved in this investigation are parents. We are always sensitive to people's personal situations and, when we can control it, we try to never embarrass anyone regardless of their alleged crime," he said.

"Although being a parent does make one sensitive to the views of little people and the standing their parents have, regardless of their alleged crimes, I don't think it has anything to do with being parents as much as it is just a good law enforcement practice."

I tried to get Rob to talk about how much fun this particular investigation must be, after 25-plus long years of toiling, most often, in anonymity. But he said only, in his best FBI-agent prose, "The rewards of this job are in the service you do for your community and your nation, regardless of the specific defendant."

Yeah, right. I mean, I am sure he means what he said, but this had to be a highlight. I remember dozing off during stories he told years ago about old cases.

He did admit that after the high-profile news conference - some said the news conference played big all over the world - he heard from a lot of friends and relatives he hadn't heard from in years, including a federal prosecutor he'd worked with as a brand-new agent that he hadn't talked to in at least 20 years.

Again, with FBI-trained restraint, he said, "Due to the rather extensive media coverage, I have heard from a lot of people."

I appreciated his tendency for understatement a lot more back in the days when my daughter and his seemed to be involved in some hair-raising, mischievous antic or another hourly - or at least daily.

We appreciated him when he joined in the Slip 'n' Slide/wet basketball group one rainy July 4 and when he made scary noises to entertain the kids in the middle of the night on a neighborhood camping trip to Michigan.

But because our times were more about cul-de-sac driveway parties, swim team and backyard golf than resumes, there were a few things we didn't know about our pal Rob.

He started with the FBI more than 25 years ago. That was before computers, cell phones, pagers and the Internet. He started in Memphis, Tenn., "where I and three other new agents shared one rotary dial, hard-wired phone and we were all armed with revolvers (because the FBI didn't have semi-automatic pistols) and nobody had body armor."

From there, he and his wife, Betsy, went to New York, Washington, D.C., Chicago, San Antonio, back to Washington and back to Chicago.

In D.C. last time, Grant was the Chief Inspector of the FBI.

We hope the Grants stay here a long time, which apparently is his intention.

Officially, that sounds like this: "I will remain in Chicago as long as the Director allows me, but I have no personal plans or desire to leave."

But back to the important stuff. What do your two daughters think of their now-somewhat-famous dad?

Not much, he told me.

"My daughters are teenagers ... need I say more?"

Yup, he may be part of a heroic team, but he's still just a typical Naperville dad.

• Joni Hirsch Blackman is a Naperville mom who lives on what's now known as FBI SAC Grant cul-de-sac. Contact her at jonihb@aol.com.

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Obama advisers say plan would create 3.5m jobs in next 2 years
Federal Bureau of Investigation Special Agent Debra Jean Arps, second left, talks about the benefits of working at the FBI at a job fair at Rutgers University on Wednesday. Presdent-elect Barack Obama's advisers estimate his economic plan would create 3.5 million jobs in two years. MEL EVANS/Associated Press
By By PHILIP ELLIOTT, Associated Press Writer
Published: 1/10/2009  11:28 AM
Last Modified: 1/10/2009  11:29 AM

WASHINGTON — Facing growing criticism of his economic recovery plan, President-elect Barack Obama made public Saturday a detailed analysis by his economic advisers that estimates the $775 billion plan of tax cuts and new spending would create 3.5 million jobs over the next two years.

With an eye on Obama having immediate access to bailout money already approved by Congress when he becomes president, his economic team and the Bush administration have discussed having Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson ask lawmakers for access to the $350 billion remaining in the fund.

White House spokeswoman Dana Perino said the administration hasn't decided whether to make such a request, which would be made within the next week. Under the terms of the legislation creating the fund, Congress would have 15 days to reject the request.
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I expect this case to be overturned on appeal. It has more layers of cover-up than a piece of paklava pastry.
Importance of this case lies in:
1. showing the degree of cover-up slime coming out of the parent corporation, the Department of Justice.
2. confirming other data linking FBI agents to collaborating with the Mafia in the assassination of President Kennedy.
3. confirming other data linking FBI agents to collaborating with the Mafia in the assassination of Martin Luther King.
4.see case of FBI agent Lyndley DeVecchio
5.read book Mafia Kingfish by John Davis
6.a complete record of what really transpired is stored in the Akashic Records.

Jan 15, 2009 10:07 am US/Eastern
Ex-FBI Agent Sentenced To 40 Years

An ex-FBI agent convicted in the murder of a Miami gambling executive more than a quarter of century ago has been sentenced to 40 years in prison..

Miami-Dade Circuit Judge Stanford Blake sentenced John Connolly, 68, Thursday after rejecting his attorney's claim that the statute of limitations had expired on Connolly's second-degree murder conviction. Prosecutors argued that the statute didn't apply since a gun was used to kill 45-year old John Callahan.

During Connolly's trial last year, witnesses testified that Connolly provided information to Boston mobsters that led to Callahan's murder by a hit man. Mob bosses feared Callahan would implicate them in another killing.

Connolly is currently serving a 10-year federal prison sentence for his corrupt dealings with Boston's Winter Hill Gang.

Connolly's attorneys say the will appeal the murder conviction.
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Former FBI agent turns in his gun for a clipboard

Tom Cavanagh’s job description sure has changed in the last few months.

His job as a supervisory special agent with the Federal Bureau of Investigation took him to dozens of countries and every U.S. state and major metropolitan area. He’s done work fighting terrorism, political corruption and organized crime. Essentially, he was the guy you see on television in every FBI show.

But now, he’s the basketball coach at Notre Dame Academy, a small, all-girls’ school on Staten Island.

“Now, I need to get the players to hedge a screen, get the kids to read a defense,” Cavanagh said. “That’s my goal.”

Last month, after 34 years, Cavanagh retired from the FBI. He had jobs lined up on Wall Street, but what he really wanted to do was coach basketball. Cavanagh is the co-founder of the Staten Island Rebels AAU program, one of the most successful around, and always anticipated getting a high school job one day.

On a whim, he interviewed with NDA athletic director Helenanne Seaman for her school’s opening. Cavanagh never really thought he would get it, though. But he did drive a hard bargain, Seaman joked.

“There were a bunch of people in dark sunglasses all around him,” she said with a laugh. “And I kept hearing this beeping noise, but I didn’t know where it was coming from.”

Even though Cavanagh didn’t have any high-school coaching experience, he did have plenty of years under his belt with the Rebels. He didn’t exactly have to put a gun to her head.

“We did have a lot of good candidates, but he stood out among them,” Seaman said. … “His amount of experience – that was the difference.”

Notre Dame is having a solid season with Cavanagh at the helm. The Gators are 14-8, including a 5-4 mark in CHSAA Staten Island play. Seaman called it a transition year, since most of the regular players are seeing significant minutes for the first time.

The coach, of course, is pretty adept at dealing with adversity – situations much more dire than breaking a press or cracking a 3-2 zone.

Cavanagh was called into duty on Sept. 11, 2001, the morning of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center. Tower I had already fallen and he was racing toward Tower II when he realized he had left Maglite flashlights in his vehicle. Visibility could have been an issue once he got into the building.

“I turned around and walked a half block near the Deutsche Bank when [Tower II] decided to come down,” Cavanagh said.

Forgetfulness might have saved his life that day, but there isn’t much that gets by him on the basketball court. The Gators players call him “Colonel” for his regimented ways.

“He’s the captain of our troops,” senior point guard Rachel Rusi said. “His mentality is kind of like that. He doesn’t yell, but he’s very organized. He goes over one play for an hour.”

And if they don’t get it, there could be trouble.

“We think he has his gun in his pocket,” Rusi joked.

While structured and meticulous, Cavanagh is an affable guy. He’s not overbearing or militaristic. He does little things well, organizing team breakfasts and instilling camaraderie, Seaman said.

“He knows how to laugh and have fun,” senior guard Teresa Conigliaro said.

Prior to his time with the FBI, Cavanagh, who was most recently assigned to the Washington, D.C. office, spent six years working for the Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS). He majored in political science and minored in criminal law at St. John’s University on Staten Island.

“I loved it,” Cavanagh said of his three decades with the Bureau. “It’s a great, great profession.”

His new one is very rewarding, too. Cavanagh doesn’t tell many FBI stories to his players – “I wish he would,” Rusi said – and he certainly doesn’t bring his firearm with him to games or practices. That’s against school rules, Seaman said with a laugh.

“But sometimes,” Cavanagh joked, “you’d like to bring handcuffs.”
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FBI Director Robert Mueller picture
Caption: FBI Director Robert Mueller The Select Intelligence Committee held a hearing on World Threat Washington DC, USA ....

FBI picture 1747929 FBI picture 1747923
Click for the FBI Gallery

Rapper T.I. will bow out of the spotlight with a special farewell tour as he prepares to serve jail time for illegal weapons possession.
The Live Your Life hitmaker, real name Clifford Harris, Jr., will headline a handful of dates across the U.S. in the coming weeks before he begins his year-long prison stint in March (09).
His sentence relates to his 2007 arrest, in which he was caught trying to buy an arsenal of guns from an undercover FBI agent.
And the hip-hop superstar is determined to go out with a bang - he will be joined by Busta Rhymes and The Way I Are singer Keri Hilson on the 28 February (09) gig in Tampa, Florida, while Young Jeezy, Plies, Rick Ross and Yung L.A. will support him in Detroit, Michigan on 7 March (09).
The Farewell Tour will wrap in Corpus Christi, Texas on 15 March (09).

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